Academics Cry Halt to Hounding of Kancha Ilaiah by Brahminical Bodies, Police

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May 30, 2016

Photo credit: Hindustan Times

In a statement issued yesterday, 69 academics and activists have expressed their support to writer and Prof Kancha Ilaiah who is under attack from a number of Hindutva organisations and against whom the Hyderabad police recently registered a case for ‘hurting religious sentiments’.

The tendency to resort to police cases in order to stifle any criticism of Hindutva and the regime has assumed menacing proportions, against which we stand firmly with Kancha Ilaiah, the statement noted.

Full text of the statement:

We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the continued harassment, attacks on and intimidation of Prof Kancha Ilaiah at the hands of various Brahmin / brahminical organisations, police and the state administration of Telengana for his political writings and views. We also hold responsible for this intimidatory environment, the Telugu media that reportedly published distorted and misleading reports of Prof Ilaiah’s speech.

While speaking at the Centre of Indian Trade Unions, a wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) on May 14, 2016, at Vijayawada (Amaravathi), Prof. Ilaiah had said: “The Brahmins as a community have not contributed anything to the production process of the Indian nation. Even now their role in the basic human survival based productive activity is not there. On the contrary, they constructed a spiritual theory that repeatedly tells people that production is pollution.”

On the basis of this statement, the Brahmin Associations in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana not only burnt his effigies and issued statements of condemnation, but a mob landed up at his office and personally threatened him, allegedly under the guidance of IV Krishna Rao, chairman of the Andhra Pradesh Brahmin Corporation. Following this, the Saroornagar police in Hyderabad booked a case against Professor Kancha Ilaiah for allegedly hurting Hindu sentiments.

The police was acting on the directions of a district court in Ranga Reddy. Last year, a VHP activist filed a complaint against him for his article in a newspaper, titled ‘Devudu Prajasamya Vaadi Kaada’ (“Is God not a democrat?”) after which the Telangana police filed a case against him under Section 153 (A) and Section 295 (A), bowing to pressure from Hindutva organisations. Prof Ilaiah had to move the courts to get a stay order on criminal proceedings against him for merely writing that article.

Prof Ilaiah’s formidable scholarship includes iconoclastic works such as ‘Why I am not a Hindu’, ‘Post-Hindu-India’, ‘Buffalo Nationalism and Untouchable God’ and numerous other writings radically denouncing the caste system in India. It is deeply disturbing to note that a scholar of international repute who has inspired scholars and activists to look at our own history critically, and who relentlessly challenges dominant orthodoxies in the academia, is being targeted by state agencies acting in tandem with Hindutva organisations.

The intimidation of Prof Kancha Ilaiah should be seen as part of the ongoing process of criminalisation of dissent and suppression of freedom of expression which has received a boost under the current government. In this process, the law has repeatedly been turned into a surrogate for Hindutva politics. It is shocking that the Telangana government too has fallen prey to the majoritarian ambience and that its state institutions are backing Hindutva violence.

The politics of Hindutva, while hurting every living being’s dignity and sentiments, continuously claims to be the perpetual and universal victim. Dalits today cannot speak of the indignities and oppression that they have suffered at the hands of the Hindus – even that has become a matter of ‘hurt sentiments’ of dominant groups and castes.

We demand that this intimidation should be stopped and that the police should immediately withdraw police cases against Prof Ilaiah.

Signatories:
1. Peter Ronald deSouza, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Dr S Radhakrishnan chair of the Rajya Sabha
2. Uma Chakravarti, feminist scholar and historian
3. Tanika Sarkar, retired professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
4. Sumit Sarkar, retired professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
5. Partha Chatterjee, professsor, Columbia University and former director, CSSS Calcutta
6. Prabhat Patnaik, professor emeritus, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
7. Shivaji Panikkar, professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi
8. Nivedita Menon, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
9. Janaki Nair, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru Unversity
10. Utsa Patnaik, professor Emeritus , Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
11. Apoorvanand, professor, Delhi University
12. Satish Deshpande, professor, Delhi Unversity
13. J.Devika, professor, Centre for Development Studies, Trivanddrum
14. Prathama Banerjee, associate professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi
15. Kalpana Kannabiran, professor and director, Council for Social Development, Hyderabad
16. Ayesha Kidwai , Professor , Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
17. Mary John, professsor, Centre for Women’s Development Studies
18. Ankita Pandey, asstt professor,Indraprastha College, Delhi University
19. Subhash Gatade, New Socialist Initiative
20. Shabnam Hashmi, ANHAD
21. Abha Dev Habib, professor, Miranda house, Delhi University
22. Asad Zaidi publisher, Three Essays Collective
23. Charu Gupta, professor, University of Delhi
24. Anubhuti Maurya , asstt professor, Delhi University.
25. Dilip Menon, director, Centre for Indian Studies in Africa, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg
26. Nalini Taneja, professor, University of Delhi
27. Pravin Kumar, asstt professor, Satyawati College, Delhi University
28. Jayati Ghosh, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
29. Arunima G, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
30. Harish Wankhede, asstt professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi
31. Chirashree Dasgupta, associate Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
32. C.P. Chandrasekhar, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi
33. Surajit Mazumdar , professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi
34. Rohit Azad, asstt professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
35. Surajit Das, asstt professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
36. Manisha Sethi, Jamia Teachers’ Solidarity Association, NewDelhi.
37. Mona Das, asstt professor, Delhi University
38. Rachna Singh, asstt professor, Hindu College, Delhi University
39. Mahesh Gopalan, asstt professor, St Stephens College, Delhi University.
40. Parth Pratim Shil, asstt professor, Delhi University.
41. Ena Panda , asstt professor, Delhi University.
42. Atul Sood, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi.
43. Navsharan Singh, researcher and activist, New Delhi
44. Kavita Srivastav , People Union for Civil Liberties.
45. Wrick Mitra, assistant professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
46. Rohit Negi, assistant professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
47. Shuddhabrata Sengupta, artist and independent writer
48. Anshumita Pandey, assistant professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
49. K Velentina, assistant professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
50. Aditya Nigam, professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi
51. Mamatha Karollil, Assistant Professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
52. Sunalini Kumar, asst professor, University of Delhi
53. Shifa Haq, assistant professor, Ambedkar University , Delhi
54. Rachana Johri, associate professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi
55. Arindam Banerjee, associate professor,Ambedkar University, Delhi
56. Anita Ghai, professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi
57. Sumangala Damodaran, professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi.
58. Dhiraj Kumar Nite, asstt professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi
59. Tanuja Kothiyal, professor, Ambedkar University, Delhi
60. Janaki Srinivasan, asst professor,Punjab University
61. Achin Vanaik, retired professor, University of Delhi
62. Pamela Philipose, senior journalist
63. Anil Chaudhary, PEACE
64. Shipra Nigam, researcher, New Delhi
65. Udaya Kumar, professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
66. Rohini Hensman, writer and independent scholar
67. Nandini Sundar, professor, University of Delhi
68. Anupama Potluri, University of Hyderabad
69. Narendra Subramanian, professor, McGill University, Montreal

Petlad, Gujarat: Communal Violence Breaks Out

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May 29, 2016

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Two days after peace prevailed in communally disturbed Petlad, the police disturb the atmosphere.

Under the pretext of an investigation, muslim accused were reportedly severely beaten and made to walk bare footed in the scorching heat.

Petlad|Anand|Gujarat

The police allegedly paraded Muslim boys in the scorching heat and under the guise of an investigation, resorted to beating them publicly. This incident occurred two days after the communal violence which had plagued Anand, subsided. This violation of human rights has angered many people and has led to an atmosphere of tension enveloping the town with the market shutting down. Community leaders appealed to the DSP and demanded the immediate suspension or transfer of PI Vaghela.

According to reports, the incident began with a verbal quarrel about a traffic incident, overtaking by a tractor, which turned into a stone pelting incident between the two communities. Subsequently, several frightened people from the city had left their homes and fled the town. Due to this incident, and the difficulties which citizens would face, the police force was requested to maintain law and order, maintain unity between communities and avoid targeting innocent citizens. According to local citizens, Bagdadbhai Pathan and two others were arrested by PI Vaghela. The reports suggest that the three were targeted only because they were muslims and Bagdadbhai Pathan, an elderly man, along with others were taken to Muslim areas of the town and beaten up. Bagdadbhai Pathan was taken near his house and was made to sit on the hot road and was tortured in the scorching heat. Due to this, people were provoked and it resulted in a light stone pelting incident. After this tension, several shops were shut down and people ran amuck.

According to Local municipal councilor Fahimabanu Malek, PI Hardevsingh Vaghela attempted to vitiate the peaceful atmosphere of the town. On informing him of human rights violation at his hand, he replied dismissively, saying “do whatever you want to do”.

According to a local, Sabirmiya Malek Vaghela has had an anti-Muslim mentality right from the start of his tenure in Petlad. The DSP, Saurabhsingh said that the accused were taken to their area as part of the investigation and not in an effort to publicly shame them and create communal tensions. Today, the DSP had discussions with leaders from Ahmedabad, including those from the Peace Committee and now peace has prevailed in the town.

(This report is based on reporting by daily, Gujarat Today)

Two Sides of the Same Coin: Islamists & Practioners of Hindutva Share a Worldview of Wife Beating

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May 29, 2016

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Every theocratic state needs religious boosters to survive as a totalitarian state. It can be seen regularly happening in Pakistan. It came into being on August 14, 1947 as an Islamic State but the first formal dictator General Ayub Khan (1958-69) realised that Pakistan needed a booster dose of Islamism so many of the democratic rights of women and minorities, both religious and linguistic, were curtailed.

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the worst dictator (1978-88) declared that Pakistan, already an Islamic state, would be governed under 'Nizam-e-Mustafa' (Rule of the Prophet). Though fond of 'nautch' he introduced high octane Islamic laws making life in Pakistan a living hell for women and traditional minorities like Christians, Hindus, Shias and Ahmedyas.

Interestingly, the dreaded Blasphemy Laws followed by Zia were introduced by a so called democratically elected ruler, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1971-77). Bhutto introduced the Hudood Laws that, in the eyes of the law and state, turned women and minorities into sub-human beings. Democratically elected ruler Benazir Bhutto (1988–90 and 1993–96) also adhered to Islamism and continued giving booster dozes of Islam to the Pakistani state. In a framework of an Islamic theocratic state they all played their pre-destined role.

This process is still on as a natural corollary of the formation of a theocratic state in Pakistan. The latest booster dose of Islamism is in the form of a demand by an official religious agency that articulates that Muslim males should be allowed to thrash their wives.

This outrageous demand has appeared in a document titled, ironically as the 'Women Protection Bill'. According to a recent press report, "The Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) has proposed its own Women Protection Bill, recommending ‘a light beating’ for the wife if she defies her husband.

The council has proposed that a husband should be allowed to ‘lightly’ beat his wife if she defies his commands and refuses to dress up as per his desires, turns down the demand of intercourse without any religious excuse or does not take bath after intercourse or menstrual periods. It further suggests that beating is also permissible if a woman does not observe Hijab, interacts with strangers, speaks loud enough that she can easily be heard by strangers and provides monetary support to the people without taking consent of her spouse".[i]

You are grossly mistaken if you believe that it is happening in Pakistan, a theocratic state, alone. Organisations wedded to the Hindutva worldview, working zealously to convert India into a Hindu theocratic state have been supporting bashing of Hindu women, albeit in a more subtle and organised manner.

The largest organization in the world to circulate literature on the Hindu way of life has these popular title both in English and Hindi namely 'How to lead a Household Life' and 'Grahsth Mein Kaise Rahen' by Swami Ramsukhdas. This book is in a question-answer format and is a kind of Guide Book for to imbibe and practice the Hindu way of life.

A question is posed: “What should the wife do if her husband beats her and troubles her?”[ii] Swami Ramsukhdas offers the following sagely advice to the battered wife and her parents: "The wife should think that she is paying her debt of her previous life and thus her sins are being destroyed and she is becoming pure. When her parents come to know this, they can take her to their own house because they have not given their daughter to face this sort of bad behaviour."[iii]

And if her parents do not take her to their house, learned Swamiji’s pious advice is: "Under such circumstances…she should reap the fruit of her past actions. She should patiently bear the beatings of her husband with patience. By bearing them she will be free from her sins and it is possible that her husband may start loving her."[iv]

This book came out in 1990 and so far has had 50 editions both in Hindi and English with 1.2 million copies circulated. Interestingly, it is the most popular title with non-resident Indians (NRIs). The publishers of this book has more than 10 other titles on Women and these books are sold from hundreds of outlets including 110 railway stations where the Geeta Press has been provided stalls free of charge by the central government. The allotments were first allowed by Kamlapati Tripathi in 1970s when he was railway minister for many years in Indira Gandhi cabinet. Such books are also available at RSS run book stalls.

The Hindutva fraternity, functioning within the largest democracy in the world, is thus, far ahead in propagating wife beating in comparison to the Islamists in Pakistan.

Islamists and practitioners of Hindutva may appear to be indulging all kinds of rhetoric against each other but fact is that they together remain committed to a rare commonality of interests as far the status and treatment of their own women are concerned. Both seem to have studied, and propagate an anti-woman worldview. And this, as far as Indian is concerned, within an egalitarian polity that ‘allows’ such demeaning ‘Guides’ for women.

(The writer is an academician and can be followed on @shamsforjustice)

References:
[i]Wife=Beating:This 'women Protection Bill' also contains many other brazenly sadist demands against women.
[ii] Ramsukhdass, Swami, How to Lead a Household Life, Gita Press, Gorakhpur, 2001, p. 43.
[iii]Ibid.
[iv]Ibid.

Trupti Shah: A Remembrance

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May 28, 2016

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The women’s movement, the environmental cause, the struggle for justice has lost a voice that never flinched from standing up for victims of exploitation, injustice and violence. Trupti Shah (54) left us on May 26, 2016 in Vadodara after a valiant battle against lung cancer.

Trupti, an economist by training, centered her lifelong activism primarily on women’s issues, constantly drawing its intersections with development, environment, communal strife, caste, labour and human rights issues.
With parents, Thakorbhai Shah, a known labour union leader and mother Suryakanta Shah, active in public life, Trupti was drawn into people’s struggles very early in her life.

Trupti always attributed her initiation into activism to her parents. In her own words, “I inherited the spirit, ‘not to tolerate any injustice’ from my father who left his career as journalist and Gandhian ideology to fight against injustice and became a Marxist-Trotskyist and Trade unionist. Along with him and other younger comrades from the Communist League, a Trotskyist group, I witnessed or participated in most of the major movements that emerged in Gujarat in the 1970s. My involvement in the women’s movement has its roots in these experiences.’’

Her first experience of people’s movement was in 1973 when she was just 11-years old. She, with five other girls was detained in the state home of children for three days for participating with the elders in the anti-price rise movement that started in Vadodara to protest Rs. 1 hike in milk prices. She was soon to actively participate in the ensuing Nav Nirman Andolan and anti-Emergency movement. A product of Maharaja Sayajirao University’s distinctive academic atmosphere from her kindergarten studies, Trupti was to plunge into the women’s movement from her student days. And that turned into her lifelong passion.

As a young 18 year old, unlike most other Gujarati youth, she became active in the Communist League (CL), the Indian section of the Fourth International, which supported autonomous women’s movement world over. Dr. Vibhuti Patel, one of the leading activists of the Communist League was to mentor Trupti’s initiation in the autonomous women’s movement. Dr. Neera Desai, a renowned sociologist and feminist, too was a major influence on Trupti’s young mind and her work for women’s rights.

When the nationwide movement for reopening the Mathura Rape Case seeking amendments in legal provisions related to rape was started, Trupti was a part of the forum, Narishoshan Virodhi Samiti(Committee to Resist Exploitation against Women) to be initiated in Vadodara. Disenchanted with the apathy of women political leaders towards gender based violence, she participated as perhaps the youngest delegate in the first conference of Autonomous Women’s Movement organised in Bombay in 1980. The proceedings sharpened the need in her to start something afresh in Vadodara for women’s rights. And so she resolved: ‘there is a need to have an autonomous women’s organisation in Baroda which will uphold the interest of women above all other issues and political affiliation.’ And the rest of her life became a persistent effort towards building such an organisation.

An effort of several years and like-minded friends resulted in Sahiyar (Stree Sangathan) an initiative led by the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda students in 1984. The overriding consciousness resulted in an organisation by women and for women with the long term aim to work towards a society free from inequality, injustice and atrocity – a society where women enjoy equal status and recognition as human beings. Resisting communal forces and fundamentalists of all hues, in striving to uphold the principles of equality and non-discrimination, soon became central to all Sahiyar’s initiatives.
Sahiyar (Stree Sangathan) is a feminist group in Vadodara. She was one of its founder members. Sahiyar (Stree Sangathan) works for women’s rights and strives to create awareness among society on women’s issues. She was involved in awareness programmes like street theatre, organising workshops, training, participatory research and publication on behalf of the organisation. She was also involved in counseling of adolescent girls and women and providing legal support to them.

Her concerns were not limited to only women’s issues. She brought gender perspective to other public concerns such as environment, civil liberties, human rights, anti-communalism and all just causes.
She was involved with several social / voluntary organisations since her student days and undertook community work and social awareness work through these organisations.
One such organization being Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti (PSS), an organisation working on the issues related to environmental rights and awareness. As also a part of PSS, Trupti brought in her impeccable research and analytical skills and her understanding of human environment in identifying and studying the rampant environmental degradation and displacement of adivasis in the name of development for land grabbing and privatization.

The concerns highlighted by her have found their expression in the changing environment over time, which only goes to showcase the depth of her understanding. Her thorough approach and holistic understanding of environmental issues, helped in preparation for legal action, an important aspect of her action-oriented approach.

She was also involved with People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), as well as the Radical Socialist.

Trupti brought her expertise and sensitivities of women’s rights to other struggles and every major social upheaval that she responded to – during the anti-Narmada dam agitation, the anti-nuclear protests at Mithivirdi area, the fight against industrial pollution in Gujarat, the 2002 Gujarat Carnage, the various government undertaken slum demolition drives, and raised environmental concerns in Gujarat from time to time including in respect of the Statue of Unity project, Garudeshwar Weir project and the recent Vishwamitri Riverfront Development project, flagging the environmental violations, livelihood issue and damage being caused by the projects.

Her academic association with MSU continued simultaneously; in various capacities – as a researcher, teacher, and as academic coordinator with the Women's Studies Research Center and later in the faculty of commerce and faculty of social work as well.

She infused her academic expertise in her activism, translating it into action-oriented work at the grassroot level. Whether she was involved in preparing training manuals for NGOs, reviewing exercises, conducting training programmes, community programmes, she combined her academic brilliance with radical activism. She constantly flagged concerns and violations of all kinds with a rare passion.

She earned her Ph.D. for her thesis, “Economic Status of Women in Urban Informal Sector – A study of Baroda City” from MSU in 2000.

She continued to write extensively, with her unwavering faith in the collective women’s movement. She took great satisfaction in the four part: ‘Nari Andolanno Itihas’ (History of Women’s Movement), a series of books on the History of women’s movement in 4 parts in Gujarati, Published by UNNATI and Sahiyar (Stree Sangathan), (2011).

During her last days, she was most concerned about the violations in the Vishwamitri Riverfront Development Project case, especially related to the river’s bio-diversity, environmental degradation, loss of livelihoods. Her concern to her last breath: behno na adhikar ni vaat loko nathi sambhadta….nadi, Paryavaran ni vaat loko samjhe to saru-People are apathetic to women’s rights….it would be good if they understand the issue of river, environment.

She is survived by her fellow comrade, activist, friend and companion, Rohit Prajapati, who has been her partner in her efforts and pillar of support, and her son, Manav, amongst other family and friends.

Sahiyar (Stree Sangathan)
Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti (PSS)

Four Months Down, Appa Rao’s Rule by Force Continues, Demolishes Protest Tent Last Night

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May 28, 2016

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Suspended VC Appa Rao continues in all manners possible to stifle dissent on the Hyderabad University Campus and he has has 'advised' students to remove the iconic Veliwada by today

It has been more than 4 months since Rohith’s institutional murder and still he, his family, students of UoH and the larger Dalit community await justice.

Once Suspended VC, Appa Rao Podile has been reinstated as the VC since March 22 and the University of Hyderabad resembles a military camp, since. Even though the students passed an official mandate in the UGM against the entry of Appa Rao Podile as the VC, the Students’ Union and several faculty members protested the Academic council meeting held by Appa Rao Podile, these continuous, ongoing everyday protests against Appa Rao Podile and other culprits have yielded no response from the authorities.

Rohith’s mother, professors, media, activists, lawyers and students from outside continue to be barred from entering the campus.

The University of Hyderanad (UOH) UoH administration and Apparao have shamelessly utilised the opportunity of the ongoing vacation period in campus to suppress the protests. They have unleashed their attack in two ways:

1. The students are being forcefully and unjustly evicted from their hostels (even the students who will come back next semester and the ones who have to stay back for preparations of various entrance exams). The attack is particularly vicious against students from dalit and marginalised section who require the university facilities more than others.
The coaching for UPSC exams has been denied to SC/ST students by Appa Rao Podile-led University administration.
False criminal cases against students by the University following the March 22 protests compel students to report to the police station every week. Even these students are being forcefully evicted and targeted by the administration.

2. The University has given out an order from Appa Rao Podile stating that the students are “advised” to remove the ‘unauthorized’ tents and structures from the shopping complex within 48 hours.
This order by the VC is basically a threat to the students to remove the Velivada and the Rohith stupa that are the reminders of the murder committed by this University. The administration has already gone ahead and evicted the students and washed off all the graffiti and posters put up by students over the months in the name of maintenance and renovation. They want to erase from the minds of the students and the University any memory of Rohith, his ideas and this struggle for justice for Rohith that has exposed how the casteist order along with the backing of BJP-led Central Government and institutional nexus operates.

If Appa Rao Podile-led University administration feels that they have no role to play in Rohith’s death then why are they afraid of the posters bearing his name and face, of the Velivada where he slept for 15 days because of the ‘punishment’ ordained by Appa Rao Podile and the Executive Council Sub-Committee? Why are they scared of his stupa that stands as a symbol of struggle and courage for other students who envisage a society free from the disease of caste system? Their threat to remove the Velivada is an evidence of their fear and guilt.

After the Tsunduru massacre, the Velivada that lies in the outskirts of the village as a marker of the caste violence of our society became the symbolic centre of the resistance. The struggle for Tsunduru made sure that the memory of their dead will never be forgotten and the memorials/ graves are in the center of the village.

Similarly the Velivada to which Appa Rao Podile and others had outcasted Rohith into will stand proud right in the center of the university as a reminder to all these culprits and the society in our struggle for social justice.

As a mark of protest and response to this adminsitration and Apparao, the stooges to the casteist and fascist BJP the JAC UoH organised a protest gathering where the copies of the order were burnt, as Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the manusmriti, we burnt the copies of the threat order by Appa Rao Podile.

The ‘Solidarity and Struggle Committee for Justice for Rohith Vemula’ formed in the Hyderabad city following the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula, conducted Round Table Meetings in the districts of Khammam, Mehbubnagar, Nalgonda and Ranga Reddy. The committee organized a Dharna at Collector’s office in Mehbubnagar district on May 19 and gave a representation to Telangana Government to work on the assurances that KCR gave in Telangana assembly. Dharnas for #JusticeforRohith will be organised in every district in Telangana until our voices are heard.

Students have demanded the immediate arrest of the five culprits booked under the SC/ST Atrocities Act and Abetment of Suicide. They have also demanded the introduction and implementation of Rohith Act that provides legislative protection to students from marginalized sections in all educational institutes.

(This report is based on a press release by the Joint Action Committee for Social Justice)

Photos of the Resistance:

लातेहर हत्याकांडः भीड़-तंत्र के साथ पुलिसिया तालमेल

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May 28, 2016

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झारखंड में लातेहर जिले के बालूमाथ गांव में 18-19 मार्च को दो युवकों की हत्या करके पेड़ पर लटका दिया गया था। इस मामले में एनसीएम यानी राष्ट्रीय अल्पसंख्यक आयोग की जांच और रिपोर्ट में जो संकेत सामने आए हैं, वह राज्य की पुलिस और वहां के राजनीतिकों को कठघरे में खड़ा करते हैं। आखिर किन वजहों से गौरक्षा समिति जैसे संगठनों ने कानून को अपने हाथ में लिया और पुलिस और राजनीतिक पार्टियां उन्हें रोकने में नाकाम रहीं…!

उस बर्बर हत्याकांड के बाद लातेहर गई एनसीएम की टीम रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक झारखंड पुलिस के कई हिस्सों के व्यापक सांप्रदायीकरण और मुसलमानों के खिलाफ स्थानीय पुलिस का आमतौर पर 'पाकिस्तान जाओ' जैसी बातों के साथ पेश आना बताता है कि राज्य की पुलिस का व्यापक पैमाने पर सांप्रदायीकरण हुआ है।

टीम की एक सदस्य फरीदा अब्दुल्ला खान ने सबरंग इंडिया को बताया कि कुछ पुलिस वाले लोगों को फंसा रहे हैं और स्थानीय मुसलमानों के बीच उनके खिलाफ काफी गुस्सा है। लेकिन ज्यादा जरूरी बात यह है कि यह एक सांप्रदायिक मुद्दा है, जिसे सुनियोजित तौर पर अंजाम दिया जा रहा है। गौरक्षा समितियों की ओर से लगातार राजनीतिकों को यह संदेश दिया जा रहा था कि इस तरह की हिंसा रुकने नहीं जा रही है।

गौरतलब है कि बालूमाथ की घटना में जिस तरह बारह साल के इम्तियाज खान और बत्तीस वर्षीय मजलूम अंसारी को सिर्फ इसलिए कथित तौर पर पशुओं की सुरक्षा करने वाले गिरोहों ने पीट-पीट कर मार डाला, फिर पेड़ पर फांसी की तरह लटका दिया कि वे आठ भैंस को लेकर बेचने बाजार में जा रहे थे। जिस बर्बरता से उन्हें मारा गया, उसने दादरी में अख़लाक के घर पर हमला और उसकी हत्या की घटना की याद ताजा कर दी।

यों भी, जब से एनडीए-2 सत्ता में आई है, भीड़-तंत्र के राज का खेल चल रहा है। देश के कई इलाकों से इस तरह गाय बचाने के नाम पर भीड़ के हाथों मार डाले जाने की घटनाएं सामने आ रही हैं।

लातेहर में दो युवकों की बर्बर हत्या की घटना के दो महीने के बाद एनसीएम ने अपनी जांच रिपोर्ट में पुलिस के सांप्रदायीकरण से संबंधित जो तथ्य सामने रखे हैं, वे बेहद चिंताजनक हैं। एनसीएम ने इलाके में सांप्रदायिक तनाव फैलने के लिए राज्य पुलिस की भूमिका पर सवाल उठाए हैं। टीम के जांच दल के सदस्यों फरीदा अब्दुल्ला खान और प्रवीण दावर के मुताबिक इस घटना के पहले भी उस इलाके में गाय की रक्षा का दावा करने वाले गिरोहों के खिलाफ शिकायत के बावजूद स्थानीय पुलिस ने इस मामले में अनदेखी की। हालांकि बाद में गौरक्षा समिति से जुड़े पांच लोगों को गिरफ्तार किया गया।

वहां एक हिंदू भविष्यद्रष्टा के तौर पर प्रचारित व्यक्ति भी गऊ रक्षा समूह से जुड़ा हुआ है और उस पर मुसलिम पशु व्यापारियों के खिलाफ नफरत फैलाने और अपने शिष्यों को उन्हें मार डालने तक का निर्देश देने के आरोप हैं। इसी क्रम में दो की हत्या कर दी गई। मानवाधिकार संगठनों के कार्यकर्ताओं ने उसके और बजरंग दल के साथ मिलीभगत होने की भी जानकारी होने की बात कही है।

एनसीएम की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक उस हत्या के बाद विरोध जताने वालों ने जब पुलिस केस दर्ज कराना चाहा तो पुलिस उनके साथ शर्मनाक और सांप्रदायिक तरीके से पेश आई। रिपोर्ट यह भी कहती है कि उस इलाके में गौरक्षा समिति का उभार एक नई घटना है।

रिपोर्ट में बताया गया है कि देश भर में गऊ रक्षा समितियों का संरक्षण दरअसल हिंदुत्व समूह करते हैं और खासतौर पर भाजपा शासित राज्यों में उन्हें अपनी मनमानी करने की पूरी छूट है। रिपोर्ट में इस बात की सिफारिश की गई है कि इस मामले की जांच सीबीआई से कराई जाए, ताकि पीड़ित के परिवारों को जल्दी इंसाफ मिल सके, उन्हें साढ़े तीन-तीन लाख रुपए का मुआवजा भी दिया जाए।

दरअसल, जब से भाजपा सत्ता में आई है, तब से हिंदू समूहों का मनोबल बढ़ गया है। जबकि इसके पहले की सरकारों में उसके लिए स्थितियां इतनी सहज नहीं रही है। पिछले दो सालों के दौरान भाजपा शासित राज्यों में लगातार सांप्रदायिक ध्रुवीकरण बढ़ता जा रहा है। यहां तक कि भाजपा के कुछ खास सांसदों ने बेहिचक अल्पसंख्यकों के खिलाफ नफरत से भरे बयान दिए…!

लातेहर हत्याकांड के संबंध में सिफारिशें
1- पीड़ित के परिवारों को तुरंत पर्याप्त मुआवजा।
2- दोषियों को सजा दिलाने के लिए हर संभव कोशिश करें।
3- गौ रक्षक समितियों पर निगरानी रखने के लिए तुरंत कदम उठाया जाए और जो लोग सांप्रदायिक तनाव पैदा करते हैं और हिंसक समूहों को बढ़ावा देते हैं या कानून अपने हाथ में लेते हैं, उनके खिलाफ कार्रवाई की जाए।
4- मुसलिम समुदाय से जुड़े लोगों को शारीरिक सुरक्षा और जीवन की जरूरतों के मद्देनजर सुनिश्चित की जाए।
5- अठारह मार्च की घटना की गहराई से जांच कराई जाए।
6- चंदवा थाना के दारोगा के खिलाफ कड़ी कार्रवाई की जानी चाहिए।

आरएसएस-भाजपा: आंबेडकर से अनुराग का पाखंड

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May 28, 2016

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Image Courtesy: Indian Express Home Page Image:Indipulse

सन 2015 के नवंबर महीने में अपने ब्रिटेन दौरे के दौरान जब लंदन स्थित आंबेडकर हाउस का उद्घाटन नरेंद्र मोदी के हाथों के होने की खबर आई तो वहां के सबसे बड़े दलित संगठन 'कास्ट वाच यूके' के अलावा दूसरे दलित संगठनों ने भी सख्त आपत्ति जताई। 'कास्ट वाच यूके' ने अपने एक बयान में कहा कि भारतीय प्रधानमंत्री जिस तरह आंबेडकर की स्मृतियों को अपने राजनीतिक औजार की तरह इस्तेमाल कर रहे हैं, वह घिनौना है और उन दलितों को भ्रमित करने की कोशिश है जो आज भारत में अपने मानवाधिकारों के लिए जंग लड़ रहे हैं और ब्रिटेन में भी बराबरी के लिए अपनी मांग को सशक्त तरीके से दर्ज कर रहे हैं।

यह बयान अपने आप में यह बताने के लिए काफी है कि अभी भी बाबा साहेब आंबेडकर के दर्शन से खौफ खाने वाली और वास्तव में उसे अपना सबसे बड़ा दुश्मन मानने वाली आरएसएस-भाजपा के लिए आज आंबेडकर क्यों प्रिय होते दिख रहे हैं। यहां 'दिख रहे हैं' का इस्तेमाल जानबूझ कर किया गया है, क्योंकि 'दिखने' और 'होने' में कई बार बड़ा फासला होता है। ब्रिटेन में आंबेडकर हाउस का उद्घाटन करने से पहले महाराष्ट्र में भाजपा की सरकार बनने के बाद वहां आंबेडकर स्मृति स्थल निर्माण की प्रक्रिया शुरू हुई। लेकिन भाजपा को कुछ समय पहले ही यह अंदाजा हो गया था कि आने वाले दौर की सामाजिक राजनीति की दिशा कैसे तय होगी। इसलिए लोकसभा चुनावों के पहले से ही खालिस ब्राह्मणवादी राजनीति करने की अभ्यस्त आरएसएस और उसके सहयोगी संगठनों की जमीनी गतिविधियों में आंबेडकर, ज्योतिबा फुले आदि दलित प्रतीक शख्सियतों की तस्वीरें आ गई थीं। खासतौर पर आंबेडकर का नाम भाजपा ने ऐसे ढोना शुरू किया गोया कि वह अपने गोलवलकर के दर्शन से हार गई हो।

लेकिन सच यह नहीं था। पिछले दो-तीन दशकों के दौरान हुई राजनीतिक उठा-पटक ने एक तरह से अगले कुछ दशकों की राजनीति की दिशा कर दी है। यों चेतना और जागरूकता की दिशा तो जाति से मुक्त व्यवस्था की ओर होनी चाहिए, लेकिन फिलहाल जितना भी हुआ है, उसमें ऐतिहासिक तौर पर नाइंसाफी के शिकार सामाजिक तबकों ने अपने लिए न्याय की मांग करनी शुरू कर दी और इसे अपने हक की तरह देखा। यही आवाज आज दलित-वंचित तबके की ओर से लगातार उठते हुए राजनीति और समाज-व्यवस्था के सामने एक जबर्दस्त दखल बन चुकी है। अब चाह कर भी कोई राजनीतिक दल या समूह ऐतिहासिक रूप से सामाजिक वर्चस्व बनाए रखने वाले समूहों-जातियों की खुली पैरोकारी नहीं कर सकता है।

बल्कि कायदे से कहें तो आंबेडकर अपने विचार और अपने समग्र प्रतीक के रूप में जिस समाज और व्यवस्था की पैरोकारी करते हैं, उसके लिए आंदोलन करते हैं, वह आरएसएस के सपनों के समाज के बरक्स है, खिलाफ है, बराबरी और सम्मान पर आधारित एक नई दुनिया की योजना है।

यही वजह है कि दलित-वंचित जातियों के लगातार बढ़ते एसर्शन और इस वर्ग की राजनीतिक उपयोगिता को देखते हुए इसे 'कोऑप्ट' करने या खुद में समा लेने की जो होड़ चली, उसमें आरएसएस और भाजपा ने प्रतीकों का सबसे ज्यादा और निर्लज्जता से इस्तेमाल किया है। आंबेडकर को अपने एक आदर्श-पुरुष के रूप में प्रचारित करने के पीछे मकसद सिर्फ दलित-वंचित तबकों को अपने मत-समूह के रूप में आकर्षित करना है। दरअसल, पिछले तीन-चार दशकों के दौरान इन वर्गों के बीच कई वजहों से हुए सामाजिक सशक्तीकरण ने इनकी चेतना को भी सशक्त किया है और अब वे अपने लिए कोई मेहरबानी नहीं, अधिकार मांग रहे हैं।

भारत का समाज यों भी प्रतीकों में जीने वाला, प्रतीकों से ताकत हासिल करने वाला समाज रहा है। अब चूंकि ये प्रतीक राजनीतिक अर्थों में अपनी अहमियत स्थापित करने और सत्ता में भागीदारी के लिए अहम औजार या संघर्ष के हथियार के तौर पर उपयोग हो रहे हैं, इसलिए आरएसएस-भाजपा ने भी इन प्रतीकों को अपनी राजनीति में शामिल कर लिया है। वरना आंबेडकर के रूप में जिस प्रतीक को वह आज अपनी राजनीति के लिए इस्तेमाल करना चाह रही है या कर रही है, वही आंबेडकर आरएसएस की राजनीति के प्रस्थान-बिंदु के सबसे खिलाफ हैं। बल्कि कायदे से कहें तो आंबेडकर अपने विचार और अपने समग्र प्रतीक के रूप में जिस समाज और व्यवस्था की पैरोकारी करते हैं, उसके लिए आंदोलन करते हैं, वह आरएसएस के सपनों के समाज के बरक्स है, खिलाफ है, बराबरी और सम्मान पर आधारित एक नई दुनिया की योजना है।

हम सिर्फ कल्पना कर सकते हैं कि आंबेडकर ने जब ब्राह्मण-धर्म से पूरी तरह मुक्ति की बात की, तब आरएसएस के दिल पर क्या गुजरी होगी! लेकिन जिस आरएसएस के लिए ब्राह्मण-धर्म का पुनरोत्थान और उसकी स्थापना आज भी मूल मकसद है, उसके राजनीतिक मोर्चे पर आंबेडकर को खड़ा किया गया है। क्या यह समझना इतना मुश्किल है कि हिंदू कहे जाने वाले ब्राह्मण-धर्म के तहत जीने-मरने वाले समाज के जिस हिस्से यानी दलित-पिछड़ी जातियों पर उसे फिर से कब्जा चाहिए तो उसके लिए आंबेडकर से बेहतर 'राजनीतिक हथियार' और कुछ नहीं हो सकता? मगर दिलचस्प यह है कि आंबेडकर का झंडा आगे करने के बावजूद आरएसएस ने अब तक शायद यह कहीं और कभी नहीं कहा कि हम हिंदुत्व के ढांचे से ब्राह्मणों का वर्चस्व खत्म करेंगे, फिर जाति-व्यवस्था का जड़-मूल से नाश करेंगे। और अगर जाति-व्यवस्था को बनाए रखते हुए या इसे मजबूत करते हुए आरएसएस-भाजपा आंबेडकर को अपने हथियार के तौर पर इस्तेमाल कर दलित-पिछड़ी जातियों को अपनी ओर लुभाने की कोशिश कर रही है तो वह एक बार फिर किस सामाजिक व्यवस्था की दीवारों और जंजीरों को मजबूत करने की फिराक में है?

यों राजनीतिक और स्वाभाविक रूप से आंबेडकर के प्रतीक और विचार से आरएसएस-भाजपा की सीधे-सीधे दुश्मनी बनी रहनी चाहिए। मुख्य वजह है आंबेडकर के स्थायी विचार। हिंदुत्व के बारे में अपने वक्तव्य 'जाति का उन्मूलन' में आंबेडकर कहते हैं- "हमें यह मानना होगा कि हिंदू समाज एक मिथक है। 'हिंदू' नाम ही विदेशी है। मुसलमानों ने यहां के निवासियों से अपनी अलग पहचान बनाने की गरज से इन्हें हिंदू नाम दिया। …उन्होंने कभी एक सामान्य नाम की आवश्यकता नहीं समझी, क्योंकि अपने को एक समुदाय के रूप में बांधने की अवधारणा उनके पास थी ही नहीं। इस प्रकार से हिंदू समाज का कोई अस्तित्व नहीं है। यह तो जातियों का समूह मात्र है। हरेक जाति अपने अस्तित्व के प्रति सचेत है। इनका अस्तित्व जाति-व्यवस्था के जारी रहने का कुल परिणाम है। जातियां एक संघ भी नहीं बनातीं। कोई जाति दूसरी जातियों से जुड़ने की भी भावना नहीं रखती, सिर्फ हिंदू-मुसलिम दंगे के समय ये आपस में जुड़ती हैं। …हरेक जाति केवल आपस में विवाह करती है। …वास्तव में एक आदर्श हिंदू, बिल में रहने वाले उस चूहे की तरह है, जो अन्य लोगों (चूहों) के संपर्क में नहीं आना चाहता।

…हिंदुओं में सामूहिक चेतना की भारी कमी पाई जाती है। …प्रत्येक हिंदू में जो चेतना होती है, वह अपनी जाति के लिए है। इसी कारण से यह नहीं कहा जा सकता कि ये एक समाज या राष्ट्र बनाते हैं। फिर भी ऐसे काफी भारतीय हैं जिनकी देशभक्ति उन्हें यह मानने की स्वीकृति नहीं देती कि भारत एक राष्ट्र नहीं है, बल्कि यह केवल असंगठित लोगों की भीड़ है।"

यानी बाबा साहेब आंबेडकर ने हिंदुत्व के नाम पर ब्राह्मणवाद के जिस ढांचे पर इतना तीखा सवाल उठाया और उसे ध्वस्त करने का आह्वान किया, उसी को बनाए रखने की राजनीति करने वाले समूह आज बाबा साहेब आंबेडकर को अपना राजनीतिक हथियार बना रहे हैं। जाहिर है, इसके पीछे एक गहरी साजिश है।

न सिर्फ राजनीतिक तौर पर, बल्कि आंबेडकर-पथ पर चलने वालों के समूचे समुदाय में घुस कर पहले उसे अपने असर में लेना, फिर धीरे-धीरे ब्राह्मण धर्म का गुलाम बने रहने पर मजबूर कर देना। बौद्ध धर्म से लेकर तमाम ऐसे उदाहरण भरे पड़े हैं कि ब्राह्मणवाद के बरक्स जैसे ही कोई ऐसा ध्रुव खड़ा होता हो जो इसकी समूची व्यवस्था को खत्म करने की ताकत रखता हो, एक नई व्यवस्था और समाज रच देने की क्षमता रखता हो, और ब्राह्मणवाद उससे सीधे निपट सकने की क्षमता नहीं रखता तो वह उसमें चुपके से सुनियोजित तरीके से घुसना शुरू कर देता है। उसके बाद किसी भी मत या विचारधारा का क्या हुआ है, यह किसी से छिपा नहीं है। यह बेवजह नहीं है कि सबसे प्रगतिशील विचारधारा तक पर ब्राह्मणवाद बरतने के आरोप लगाने में मुश्किल नहीं होती।

लेकिन एक लंबे दौर में हुआ यह है कि ब्राह्मणवाद के बरक्स खड़े संघर्षों के बीच में उसकी इस चाल की एक राजनीतिक प्रवृत्ति के तौर पर पहचान कर ली गई और इसी असलियत का परदाफाश होना ब्राह्मणवाद के लिए परेशानी का सबसे बड़ा कारण है। आज उसे अपने असली एजेंडे को जमीन पर उतारना इसीलिए थोड़ा मुश्किल होगा कि 'हिंदुत्व' नाम के एक बड़े पहचान के बरक्स इसके ढांचे में छोटी पहचानें भी संघर्ष के लिए खड़ी हुईं और अपनी सामाजिक अवस्थिति के कारकों को सामने रख कर सवालों का जवाब मांगने लगीं। और चूंकि दलित-वंचित तबकों के लिए कभी समझौता नहीं करने और ब्राह्मणवाद की परतों को उघाड़ कर सम्मान, गरिमा और स्वाभिमान के समाज का सपना देने वाले आंबेडकर का मॉडल अब सामने है, इसलिए आरएसएस-भाजपा के लिए सबसे बड़ी चुनौती भी। आज अगर आरएसएस-भाजपा आंबेडकर को अपने माथे पर उठाए दिखने की कोशिश कर रही है तो उसकी मजबूरी यही है। अगर हिंदू कहे जाने वाले समाज में सबसे निचले तबके के तौर पर शुमार दलित-पिछड़े तबके किसी तरह ब्राह्मणवाद के ढांचे से छिटकने लगे तो आरएसएस के सपनों के समाज पर संकट आएगा।

यानी बाबा साहेब आंबेडकर ने हिंदुत्व के नाम पर ब्राह्मणवाद के जिस ढांचे पर इतना तीखा सवाल उठाया और उसे ध्वस्त करने का आह्वान किया, उसी को बनाए रखने की राजनीति करने वाले समूह आज बाबा साहेब आंबेडकर को अपना राजनीतिक हथियार बना रहे हैं।

लेकिन इस हकीकत के बावजूद आरएसएस कभी-कभी अपने भीतर के सच को पूरी तरह ढक नहीं पाता। बिहार विधानसभा चुनाव के पहले आरएसएस प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने जिस तरह सामाजिक यानी जाति के आधार पर मौजूदा आरक्षण-व्यवस्था पर पुनर्विचार करने का खयाल जाहिर किया, वह उसी मूल का सबूत है। हालांकि इस आरक्षण को खत्म करने का विचार आरएसएस का नया नहीं है, लेकिन भागवत के बयान के बहाने इस पर पर्याप्त बहस हुई और एक तरह से आरएसएस और भाजपा दोनों ही इस मसले पर फंसे हुए दिखे। जाहिर है, आंबेडकर के प्रतीक को अपनी राजनीति बनाना और आरक्षण का विरोध, दोनों एक साथ नहीं चल सकते। लेकिन फिर भी क्या वजह है कि आरएसएस-भाजपा आज आंबेडकर से प्रेम दर्शाने और उसे स्वीकार किए जाने का गुहार लगा रही है?

जबकि आरएसएस-भाजपा इस बात से अनभिज्ञ नहीं होगी कि हिंदू धर्म के बारे में आंबेडकर ने कितना कुछ कहा है। मसलन, अपनी पुस्तक 'दलित वर्ग को धर्मांतरण की आवश्यकता क्यों है' में उन्होंने हिंदू धर्म को लेकर काफी सख्त बातें की थीं- "यदि आपको इंसानियत से मुहब्बत है तो धर्मांतरण करो। हिंदू धर्म का त्याग करो। तमाम दलित अछूतों की सदियों से गुलाम रखे गए वर्ग की मुक्ति के लिए एकता, संगठन, करना हो तो धर्मांतरण करो। समता प्राप्त करनी है तो धर्मांतरण करो। आजादी प्राप्त करनी है तो धर्मांतरण करो। अपने जीवन की सफलता चाहते हो तो धर्मांतरण करो। मानवी सुख चाहते हो तो धर्मांतरण करो। …हिन्दू धर्म को त्यागने में ही तमाम दलित, पददलित, अछूत, शोषित पीड़ित वर्ग का वास्तविक हित है, यह मेरा स्पष्ट मत बन चुका है।"

इसके अलावा, 'जाति के उन्मूलन' में वे आरएसएस के हिंदुत्व के बारे में साफ कहते हैं कि "…हिंदू जिसे धर्म कहते हैं, वह कुछ और नहीं, आदेशों और प्रतिबंधों की भीड़ है। …अगर आपको हिंदू समाज में जाति-प्रथा के खिलाफ लड़ना है तो आपको तर्क न मानने वाले और नैतिकता को नकारने वाले वेदों और शास्त्रों को बारूद से उड़ा देना होगा। श्रुति और स्मृति के धर्म को खत्म करना होगा। इसके अलावा, कुछ और करना लाभदायक नहीं होगा। इस मामले में मेरा मत यही है।" (जाति का उन्मूलन से।)

तो जो आंबेडकर हिंदुत्व और स्पष्ट कहें तो ब्राह्मणवाद के खिलाफ एक ठोस योजना देते हैं, वेदों और शात्रों को बारूद से उड़ा देने की बात करते हैं, वे आंबेडकर हिंदुत्व और सच कहें तो ब्राह्मणवाद की राजनीति करने वालों के लिए अचानक कैसे प्रिय हो गए? बात फिर वहीं घूम कर आती है कि आरएसएस को बहुत अच्छे से मालूम है कि पिछले सौ सालों के दौरान जो सामाजिक आलोड़न हुए हैं, उसमें ब्राह्मणवाद की कुर्सी के पाए थोड़े हिले हैं, दलित-वंचित तबके ने सामाजिक साजिशों की पहचान की है।

बहरहाल, इन सब सच्चाइयों के बरक्स चौदह अप्रैल, 2015 यानी आंबेडकर के जन्मदिवस के मौके पर भाजपा-आरएसएस ने आंबेडकर को राष्ट्रवादी और हिंदुत्व के तौर पर पेश करना चाहा। लेकिन यह वही भाजपा-आरएसएस है, जिसके सदस्य रहते हुए अरुण शौरी ने कुछ साल पहले अपनी किताब 'वर्शिपिंग फॉल्स गॉड' में आंबेडकर के खिलाफ अधिकतम जहर फैला दिया था… बेलगाम भाषा में आंबेडकर की शख्सियत को ध्वस्त करने में लगे थे और भाजपा-आरएसएस बल्लियों उछल कर उस किताब को आंबेडकर के खिलाफ हथियार बना रही थी। सवाल है कि उसकी नजर में आंबेडकर आज राष्ट्रवाद के प्रणेता कैसे हो गए!
आंबेडकर के 'राष्ट्रवाद' का अंदाजा इससे लगा सकते हैं कि आंबेडकर ने राष्ट्रवाद की हकीकत यह बयान की कि "मजदूरों के सबसे गंभीर विरोधी निश्चित ही राष्ट्रवादी हैं। …मजदूरों को चाहिए कि वे राजनीति के रूपांतरण और पुनर्निर्माण के जरिए लोगों के जीवन में लगातार नई जान फूंकने पर जोर दें। अगर जीवन के इस पुनर्निर्माण और पुनर्गठन के रास्ते में राष्ट्रवाद बाधा बन कर खड़ा होता है तब मजदूरों को चाहिए कि वह राष्ट्रवाद को खारिज कर दे…!"

जाहिर है, आंबेडकर दरअसल, आरएसएस-भाजपा के समूचे सियासी एजेंडे के खिलाफ खड़े होते हैं। लेकिन अब यह समझना मुश्किल नहीं होना चाहिए कि जब एक विचार और व्यवस्था के रूप में आंबेडकर के दबाव को हिंदुत्व की राजनीति अपने तमाम धतकरमों के बावजूद रोक सकने में सक्षम नहीं हुई तो अब वह आंबेडकर को ही अपना मोहरा बनाने की फिराक में है। यह न सिर्फ आंबेडकर के खिलाफ एक साजिश है, बल्कि हाशिये के या वंचित वर्गों के जितने भी लोगों या समाजों ने आंबेडकर से चेतना और ताकत हासिल की और अब भाजपा-आरएसएस की ब्राह्मणवादी राजनीति की झांसे में नहीं आ रहे हैं, उनके सामने यह एक नया भ्रम परोसने का खेल है।

('चार्वाक' ब्लॉग से)

The Humanitarian Clock Is Ticking, The Powerful Feign Deafness

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May 28, 2016

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The humanitarian clock is now ticking away faster than ever, with over 130 million of the world’s most vulnerable people in dire need of assistance. But the most powerful, richest countries—those who have largely contributed to manufacturing it and can therefore stop it, continue to pretend not hearing nor seeing the signals.

Among the issues discussed was how the humanitarian sector could improve protection of civilians from violence. Jan Egelend, who heads the Norwegian Refugee Council and is also the Special Advisor to Staffan de Mistura, the UN Special Envoy for Syria, said that the international community needs to “blacklist” any group or Government that bombs civilians and civilian targets. Pictured, Baharka IDP camp in northern Iraq. Photo: OCHA/Brandon Bateman

Among the issues discussed at the WHS was how the humanitarian sector could improve protection of civilians from violence. Jan Egelend, who heads the Norwegian Refugee Council and is also the Special Advisor to Staffan de Mistura, the UN Special Envoy for Syria, said that the international community needs to “blacklist” any group or Government that bombs civilians and civilian targets. Pictured, Baharka IDP camp in northern Iraq. Photo: OCHA/Brandon Bateman

The World Humanitarian Summit (Istanbul, May 23-24) represented an unprecedented effort by all United Nations bodies who, along with member countries, hundreds of non-governmental aid organisations, and the most concerned stakeholders, conducted a three-year long consultation process involving over 23,000 stakeholders, that converged in Istanbul to portray the real½ current human drama.

Led by the UN, they put on the table a “Grand Bargain” that aims to get more resources into the hands of people who most need them, those who are victims of crises that they have not caused. The WHS also managed to gather unanimous support to Five Core Responsibilities that will help alleviate human suffering and contribute to preventing and even ending it.

Around 9,000 participants from 173 countries, including 55 heads of state or government, and hundreds of key stakeholders attending the Summit, have unanimously cautioned against the current growing human-made crises, while launching strong appeals for action to prevent such a “humanitarian bomb” from detonating anytime soon.

In spite of all that, the top leaders of the Group of the seven most industrialised countries (G 7), and of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, have all stayed away from this first-ever Humanitarian Summit, limiting their presence to delegations with lower ranking officials.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan hailed the Summit as a “turning point” that has “set a new course” in humanitarian aid. “We have the wealth, knowledge and awareness to take better care of one another,” Ban said. Photo: UNOCHA

Although several UN officials reiterated that it was not about a pledging conference but the fact is that massive funds are badly needed to start alleviating the present human suffering which, if allowed to grow exponentially as feared, would cause a human drama of incalculable consequences.

The notable absence of the top decision-makers of the most powerful and richest countries sent a strong negative signal with a frustrating impact on the humongous efforts the UN has displayed to prepare for the Istanbul Summit and mobilise the world’s human conscious – let alone the millions of the most vulnerable who are prey to human dramas they are not responsible for creating.

Most of world’s refugee flows are direct results of wars not only in Afghanistan and Iraq—both subject to vast military operations by coalitions led by the biggest Western powers (G 7), but also a result of on-going armed conflicts in Yemen (also with the support of the US and Europe), and Syria where the Security Council permanent member states, except China, have been providing weapons to the parties involved in this long six-year war.

In fact, most of world’s refugee flows are direct results of wars not only in Afghanistan and Iraq—both subject to vast military operations by coalitions led by the biggest Western powers (G 7), but also a result of on-going armed conflicts in Yemen (also with the support of the US and Europe), and Syria where the Security Council permanent member states, except China, have been providing weapons to the parties involved in this long six-year war.

Other victims of the current humanitarian drama are “climate refugees”, those who flee death caused by unprecedented droughts, floods and other disasters resulting from climate change, which is largely caused by the most industrialised countries.

The sole exception was German chancellor Angela Merkel who addressed the Summit, though she reportedly went to Istanbul to meet Turkish president Recep Tayyib Erdogan to try to alleviate the growing tensions between Ankara and the European Union, who accuse each other of not fulfilling the refugee deportation deal they sealed in March.

In fact, the EU-Ankara deal is about deporting to Turkey all asylum seekers and also migrants arriving in Europe mainly through Turkish borders, once the European Union announced last year its readiness to host them but decided later½ to flinch. In simple words, the deal simply transforms Turkey into a huge â€œdeposit” of millions fleeing wars and other human-made disasters.

In exchange, Ankara should receive from the EU 3 billion euro a year to help shelter and feed the 3 million refugees who are already there. The EU also promised to authorise the entry of Turkish citizens to its member countries without visa.

At a press briefing at the end of the Summit, Erdogan launched veiled warnings to the EU that if this bloc does not implement its part of the refugees deal, the Turkish Parliament may not ratify it.

In other words, Turkey would not only stop admitting “returnees”, i.e. refugees repatriated by Europe, but would even open its borders for them—and other millions to come and go to EU countries. The “human bomb” is therefore ticking at the very doors of Europe.

That said, the Istanbul Summit has set us on a new course. “It is not an end point, but a turning point,” said the UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon at the closing session.

Governments, people affected by crisis, non-governmental organisations, the private sector, UN agencies and other partners came together and expressed their support for the Agenda for Humanity, and its five Core Responsibilities, Ban added.

“Implementing this agenda is a necessity, if we are to enable people to live in dignity and prosperity, and fulfil the promise of last year’s landmark agreements on the Sustainable Development Agenda and Climate Change.”
Ban stressed that humanitarian and development partners agreed on a new way of working aimed at reducing the need for humanitarian action by investing in resilient communities and stable societies.

Aid agencies and donor governments committed to a ‘Grand Bargain’ that will get more resources into the hands of people who need them, at the local and national level, said Ban.

Unfortunately, when funding is sparse, the UN and partners have to reprioritize preventive and resilience-building actions to aid emergencies. In Sudan, women line up to receive food at the Tawilla site for newly arrived internally displaced persons (IDPs) fleeing Jebel Marra in Darfur. Assisting those urgent needs meant less funding for a nutrition project in Khartoum. Photo: OCHA

“And Governments committed to do more to prevent conflict and build peace, to uphold international humanitarian law, and live up to the promise of the Charter of the UN, he added. “I hope all member states will work at the highest level to find the political solutions that are so vital to reduce humanitarian needs around the world.”

According to Ban, ”Together, we launched a ground-breaking charter that places people with disabilities at the heart of humanitarian decision-making; a platform on young people in crises; and commitments to uphold the rights of women and girls in emergencies and protect them from gender-based violence.”

Ban also announced that in September this year he will report to the UN General Assembly on the Summit’s achievements, and will propose “ways to take our commitments forward through intergovernmental processes, inter-agency forums and other mechanisms.”

The WHS Chair’s Summary: Standing up for Humanity: Committing to Action issued at the end of the Summit states that “civil strife and conflicts are driving suffering and humanitarian need to unprecedented levels and serious violations of international humanitarian law and abuses of international human rights law continue on an alarming scale with entire populations left without essential supplies they desperately need.”

It adds that natural disasters, exacerbated by the effects of climate change, are affecting greater numbers of women, men and children than ever before, eroding development gains and jeopardising the stability of entire countries.

“At the same time we have been unable to generate the resources to cope with these alarming trends, and there is a need for more direct predictable humanitarian financing,” the statement warns.

“The Summit has brought to the forefront of global attention the scale of the changes required if we are to address the magnitude of challenges before us. The participants have made it emphatically clear that humanitarian assistance alone can neither adequately address nor sustainably reduce the needs of over 130 million of the world’s most vulnerable people.”

A new and coherent approach is required based on addressing root causes, increasing political diplomacy for prevention and conflict resolution, and bringing humanitarian, development and peace-building efforts together, it adds.
“Global leaders recognized the centrality of political will to effectively prevent and end conflicts, to address root causes and to reduce fragility and strengthen good governance. Preventing and resolving conflicts would be the biggest difference leaders could make to reduce overwhelming humanitarian needs. Humanitarian action cannot be a substitute for political action.”

Republished with permission from Human Wrongs Watch.

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