Support for fasting JNU Students as JNUTA Plans Mass Hunger Strike on May 3

May 1, 2016

Even as the indefinite hunger strike against an unjust report of the High Level Committee (HLEC) entered its fourth day, and media attention by the ‘mainstream diminished completely, the spirit of the protesting students was undiminished. JNUTA, the teachers association will join the striking students in a mass hunger strike on May 3.
Sabrangindia had reported on the JNUTA decision on April 29.

On Friday night, April 29, a screening of Nakul Sawhney’s film “ Muzaffarnagar Baqi Hai’ took place on the campus. The screening was symbolic as this film has become iconic. It is the film that this Modi administration and its wings –the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) have reacted against, revealing as it does the Sangh Parivar’s sinister politics in stoking the flames of hatred.

Muzaffar Nagar Baqi hai was screened at Freedom Square (Admin Block) JNU where JNUSU has sat on an indefinite hunger strike. It was screened as a mark of protest against the Show cause notice served to Umar Khalid and Anirbhan Bhattacharya for screening same movie last year at Godavari Dhaba JNU.

Sabrangindia has been reporting regularly on the government-backed high-handedness against students at JNU.
A series of cultural programmes, revolutionary music, theatre and performances have been planned every evening this week at the Freedom Square to keep morales high

This Diary written by one of the fasting students really says it all.

While much of the mainstream media has remained suspiciously subdued after this renewed attack on students –unlike the coverage given in February-March this year, the prestigious Economic and Political Weekly has written a sharp editorial against the government's misconduct. Titled New Tryst with Freedom the comment piece says,"

"In a deplorable, if not entirely unexpected, move the administration of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has taken strong disciplinary actions against students it had identified for alleged indiscipline and for breaking university rules. Students have been fined from ₹10,000 to ₹20,000 and some have been rusticated for different lengths of time; one student has been declared out of bounds from the campus for five years. These are unprecedentedly harsh measures. The only time similar measures were taken was in 1983; unlike then there was no violence from the students this time.

Fasting students have been receiving support from several mass movements and despite the time of the year when examinations are on, protests have bene planned –including hunger fasts –in cities like Mumbai, Pune and others.

Letter from the Narmada Bachao Andolan

A sympathetic Facebook Post put out this image of Gandhi's Fast decades ago and advised the fasting students of JNU to have lots of "nimbu paani" (lemon water)

The students fasting are
Students participating in the indefinite hunger-strike.
-Kanhaiya Kumar, JNUSU President
-Rama Naga, General Secretary, JNUSU
-Umar Khalid
-Shweta Raj
-Chintu Kumari
-Anant Prakash Narayan
-Saborni Ahmed
-Aqsa Agha
-Nitisha Kholkar
-K. Feyaz Ahmed
-Pratim Ghoshal
-Anand
-Pankhuri Zaheer
-Samanth Singh
-Sunaina
-G. Suresh
-Birendra
-Awadesh
-Sanjeev
-Parthipan
Indefinite Hunger Strike, Day 1.
Stand by these students
‪#‎StandWithJNU
‪#‎FightBackJNU
‪#‎NoMoreRohiths

Images From JNU

But the Posters still get made every day

इस मई दिवस पर नार्दर्न कोल फील्ड सिंगरौली के कोयला मजदूरों के बीच !!

May 1, 2016

Image Story: Badal Saroj
This May Day, May 1, 2016, Spent With the Coal Mining Workers of the Northern Coal Fields
Singrauli, Rewa Distirct Madhya Pradesh

This is how India's Coal Mining is Done and How Its Workers Mine the Coal

Singrauli MP Dudhichua

Where is Dudhichua Singrauli MP ?

Ever Wondered Why We Have an Eight Hour Working Day, Officially at least?

May 1, 2016

And Who Made this Possible?

Reclaim Rights of Workers – Reclaim Rights of All

In the late 18th century, when companies started to maximise the output of their factories, companies attempted to maximize the output of their factories by keeping them running as many hours as possible, typically implementing a “sun up to sun down” work day. Wages were also extremely low, so workers themselves often needed to work these long shifts just to get by, including often sending their children to work in the factories as well, rather than getting them educated. With little representation, education, or options, factory workers also tended to work in horrible working conditions to go along with the bad hours. The typical work day at this time lasted anywhere from 10-18 hours per day, six days a week.

In 1884, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions declared that May 1, 1886 ( Haymarket affair ) would be the first day that an eight hour work day would be made mandatory. when May 1, 1886 arrived, the first ever May Day parade was held with 350,000 workers walking off their jobs protesting for the eight hour work day. there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches.

The participants in these events added up to 80,000 Haymarket affair – It began as a peaceful rally in support of workers striking for an eight-hour day and in reaction to the killing of several workers the previous day by the police. An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at police as they acted to disperse the public meeting. The bomb blast and ensuing gunfire resulted in the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; scores of others were wounded.

India Today

This May Day, 2016, under a Regime committed to curtail the rights of the working class, it is time to remember all those movements which made this possible and to remember all those brave people who stood with vision , fought for it .. so that generations can reap a healthy, all rounded, life

Yet the governments ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the states of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and most recently Maharashtra have followed the ‘Rajasthan’ model making substantive changes in laws that have undermined the critical workers rights including on factory closure and on workplace health and safety.

We gather every year across the country today to salute the martyrs who gave up their lives in the struggle for an 8 hour workday over a hundred years ago and the countless women and men who have made and continue to make enormous sacrifice in the struggle to advance the rights of the working class. As we do so on this May Day, we also evaluate the challenges before us and our ability to address these.

Government’s agenda: Take from Workers – and give to Capital
The NDA II –BJP– government when it came to power a year ago set itself the task to weaken laws that define workers rights, including trade union and collective bargaining rights and the laws that regulate the workplace, through amendment of existing laws or through new legislation. While these proposals remain on the table, the significant changes the BJP government had hoped to bring forward have not yet found their way through parliament. In some measure this is because of the united action of trade unions including through the successful country-wide general strike on 2 September last year.

This, of course, does not mean that the BJP led union government has given up its plans to lower the threshold of workers’ rights. Having used the ordinance mechanism in the first year in government, the BJP has now turned to the mechanism of ‘executive orders’. Legislatively guaranteed retirement (Employee Provident Fund) and healthcare (Employee State Insurance) provisions have been changed through executive orders. Although in the case of the EPF the critical changes have been reversed, now for the third time, most notably through the remarkable protest led by garment workers in Bengaluru and elsewhere in Karnataka, the intent of the BJP government very clear.

It will seek every possible route, including unilateral actions, to undermine workers rights and it will do everything within its power to move workers out of legislatively guaranteed social security towards arrangements that are guided by market forces and bring profit to private sector. This is not just part of the ideological core of the BJP but the inability to deliver this would undermine the BJP government’s capacity to move on its key proposals for liberalising markets further. Savings of wage workers and their healthcare expenditure constitute large volumes of money. So long as these remain within the domain of legislative guarantee and therefore within the public sector, the privatisation of the financial sector will remain incomplete. Hence the BJP government must force this shift if it is to succeed in accomplishing its task of opening up the mainstay of our economy.

The BJP government has not restricted itself to only PF and ESI. Through two successive union budgets, the government has in real terms forced wages down by effectively freezing wages of ‘honorarium workers’ and restricting government expenditure on social security and social protection. In the last month, the promise of enhanced minimum wages notwithstanding, the BJP has caused to force down wages further by notifying wages under the NREGA at levels lower than the lowest (agricultural) minimum wage in many states.

For the BJP government, wages must be driven by market forces. Wages must indeed be kept down since the agricultural sector is in crisis and industrial production remains low. The most recent data shows that employment is on a decline: workers are not just losing permanent jobs, the number of available jobs on contract too is declining. Despite this and the drought situation in about half the country, the BJP government is still unwilling to address the question of livelihood and wages.
Law is more than Intention

For the BJP government, its intention is law and that is what it has signaled to the private sector. There is a wilful violation of existing laws. There is perhaps no employer, public or private – multinational or Indian, in the country today that is not violating labour laws. And both the BJP government at the centre and state governments are now actively engaged in allowing these violations. All sections of the working class movement have effectively resisted this and have been faced with an even greater offensive.

If until now government assisted employers in violating the right to freedom of association, today government is at the forefront in violating the right to free speech and free assembly. If until now government broke trade union struggles through employing the police in making preventive arrests, today government is actively engaged in trumping up charges so as to employ criminal law to put away activists who use democratic means of dissent against government actions.

The BJP’s attack is however not restricted to workers and peasants. It seeks to change the very notion of what a nation is and what citizenship means.
In its first year in government the BJP enforced a ‘ban’ on beef. The government effectively told us what we can and cannot eat. In the past few months through its efforts to put down students, even pushing them to their death, if they ask for what is rightfully theirs or who express a views that may be at variance with the BJP, government is effectively telling us what we can say and what we cannot and what we allowed to think and what we must not think. This, the BJP must do because it not just seeks to ensure that wages are reduced to increase profits but it seeks to alter the rules of our society by taking away the rights of those who are underprivileged and hence discriminated by class, caste, religion, gender and region. This is the India that the BJP seeks to make.

Stop the Attack on Workers – Resist and Reclaim
We have between us led many struggles in the past year. Some of them have been successful in bringing long awaited relief. We have seen an enormous resistance across the country in response to the BJP governments attack on democratic rights be they in economic, social or political life.

Across the world and in the region there is, today, a rise of conservative politics that promotes individual liberty over collective rights, private sector expansion, free markets and social and political values that artificially presupposes homogeneity amongst peoples negating the enormous diversity of peoples within societies and countries and a strong national defence. This comes with a sharpened attack on institutional social protection and security, on role of public sector and therefore on democratic rights. While in the Global North, this attack manifests itself against immigrants, against religious minorities, mostly muslims, in our own country the attack has manifest itself against migrant workers mostly dalits and adivasis and against muslims (who together constitute nearly 40% of our population) – all leading to widespread xenophobia.

Our resistance, therefore, in the coming days, has to be stronger and more united and more focused to ensure that every person irrespective of class or community enjoys the right to free speech, the right to free assembly and the right to form or join an association of their own choice. In whichever country we may be in, we join them in solidarity for it is together and together alone united in our strength and purpose, both at home and abroad, will we succeed in our resolve to:

On this May Day we need to reclaim
The Right to Free Speech
The Right to Freedom of Assembly
The Right to Freedom of Association

(Based on a statement of the National Trade Union Initiative)

JNU Teachers will Join Hunger Strike on May 3

April 30, 2016

JNUTA Appeal: Hunger Strike at Ad Block on 3 May 2016, Tuesday (10 AM–5 PM)

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY TEACHER’S ASSOCIATION

May 1, 2016

JNUTA Appeal

Hunger Strike at Ad Block on 3 May 2016, Tuesday (10 AM–5 PM)

Dear Colleagues and Friends

JNUTA as mandated by the GBM on 28th April calls upon all colleagues to join one day HUNGER STRIKE on 3rd MAY 2016, Tuesday (10 AM–5 PM) against non-responsive attitude of the administration on the current situation and on our demands that were re-iterated on 26th in our meeting with the Vice Chancellor. We are forced to take this step without a response on major issues including on continuation of the seniority-based rotation system in appointment of Deans and Chairpersons, on intimidation of colleagues, victimization of elected representatives, unsupportive attitude towards wardens and IHA officials when attacked by motivated elements, non-implementation of HLEC Report on harassment of Dr. Burton. The University has not even taken cognizance of a “Dossier” being circulated that denigrates JNU and its various sections in the most vile and despicable manner. The University Administration instead of inquiring into such malicious campaigns and the 12th Feb incident at Paschimabad is conspicuously silent.

Our students are on indefinite hunger strike against arbitrary penalties imposed without a credible inquiry. Instead of bringing back normalcy, the Administration is busy provoking the students by digging up old complaints, sending Proctorial Punishment declaration to special cell of Delhi police, denying striking students access to bathroom and toilet facilities etc. The Hunger Strike would enter second week soon and if administration chooses not to relent and does not engage with the students the situation is likely escalate for the worse, which is not in the best interests of the University. The overwhelming sentiment expressed in the JNUTA GBM held on 28th April was that if the University Administration still does not respond, teachers cannot remain just mute spectators.

Please join in large numbers

Prof. Ajay Patnaik

President, JNUTA

Dr. Bikramaditya Choudhary

Secretary, JNUTA

“To demand peace is not a crime”: Turkish academics on trial

April 30, 2016

Academics supporting the petition with the author outside the court, Istanbul

There are now over 2,000 Turkish scholars, researcher and university teachers being accused of supporting terrorism. This attack against freedom of speech and targeting the intellectual heart of Turkish society through the universities is the most vicious illustration of how determined is President Erdogan to allow no criticism of his policies, even when his actions breach all international human rights and legal standards.

Last Friday, April 21st, four Turkish academics, Meral Camci, Kivanc Ersoy, Muzeffer Kaya and Esra Mungan, after five weeks remanded in prison, were brought to the Heavy Penal Court in Istanbul to face charges of making “propaganda for terrorism” and of association with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), labelled as a terrorist organisation by the EU and the US. The indictment accused them under Article 7(2) of Turkey’s anti-terror law and if convicted they could face sentences of up to 7 ½ years in detention.

Although at the end of the day, the prisoners were released, and the Judge adjourned the case to September 27th, confusion reigns among the academics and the lawyers.

This trial attracted, rightly, international attention, as it illustrated how far President Erdogan is prepared to go to prohibit freedom of speech in order to silence any criticism of his policies, even when it is clear that the government’s actions breach both international and European law and its own constitution which guarantees freedom of speech.

To attack Turkey’s eminent scholars in this way has brought protests and support for the academics from people all over Turkey. Thousands filled the square in front of the Court before the hearing carrying banners and calling for the scholars’ release. Unlike previous trials under the Anti-Terror Act of lawyers, journalists, trade unionists, and Kurdish politicians this one was attended by more than eleven consuls including those from the UK and the US as well as many international observers and human rights bodies. I was there as an observer from the UK.

These four defendants, two women and two men, were selected for arrest and imprisonment simply because they happened to be the ones who publicly read out, on March 1st, in the offices of EGITIM SEM, the Education and Science Workers Union, the press statement affirming their commitment to the January “ACADEMICS FOR PEACE PETITION” to President Erdogan entitled “WE WILL NOT BE A PARTY TO THIS CRIME”.

This petition had been signed by over 1,128 Turkish academics from different universities and disciplines, and now by several hundred Western intellectuals, including such luminaries as Noam Chomsky. A further 1,000 Turkish academics have since added their names to the petition.

This attack on freedom of speech and on the academics calls into question whether Turkey will ever comply with the Copenhagen Criteria which govern EU accession and with international and European international human rights and humanitarian law. But does Turkey care? Has it got the EU and the US over a barrel, as it has such a key role to play in the Syrian conflict and in addressing the refugee crisis?

The academics denounced the Turkish government for renewing conflict in the Kurdish South-East and demanded that those responsible for violations of human rights and humanitarian law should be made accountable and punished. They drew attention to the perpetration of collective punishment of civilians trapped in the Kurdish towns and villages under curfew, the killings, destruction of homes and livelihoods, the withholding of food, water, and medicine from people in need, and the displacement of thousands fleeing the violence. They called on all governments across the world to reconsider their relations with Turkey, and they pleaded for the resurrection of the peace talks with the Kurds that Ankara broke off in July, 2015.

Some 50 academics have already been dismissed from their posts and 27 suspended by the disciplinary committees of their universities pending the criminal investigations by the Prosecutor of all the academics who signed the petition. So there are now over 2,000 Turkish scholars, researcher and university teachers being accused of supporting terrorism. This attack against freedom of speech and targeting the intellectual heart of Turkish society through the universities is the most vicious illustration of how determined is President Erdogan to allow no criticism of his policies, even when his actions breach all international human rights and legal standards. Also it shows the extremes he will go to in order to silence his critics, including exploiting the already seriously flawed justice system – flawed because it lacks independence – so as to lock up journalists, trade unionists, teachers, writers, Kurdish politicians, co-mayors and now its scholars.

The author speaking outside the court with Can Dundar ( far right), editor in chief of Cumhuriyet newspaper, recently released from prison

In the packed courtroom the defendants and their lawyers tore to shreds the allegations in the Prosecutor’s indictment, because they contained not an iota of evidence that any crime had been committed. There was, they argued, no proof that any of them had ever been in communication with the PKK as stated in the indictment, or even knew its present co-chair Bese Hozat, from whom, the Prosecutor alleged, they had received orders to write this petition.

“To demand peace is not a crime” was a constant declaration throughout the hearing. This trial was described by the lawyers as a “legal scandal “.

“We expect you to end this parody of a trial, in which there are so many illegal irregularities. Acquit the defendants and drop this case which is damaging Turkey’s reputation internationally” urged one of the lawyers representing the defendants. Ceran Uysal, one of the women lawyers, pointed out that anyway no law existed regarding the issuing of press statements and that the AKP was targeting and punishing academics because it feared their influence on intellectual life and on the youth.

Meral Camci, the psychology professor, spoke for all her academic colleagues when she said “as scholars we value the truth and critical thinking is central to all our disciplines”.

Kivanc Ersoy, the mathematician, in rejecting the allegations, declared “as intellectuals we have the responsibility to promote peace. We, the intellectuals, are the conscience of Turkey, just as Jean-Paul Sartre was the conscience of France when he denounced De Gaulle’s policies that caused such suffering in Algeria. We should not be punished for it”.

Muzeffer Kaya, the historian and social scientist, displaying the hand-cuff scars on his wrist, berated the Prosecutor for the fictions in the indictment that tried to link him and his colleagues with “people we have never met and did not know”. “We are scholars, we have ideals, and we are for justice and truth. We have the right, under Article 25 of the Constitution to express our thoughts, to advance knowledge, and share ideas. These are not crimes. We have broken no law”. He said “ We could not stay silent. Our petition is for peace. We could not let our children pay the price in the future for the government’s mistakes”.

After four hours of speeches by the defendants and their lawyers, in a court crowded with the families of the imprisoned scholars, other Turkish lawyers and international observers, finally, late in the afternoon, there was an extraordinary development.

Suddenly, unexpectedly, the Prosecutor, most probably realising that he had been utterly defeated, that his indictment was shown to be a construction of fictions, proposed to the Judge that he withdraw the indictment under the Anti-Terror Act and instead charge the defendants under the infamous Penal Code Article 301. This article makes it a crime to “insult Turkishness”. However, in 2008, under pressure from the European Court of Human Rights, changes were made and it is now obligatory to get the Minister of Justice’s approval to file such a case. At this point everyone in the public area of the court rose to their feet shouting “ Shame” and “Release them” until the judge ordered us to sit down and be silent.

Making such a bizarre proposal at this late hour clearly disconcerted the judge and his two assistant judges, who, instead of retiring to their chamber to discuss how to respond, started to use their mobile phones, under the gaze of all of us in the court. Everyone wondered who were they calling? Were they trying to contact the Minister of Justice, or the President himself? For this hearing was clearly a political trial and required a political solution.

Finally, after a few minutes the verdict came. The defendants would be released. The case would resume on September 27th. Since there were no bail conditions, no requirements of giving up their passports, or reporting to the police, these scholars would be free to travel abroad, and, if they have not been suspended, resume their university duties. There was loud jubilation and cheers both inside and outside the court where hundreds were waiting for news.

But now of course there reigns absolute confusion, both among the academics (over 2,000 are still subject to investigation under the Anti Terror Act) and the lawyers. Will the Justice Minister give the necessary approval for the change of indictment? What if he does not? Will the original indictment still stand? Does the proposal to use Article 301 apply just to these four defendants, or to all the signatories? What are the rights of the academics who have been sacked or not had their contracts removed? Meral Camci and Muzaffer Kaya are among the fifty who have lost their jobs. But Camci bravely responds “The University building may be closed but we can take the university to anywhere” and has invited her students to her home to continue their studies.

Will everyone who signed the Petition have to wait till September to know their fate? Article 301 provides for imprisonment from 6 months to a year, but under Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terror Law imprisonment could last 7 and 1/2 years.

This case has revealed, like never before, the deep flaws in Turkey’s justice system, and how it can be manipulated for political ends. It also exposes dramatically how any criticism of Erdogan and his AKP party is viewed as a crime. Erdogan has called the academics “traitors”. He has vowed to “annihilate” the PKK. And the PKK has retaliated by saying that they will resort to force if the violence does not stop, reminding Erdogan that it was the government that broke the peace process last year, not them.

This trial has taken place just when the spotlight is on Turkey and Angela Merkel has promised to “hasten” Turkey’s accession to the EU if Turkey will contain the Syrian refugees and stop them from leaving for Europe. But this attack on freedom of speech and on the academics calls into question whether Turkey will ever comply with the Copenhagen Criteria which govern EU accession and with international and European international human rights and humanitarian law. But does Turkey care? Has it got the EU and the US over a barrel, as it has such a key role to play in the Syrian conflict and in addressing the refugee crisis?

This article was first published on Open Democracy.

Adivasis Abandoned as Mining Co Deserts Kathaldih, after SC declares it illegal: Jharkand

April 30, 2016

Adding Insult to Injury, the Company walks off from the scene, Reneges on MOU and displaced Adivasis lose everything and are reduced to destitution

Who will Pay, ask Adivasis as the MoU signed in 2006 is violated and the government is uncaring

There is a tragic history behind this sad situation. Kathaldih is a Santal Adivasi village in Amrapara block, Pakur district, Jharkhand. For centuries the indigenous Adivasi people had lived in harmony with their jal, jangal, jamin (water, forest, land). They took care of Mother Earth and she took care of them. Theirs was an agricultural self-sustaining economy enjoying the fruits from their agriculture and their forests. Their socio-cultural values reflected an equalitarian community based on equality, co-operation, consensus decision making. But such a harmonious life was abruptly cut short by the state policy and action.

In 2001, the Ministry of Coal allocated Pachwara Central Block, around 13 square kilometers for captive mining to the Punjab State Electricity Board (PSEB), which entered into a Joint Venture (JV) with Eastern Minerals Trading Agency (EMTA), a company with its headquarters in Kolkata, to form PANEM Coal Mines Limited for the purpose of mining coal in the Pachwara Central block.

The nine Adivasi villages in Pachwaracentral block decided to resist the forcible takeover of their land. Meetings, blockades, rallies, dharnas were undertaken through which they expressed their resolve not to give their land to a private co., and also appealed to Jharkhand High Court through a people’s movement Rajmahal Pahad Bachao Andolan basing their argument mainly on Santal Pargana Tenancy Act (1949), the SPT Act, which prohibits transfer of Santal tribal land to any non-tribal, let alone to a private co. Unfortunately neither the state government listened to their demand nor the HC paid any heed to their appeal.

When the Adivasis approached the Supreme Court it refused to look into the case but ordered PANEM Co., to sit with people’s movement and work out a mutually acceptable MoU (Memorandum of Understanding). This was done on November 30, 2006 and a few of the salient points of the MoU are:

Tribal people are the absolute owners of the land
50% land must be returned to the original land owners in cultivable condition
Mining has to be done one village at a time not altogether and after mining it should be refilled and returned
Compensation for land per acre Dhani I – Rs. 141,960/-; Dhani II – Rs.106,470/-; and Dhani III – Rs. 70,980/-
Annual crop compensation – Rs. 16,000/-
Provide 210 sq. meters homestead land and construct a house with a plan akin to the customary houses, with drinking water, electricity (24 hrs) and a toilet
Establishment of Manjhisthan, playground, pond, place of worship, grazing land, cremation ground, market place for the village
Mini truck for transport to the market
Employment for one person in each family (3 acre + land loss)
3 Primary Schools, 1 High School and a School bus
Scholarship to students who complete class X and above
50 bed hospital with ambulance, qualified doctors, nurses, mobile clinic to villages
Training institute and stipend for trainees etc.

Ten years to the date of the MOU, PANEM Co., has failed to fulfill most of these promises:
Kathaldih village has 86 families all of whom were displaced in 2007 and resettled in New Kathaldih Colony. They were provided a house each built like a colony, but not in the style that Adivasis live in, as promised. Around 30 houses remain submerged for almost 5 months of every a year due to water logging as the houses were built on agricultural land next to river Basloi. Electricity was provided only for 12 hours at night till July 2015, when the PANEM stopped mining since it was also one of the mining companies that were considered illegal by SC in it’s judgement of 2015.

An overhead water tank was constructed but no drinking water was ever supplied anywhere in the village from the tank. Common bathing water facilities were given but that too has been stopped since July 2015. No toilet was ever constructed for any of the families.

None of the families is able to carry out agricultural cultivation since all their land has been taken and the company. The land has just not been restored back to the Adivasi community after the mining was done.

Around six students who completed class X were given education scholarship but that too has stopped since March 2015.

In terms of employment and income, 8 families out of 71 interviewed did not get any jobs in the company.

Fifty-three families (74.7%) received the salary between Rs. 6000 – 6999 per month.

Unfortunately ever since March 2015, when the mining was stopped due to the later Supreme Court order, the people have not received any salary!

The people of Kathaldih neither have their agricultural land nor any salary from the company on which they had depended entirely on for their living. This has caused much anxiety and fear among the people. At least other villages have their agricultural land, but the people of Kathaldih have neither the land nor any income for survival. Their entire life and livelihood options seem to be in great danger.

In such a situation what does the government do? Instead of running to the rescue of these people who have been cheated by the company, the government is mulling over allocating this mine to some other company now. Now that people have been divided into two camps of pro-company and against the ‘company’, they are unable to put up a united struggle.

This is a call to all who feel concerned about the plight of the indigenous peoples and the systematic onslaught on their economy, social and cultural values to rise up to occasion. The Jharkhandi political parties and outfits can take it up both on the floor of the state assembly as well as meeting the people at their level and assuring them of their support to their cause.

Jharkhandi intellectuals, legal professionals and activists can reach out to the stranded people and assure them of their support and revive the original people’s movement.

Intellectuals and political parties need to initiate legal action. They can initiate the process of taking some concrete legal action based on the SPT Act, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996[1] (PESA Act), the Forest Rights Act 2006 Act, the SC’s judgment that entitles the owner of the land as also the owner of sub-soil minerals. They can be of help to enable people in scheduled areas to form themselves into co-operatives for mining items like coal, sell it in open market, and share the cash equitably. People need to be united to fight against the assault on their rights. All this will require study, research, organization and advocacy. Where there is a will there will always be a way. Only let it not be said that we all stood by silently watching the extermination of our indigenous peoples.

References:
The demographic data, the details of the MoU, present situation are taken from:
(1) COALLATERAL, a Report of the Independent People’s Tribunal on the MoU between Rajmahal Pahad BachaoAndolan & PANEM Coal Mines, published by Programme For Social Action, Malviya Nagar, New Delhi, 2015, and
(2) Draft Report of the Primary Survey done at New Kathaldih Resettlement Colonyby research scholar S. Xavier, St. Xavier’s College, 30 Park Street, Kolkata, 2015.

[1] The PESA is a law enacted by the Government of India to cover the "Scheduled areas", which are not covered in the 73rd amendment or Panchayati Raj Act of the Indian Constitution.

Of Encounter Killings and Sexual Violence in Chhatisgarh: A Fact-finding

April 30, 2016

Four brute killings, of three agricultural workers and a 13 year old girl, in January 2016 mark an all time low in state repression in Chhatisgarh: Peddajojer village

Women, including young girls allegedly stripped, beaten and verbally assaulted by the forces between January 11-14, 2016: Kunna Village

Over thirteen instances of gang rape were allegedly reported, in the same period, by the women while man other women were disrobed, molested, subjected to verbal abuse: Nendra village

Due process of law, for registration of FIRs for the offences, medical examinations, inquests and post mortems have not been followed by the authorities: fact finding report

Release of Fact Finding Report by Coordination of Democratic Rights Organisations (CDRO) and Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) entitled, “State of Siege: Report on Encounters and Cases of Sexual Violence in Bijapur and Sukma Districts of Chhattisgarh”

Between the January 16 to 22, 2016, members of Coordination of Democratic Rights Organization (CDRO) and Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) conducted a fact finding in villages of Bijapur and Sukma districts of Chhattisgarh.

The team investigated the deaths of four unarmed villagers of Peddajojer (Bijapur) on January 15, 2016 by security forces and conducted enquiries into the large scale violence, particularly sexual violence, that the security forces unleased in Nendra (Bijapur) and Kunna (Sukma) villages, between January 11—14, 2016.

Besides meeting officials, the team met villagers and relatives of those killed in the fake encounter at Peddajojer village and the families affected by the brutality committed by men in uniform including acts of loot, plunder, rape, sexual assault and physical violence in Kunna, Chotegadam and Nendra villages. The team also visited Maharani Hospital in Jagdalpur and met two injured women who were lodged there. The report has been released by Asish Gupta (Coordinator, CDRO) and Shivani (Coordinator, WSS).

Following are the findings of the team:

Peddajojer village
1. On the morning of January 15, 2016, six villagers of Peddajojer village were on their way to the nearby market for buying daily provisions. These included three men and three little girls (See pp 8-9 and Annexure 1 of the report).

2. On the way to the market they were ambushed by security forces lying in wait at a dense forest track en-route to the market. Of the six people, two girls managed to escape while the three men and one girl were killed.

3. The villagers upon hearing gunshots and being informed of the incident by the girls who had escaped, rushed to the site only to find that the bodies were missing.

4. The security forces took the bodies without informing the family members of the deceased. They did not conduct any inquest at the site of the encounter. The security forces took the bodies to Bijapur General Hospital. In violation of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) guidelines, the post mortems were done at the hospital without proper identification of the bodies. No video recording of the post mortem was conducted.

5. Upon learning where the bodies were kept, the villagers assembled outside the hospital and demanded that the bodies be handed back to them. The police initially refused and even asked Rs. 4000 per body as transport charges. Only after the villagers protested, were the bodies returned on January 17, 2016.

6. The four killed were ordinary villagers of Peddajojer engaged in agricultural work and not Maoists as claimed by the security forces. The little girl killed was only 13 years old. The villagers also told us of how harassment by the security forces has become the norm in the village.

Kunna village
1. Between January 11 to 14, security force occupied Kunna and Chotegadam villages of Sukma district. A combing operation by the DRG, CRPF, COBRA (around 500 to 600 troops) was being conducted in the area.

2. The forces initially occupied a school but later occupied homes of people.

3. During the first two days the forces sexually assaulted many women. At least two women were raped by the forces. Women were stripped, beaten and verbally assaulted. Young girls were also stripped by the forces.

4. On January 12 several men and women from Kunna were taken into custody (see annexure 2 for details). On the way to one police camp, five men and five women were continuously beaten and the 5 women were also stripped and sexually assaulted. Apart from these, three boys were kept in illegal custody and forced to sign on a blank pieces of paper.

5. Twenty-one-year-old Lalu Sodi was severely beaten by the security forces on January 12, 2016. He died two days after, and the villages did not report the death as they feared further intimidation from the security forces.

6. Livestock was consumed by the forces, houses were broken into and implements were stolen by the men in uniform (See Annexure 2).

7. The team found the people of Kunna in a state of shock and their everyday life had become difficult because of the violence by the forces.

8. Finally, an FIR was filed on January 27, 2016 after a harrowing process by activists and the women of Kunna village (See page 15 for details)

9. Chotegadam village witnessed a similar pattern of plunder and violence (See pp 11-12 and Annexure 2 for further details)

Nendra Village
1. Between January 11-14, 2016, security forces occupied Nendra village(Bijapur). Four to five batches of police and security forces (CRPF, DRG, Koya) conducted search and combing operations while being stationed there.

2. The men of the village fled immediately as staying back would have meant either getting beaten up or being implicated in false cases. The security forces occupied houses of villagers.

3. Over thirteen instances of gang rape were reported by the women. Many other women were disrobed, molested, subjected to verbal abuse. Women’s faces were covered with a towel or even a mosquito net when rapes took place.

4. The forces not only threatened to burn down the houses with children inside but also threatened the women with the kind of violence they experienced during the time of Salwa Judum.

5. The security forces also looted rations, consumed poultry causing huge economic loss to the already impoverished villagers. (See annexure 3 for more details)

6. When women asked the security forces for money for the rations they had consumed the women were beaten up with lathi and rifles. Older people were also beaten (See Annexure 3 for details)

7. On January 18, 2016, members from the fact finding team along with 12 women of Nendra went to the Collectorate to bring to his attention the incidents in Nendra. However, the women had to wait till the January 21, 2016 to get their FIR registered, that too after a prolonged struggle with the administration. (see page 16 of the report for details)

State Response
A significant part of the team’s energies went into meeting officials in a bid to register FIRs against the accused. In all three cases the response of the administration was one of insensitivity and hostility. In the case of the fake encounter at Peddajejor, the official response was of “we will look into the matter”. The efforts involved in filing the FIR in the Kunna case took almost 13 days of constant pressure by the survivors and team members. In the Nendra incident, even when the Collector ordered the recording of statements, the police refused. Only after the fact-finding team was able to meet members of the NCW (National Commission of Women) who were collecting information regarding the infamous Peddagellur incident of October 2015, that the FIR was finally lodged on January 21, 2016.

These incidents, along with the climate of fear that has been created for ordinary villagers, activists, lawyers and journalists, needs to be seen in the light of Mission 16, which forms the governments objective in eliminating Maoists and handing over these lands to mining companies.

A copy of the report can be accessed here:

A copy of the Press Statement in Hindi can be accessed here:

Do Not Go Gentle Into That Good Night: Farewell Comrade Satnam

April 30, 2016

'Do not go gentle into that good night,
Old age should burn and rave at close of day;
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Though wise men at their end know dark is right,
Because their words had forked no lightning they
Do not go gentle into that good night……'

Dylan Thomas' father was losing his eyesight when he wrote this poem and we will never quite know the reasons for the specifics of the rage that led to Satnam –Gurmit –to take his own life. He was found dead at his residence in Patiala late on the evening of April 27. Unsung by large sections of the media, friends and associates, admirers and others on social media mourned his loss. He was 64 when he died.

Ranjana Padhi, “ He was a friend to many and his house in Ranjit Nagar a home to us all. An end of a rare friendship going beyond ideology and politics – cos we dare to dream and dare to critique and dream still…Suffice it Gurmit that I put up your book cover here. You would have scoffed at this too and laughed and said…"Kudi…tum log facebook pe kya kya karte ho!" I do not have the nerve right now to put up your foto and see the grinning face with the shining eyes! Inspired always by your commitment, warmth, passion and imagination…will always be. "

Many would know of Satnam –described alternately as a brilliant and courageous mind and a gentle soul –as the author of Jangalnama, the classic travelogue, hailed by critics writing in the English language as India’s answer to ‘Red Star Over China’ a book authored in 1937 by Edgar Snow. The book was written in 12 days in 2004 after a visit to Bastar in 2001. Today with Chhatisgarh the centre of brute state repression, the work becomes relevant, with Satnam’s departure, once again.

As Vishav Bharti who translated this seminal work wrote in the Tribune after Satnam’s death ‘Whose obituary do you want to write?’ he would have laughed at me. ‘G Fellow’, who was admired by the radical Left cadre as a commentator on international politics? Gurmeet Singh — the name that he shed decades ago in Amritsar when he joined the Naxalite movement in the 1970s?

Satnam, who died in Patiala on Wednesday night at the age of 64, lived many lives. Sometimes as an underground Maoist guerrilla, sometimes as a democratic rights activist on fact-finding missions on human rights violations in Kashmir and Gujarat genocide, or as a creative writer, who would write with equal felicity in Punjabi, Hindi and English.

Like many youngsters in 1970s, he also left home with a dream that the world can be made a better place to live. “But he was one of the few who remained steadfast in his belief till their last,” says Prof Bawa Singh, his close friend and former vice-chairman, National Commission for Minorities.

All these decades, besides political activism, Satnam kept on writing short stories and political commentary under different pen names. “He had written around 15 short stories but nobody bothered to preserve them and he himself was busy in activism, so most of these are lost,” reveals Singh. Among those writings only one story, World’s Oldest Profession, on prostitution that appeared in a Hindi magazine has survived.’

The remainder of Dylan Thomas' Poem

'….Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright
Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Wild men who caught and sang the sun in flight,
And learn, too late, they grieved it on its way,
Do not go gentle into that good night.

Grave men, near death, who see with blinding sight
Blind eyes could blaze like meteors and be gay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

And you, my father, there on the sad height,
Curse, bless, me now with your fierce tears, I pray.
Do not go gentle into that good night.
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Dylan Thomas, 1914 – 1953

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