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Jyotirao Phule, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Dr. Eleanor Zelliot and on August 25, 2021, Gail Omvedt – these trailblazer authors from the ‘Ambedkarite literary genre’ may have passed away, but they have left behind a treasure trove of written works documenting and memorialising Dalit reality in India.
Even before this, Bhakti and Sufi saints, from Kabir to Tukaram or sharp political thinkers like Basavannah and Periyar showcased that vibrant side of ‘shraman’ Indian reality that remains elusive in dominant circles.
From Ambedkar’s ‘Annihilation of Caste’ to Suraj Yengde’s ‘Caste Matters’ the writings from this genre have introduced a completely different perspective to the world; much like Marxism and post-modernism did in their time. The expanse of this contribution over periods of history, time, across languages and geographical regions makes this writing stand out from other genres.
In fact, scholars in conversation with SabrangIndia say that this literature is one genre that hosts such writing in almost all Indian languages of India; in which caste denials have a prevalent depiction.
Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) PhD Scholar Somnath Waghmare says Ambedkarite literature is unique for its ability to address the country’s biggest social problem. “It is the only literature (available) to deal with caste. Even Marxist intellectuals don’t do as much as these writers,” he says. Dr Anand Teltumbte, incarcerated falsely in the Bhima-Koregaon case is probably among the rare exceptions.
Presence of Dalit literature in Indian discourse
Tracing Dalit-Ambedkarite literature through the ages, Waghmare cites Phule inspiring writings in Marathi, Ambedkar’s academic works and then after his time, writings of Sumeet Maskar, Kancha Illiah, Sukhdeo Thorat among many others. Over the decades, such academic writings have gained global acceptance and popularity, especially in contemporary times, he said. The translations in English also help make such books accessible to other groups.
Prof. Dilip Mandal, founder of the Centre of Brahmin Studies opines that the works of Phule and Ambedkar have found a new currency and popularity in public sphere and domain. There is a newfound enthusiasm within academics for their life and public achievement. This has political implications as well, he says, as Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Scheduled Castes (SC) are emboldened to claim their own rights.
“The reach of Phule and Ambedkar’s writing has reached a critical mark, but as far as literature and reading goes, there is still a huge gap. It has nothing to do with popularity. Nowadays, people use these works for decorative use. But often, readings are not handled in a systematic manner,” says Mandal. The ex-editor of India Today emphasises the role of academia in ensuring quality reading of such texts. He questions how many colleges actually prescribe Phule as essential reading today.
“Yes, Phule and Ambedkar are popular and they are gaining space but a thorough and systematic reading is not happening because of the lax attitude of universities possibly due to social structure of departments” he says. Nonetheless, he asserts that compared to 20 years ago, there is a better emphasis on such works. He particularly talks about Ambedkar’s writing that made its mark in sociology, philosophy and Hindi literature.
Regarding its inclusion in mainstream media and discourse Waghmare says, “The problem is who dominates these spaces. Nowadays, there is some kind of representation. Maybe because of the access to the internet for the populous majority.”
Why does mainstream media ignore Dalit literature?
In 2001, Communalism Combat, a predecessor and sister publication of SabrangIndia, worked to amplify these voices of the Dalit community. In April of that year, the magazine published excerpts from Ambedkar’s work. The article titled ‘There is no evidence to show that the distinction between Aryans, Dasas and Dasyus was a racial distinction’ acknowledged the dearth of even Ambedkar’s in education. Students of modern history were rarely encouraged to read his theories and worldview. The aforementioned article highlighted how he completely debunked the Aryan theory of race.
Similarly, the following month included excerpts from Aamihi Itihas Ghadavla (We Too Made History) by Meenakshi Moon that documented the history and struggles of women in the early untouchable liberation movement.
Still, as for mainstream media’s support, National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) convener Vimal Thorat says, “It never amplified Ambedkarite literature. Even the so-called secular forces in the country delayed their support.”
Having worked as a Professor at IGNOU, Thorat played a major role in introducing Dalit literature in Indian literature syllabus of second year M.A. students. Her efforts also helped with inclusion of lessons on Savitribai Phule and Ambedkar in school texts. Yet she says the ruling regime is slowly working towards the erasure of this work.
In a 2016 interview, Thorat told SabrangIndia Co-founder and editor Teesta Setalvad, “It is dire that children learn about the struggle of Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule and Ambedkar who worked for the education of all women regardless of caste and religion. Until their writings are not included repeatedly throughout school education, they won’t learn. Children ask me, why are these things not in our coursework?”
“The regime is scared that an awareness will spread among children when they learn about such people. They even fear creative works because it works towards progress. The literature highlights corruption, social inequalities and viewpoints towards women and minority communities,” she says.
Hindi texts especially took a long time to get representation in public spaces. She points out that people at Hindi literature festivals often call the genre a ‘done-and-dusted’ topic about women and minority issues. When in reality, the books talk about a social and political movement that also attacked religion in a sense. Ambedkar inspired people to forego idol worship and visiting temples.
“Literature has a slow effect but it goes a long way. It stays with you. I have seen that during my years at IGNOU. Now all students who read such books understand the issue. It is evident in their answer sheets. So, it is important to have this literature from school to college,” says Thorat.
Since 2014, horrifying incidents of caste-based atrocities are being reported. People are protesting the Hathras case and similar incidents. Dalit literature helps such emotions hit home. Thorat argues that they fight for their rights and speak against the government are the slow effects of consuming such literature.
“It changes the view of all around you. This also helps the community question their own status quo. Even women are demanding rights now,” she says.
In May 2001, Thorat wrote in Communalism Combat about how Dalit women’s issues were being disregarded by their own movement. In the same issue, SabrangIndia Co-Founder and Editor Teesta Setalvad also wrote about triple burden of caste, class and gender for Dalit women.
Around 17 texts of varying Indian languages from the IGNOU course work include Dalit literature. The same is well-received by eager audiences many of whom switch their specialisation to Dalit literature. She particularly praises Maharashtra’s representation in syllabus.
However, in the 2016 interview, she also praised southern states influenced by the Periyar movement.
“Periyar’s thoughts introduced a new narrative away from these backward mindsets. Compare this with northern states with incidents like Babri Masjid attack. Southern states have few such hate crimes. Most praiseworthily, we see that southern regions give 75 percent reservation in coursework. This is a result of Dravidian movement,” she said.
Nonetheless, there was still a dire need for tribal literature to enter mainstream spaces. Similarly, she questioned the space given to women authors whose presence is considered commercially beneficial.
In fact, human rights defender Vidya Rawat says published women writers are often confined to regional literature. Dalit literature is yet to receive national space, he says. Rawat blames identity politics for such nominal representation in the media. He says that while the genre has gained popularity of-late, few Ambedkarite books are published in the northern region.
Regarding the portrayal of the genre he says, “Writers from these communities are often reduced to ‘first-person-experiences’ that too on days like Phule Jayanti where they are asked to recount their own experiences. They rarely get a chance to speak on issues like globalisation, mob lynching. These scholars are isolated and reduced to their narratives. In reality, we need more such voices.”
Aside from academics, Rawat says many grassroot-level activists are also trying to publish their work but struggle to escape the regional space. Even despite the wide popularity in the community, Phule became popular in the last 20 years. As such Rawat stressed the need to not compartmentalise such works that in fact focus on liberation for all.
For example, he talks about Ambedkar’s Mahad satyagraha. Ambedkar led this movement on March 20, 1927 that demanded people’s right to use water from public tanks. “At the time, there were more farmer communities in the region than Bahujan folk. Yet when I visited the place recently, there was no memorial or similar such thing to remember this legacy,” he says.
Recently, Rawat also recited Phule’s teachings to protesting farmers that said priestly classes and capitalists are a dangerous combination. He urged them to read Shetkaryache Asood (Farmer’s Whip) to understand caste issues within farmer communities.
“I worry about how the farmers, despite their commendable struggle, will again disintegrate with their caste distinctions once they return home. Without understanding such writings, the colonial forces at work cannot be defeated. Secular forces must embrace this ideology and give the authors space to voice themselves,” he says.
How have progressive groups contributed?
According to Waghmare, Left parties and similar organisations have contributed more towards disturbing and destroying such writings by not properly acknowledging the same. In the same vein, Thorat said progressive organisations made almost no contributions in the amplification of Dalit literature.
“There are writings in Marathi, Gujarati, Hindi and 17 other languages. But I never felt any state’s groups hailed Dalit literature as it should have been. In fact, they are accused of ‘dalitisation’ of literature,” she says, asking, “Why are they being denied, when they have started writing for themselves?”
Even Mandal criticised Marxist historians for the failure to integrate Dalit literature in mainstream discourse. He points out that until the 1980s, Left parties were quite powerful and worked against Hindu-Muslim, Jinnah and colonial issues. Yet the board philosophical ideas of Dalit thinkers did not become a part of this ‘Gandhian’ perspective.
“Both influential parties at the time, Congress and Communist parties, share responsibility of the lack of presence of Dalit literature in mainstream discourse,” he says.
For all their progressive mindset, he criticised these groups for not giving due importance to people like Phule, who actively worked for widow education.
Meanwhile, Rawat says Left parties fail in simply stating that they don’t believe in the caste system.
“You may not believe, but that doesn’t mean casteism doesn’t exist. The Left also has Brahminical monopoly in its own organisations. They fight capitalism but do not support other initiatives. Still, some groups like the CPI-ML have realised the need to give space to Bahujan communities,” says Rawat.
He cited claims that the Dalit-Left groups will take India forward. But the activist argued that caste identity is always bound to disintegrate any great movement. This is why it is important to carry forward the work of Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar, Bhagat Singh and others. Waghmare also encouraged masses to check online discourse on websites like The Shudra, etc.
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