

Pune Police has been unrelenting in pursuing human rights defenders in the name of investigating the Bhima Koregaon case. The latest victim is Dr. Hany Babu, an Associate Professor at the English Department of the University of Delhi for more than a decade.

On September 10, at around 6.30 am the Pune police accompanied by Noida police raided the house of Dr. Babu. Reportedly, the police said that they didn’t need a search warrant since this was in connection with the Bhima Koregaon case. Dr. Babu’s house was searched for several hours and the police took away all electronic devices, laptops, pen drives, mobile phones, etc.
The police team comprised Assistant Commissioner of Police (Swargate division) Shivaji Pawar, the investigating officer in the case along with Deputy Commissioner of Police (crime) Bachchan Singh and others.
A Facebook post on Tuesday by Ms. Jenny Rowena, Babu’s wife and a professor herself, read: “Today, the Pune police entered our house at 6.30 in the morning. They said that Hany Babu (my husband) who teaches at Delhi University English Department, is involved in the Bhima Koregaon case and for this they could search the house without a search warrant. They searched the house for up to six hours, took three books and his laptop, phone, hard disks and pen drives. They just left now. (Sic)”.
Dalit Bahujans gathered in thousands at Bhima Koregaon memorial to celebrate the bi-centenary of the battle of Bhima Koregaon were attacked allegedly by members and supporters of Hindutva supremacist groups on January 1, 2018. Various sections of the society came out in protest across Maharashtra.
Various reports, including one by SabrangIndia, suggested that police bandobast at the memorial was inadequate. But in the aftermath of the violence the police unleashed a massive combing operation against Dalit-Bahujans and conducted several raids and arrests the legality of which is disputed.
The first FIR registered in this regard named Hindutva leaders Manohar Bhide and Milind Ekbote as the instigators of violence. But they remained scot free. Meanwhile, the Maharashtra police unleashed a reign of terror in the form of raids and arrests on human rights defenders. What is more insidious is the subsequent charging of all the people especially human rights activists under the draconian UAPA.

Protest in solidarity with Prof Hany Babu
On June 6, 2018 poet, activist Sudhir Dhawale, Adv. Surendra Gadling, Prof. Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut and Rona Wilson were arrested in a massive crackdown. All arrests were allegedly made in connection with the Bhima Koregaon violence.
On August 28 activists Gautam Navlakha, Vernon Gonsalves, Arun Ferreira, trade unionist and lawyer Sudha Bharadwaj and Telugu poet Varavara Rao, had been arrested as a part of what is being seen by civil society groups as a state sponsored nationwide crackdown on dissenting voices. The houses of several other activists including Susan Abraham, Stan Swamy and Anand Teltumbde were also raided. On February 2, 2019, Teltumbde was arrested for a day and then let off and his application is pending before the Bombay HC.
Dr. Babu’s wife, Jenny Rowena also teaches in the English Department of Miranda House, University of Delhi.
A statement written by students of English department of Delhi University highlighted Dr. Babu’s penchant and commitment towards breaking the hegemony of certain languages including English. It said, “Given how much Hany Babu cares for language equality and the inalienable right of every language in the Union of India to advance, it is indeed shocking that the Indian state has harassed such an individual.” It added that though Dr. Babu taught in the English department, he understood the “immense power” the English language carried with itself. He helped students understand how the language can cause exclusions.
Importantly, the statement noted, “Hany Babu’s demand for language equality is allied to his demand for breaking caste exclusions in how knowledge is organised,” as Babu is also part of the Alliance for Social Justice, a forum for opposing caste discrimination in the university.
Highlighting the illegality of the raid and search operation, a statement said, “Such raids without search warrants are against the very essence of democracy, individual freedom, and open the door for planting evidence. Arbitrary use of instruments of the state to harass and intimidate dissent is inexcusable. Such intolerance towards criticism and dissent was the basis for the insidious attempt that was made last year to amend the Delhi University Act and apply ESMA. We demand an immediate end to such blatantly threatening postures towards voices of dissent and democracy. This attack on academic freedom and freedom of expression will be opposed tooth and nail by the teachers of Delhi University and other academic institutions in the country.
Dr. Babu in a Twitter statement said, “As a teacher, my work is heavily dependent on the material I have saved on my laptop and hard disk. It also contains the research work I have been pursuing for years. This is not something that can be duplicated. This is years of my hardwork.” This is a gross violation of Dr. Babu’s rights and can only be construed as “intimidation and harassment by the Pune police, and, by extension, the current government in power, to silence activists, professors and other citizens who support human rights in this country.”

In the petition, Vaiko has stated he has invited Dr Abdullah for a conference in Chennai on the occasion of the birthday of former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister CN Annadurai however, Mr Vaiko said that despite his efforts, he has not been able to reach him. Vaiko added that he had written to authorities on August 29 to seek the permission of the Central government as well the Secretary, Home Department, Jammu and Kashmir, to allow Dr Farooq Abdullah to travel to Chennai but he failed to get a response.
Vaiko also states, “The refusal of the Respondents to allow Dr. Farooq Abdullah to attend the peaceful and democratic conference organised by the Petitioner is illegal and arbitrary and violative of Articles 21, 22 and 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India.” The petition requests Supreme Court to pass directions that Farooq Abdullah be produced before it and be permitted to attend the conference in Chennai.


Sample taken from the spot where channel “releases” effluents
In a letter to senior Government of India and Gujarat government officials, with copies to the Prime Minister and the state chief minister as also concerned citizens, PSS in its letter signed by Rohit Prajapati and Krishna Kant insist not to renew Consolidated Consent and Authorization (CC&A) order dated January 6, 2015, and implement the closure order dated December 13, 2018 of GPCB under section 33A of the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974.
It is utterly shocking that Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB) letter, dated September 5, 2019, maintains complete silence on the principle and fundamental issue that, “Now, there is no dispute among concerned authorities, industries, and VECL that at ‘J Point’ of Effluent Channel of VECL the effluent is consistently not able to meet the prescribed GPCB norms”, mentioned in all our letter since 2000.
Surprisingly same letter also states, “Thus Board is taking action against as and when any industry (is) found not complying (with) the norms.” We would like to again put on record that the VECL is also an industry, in the business of safely conveying treated industrial effluents but is not able to meet the prescribed norms since its inception. We request GPCB to clarify this in writing. A copy of the letter is attached herewith.
We had taken a sample of the effluent on September 6, 2019 at 1.26 pm at ‘J Point’ and submitted the sample to GPCB, Vadodara Office. The result reveals that COD at ‘J Point’ is 1976. Investigations from July 31, 2019 onwards were able to reveal and expose that VECL’s pipeline, at many points, was and is still leaking. Even the monsoon rains on July 31, 2019 onwards have moved the soil above the pipeline inside the ECP and expose the reasons for the leakage.
Even the monsoon rains on August 2 and 3, 2019 were also able to reveal and expose that leakage of pipeline in the last stretch of ECP. The VECL’s carelessness has led to filling up of two ponds of Nodhana Village with industrial effluent. Industrial effluent also entered into agriculture land of Uber, Valipur, Nodhana, Samoj, and Sarod villages.
The Vadodara Enviro Channel Limited (VECL) knowingly and openly decided not to respect the Environment Laws of India and Order, dated February 22, 2017, of the Supreme Court in Writ Petition (Civil) No 375 of 2012 (Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti & Anrs V/s Union of India & Ors) and National Green Tribunal, Principal Bench, Delhi, Order, dated August 3, 2018 and February 19, 2019, in the Original Application No 593 of 2017, (Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti & Anrs V/s Union of India & Ors).
We are extremely disturbed that the Chief Secretary, Gujarat State; and the Chairman & Member Secretary of the GPCB are openly allowing the VECL to consistently and admittedly violate the environment laws of the land.
They are also turning a blind eye to the known and admitted violation of the Order, dated February 22, 2017, of the Supreme Court in Writ Petition (Civil) No. 375 of 2012 (Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti & Anrs V/s Union of India & Ors) and National Green Tribunal, Principal Bench, Delhi Order, dated 03.08.2018 and 19.02.2019, in Original Application No. 593 of 2017, (Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti & Anrs V/s Union of India & Ors). These amount to Contempt of the Supreme Court Order and exemplary punishment needs to be ordered by the concerned authorities.
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| A spot where effluent is oozing out of the pipeline |
There have been several such letters written by PSS and Farmers’ Action Group (FAG) and repeated investigations conducted by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB), and various agencies appointed by the concerned authorities.
These efforts and track record clearly demonstrates that the groundwater of the villages, ponds, and agricultural areas along and around the ECP are critically contaminated and need immediate intervention by the concerned authorities to stop further pollution of any kind.
They must also demarcate and analyze the pollution-affected areas scientifically and then implement well-devised, short-term and long-term plans to completely remediate the surface water and land as well as the groundwater of the affected area.
Since the year 2000, we have been continuously communicating about the above issues and about the non-compliance of Effluent Channel Project (ECP) of Vadodara Enviro Channel Limited, with the concerned authorities. There has been no response from the authorities in terms of definitive actions on the ground. Our continuous appeals have been responded with undeniable display of their nonchalance and lack of commitment to the environment and law of the land.
The Consolidated Consent and Authorization (CC&A), dated January 6, 2015, of VECL clearly mentions: “VECL have only one outlet for the discharge of its effluent and no effluent shall be discharged without requisite treatment & without meeting with the GPCB norms.”
There are many more such terms and conditions mentioned in the said CC&A but the concerned authorities have failed to look into the compliance of these crucial terms and conditions of CC&A.
Neither the GPCB nor the industrialists have denied that the groundwater is severely contaminated, that the contamination is spreading in different areas, and it has reached irreversible / irreparable levels because of incessant industrial activities.
There are number farmers who had been practicing organic farming but because of the groundwater pollution, they are no longer considered organic. Affected farmers with small landholding and villagers often have no choice but to use this contaminated water for farming and their livelihood, including in their own households, and for their cows and buffaloes.
The farmers who are affected by groundwater contamination and pollution have not been compensated in terms of money or in kind. This is despite the fact that nobody disputes the fact that the problem of contamination of groundwater and air pollution is because of the polluting industries located around the villages and areas vis-à-vis the ECP.
Alarming that industries located in Central Gujarat are releasing untreated effluents, which has grave consequences, and may force government to declare chemical emergency
Polluters need to pay. Industries need to be categorized as polluters. There are too many loopholes for polluters to get away from responsibility to pay. Polluters need to pay if it is externalized from their respective compounds. There has to be a system to assess and pay the affected in time.
There must be a serious and concerted effort made to change the way we process and manufacture industrial products. A mid-course correction towards more ecologically and socially responsible practices must be studied and adapted for a new kind of regenerative economy, healthier ecosystems, and happier and productive people.
As far as industrial clusters around ECP are concerned, they are located in the vegetable basket of Gujarat, on fertile land, which is prima facie contradictory and illegal. Majority of the industries located in this cluster do not even have the required buffer zone as per the stipulated condition in the environmental clearance.
The main purpose of the buffer zone is to avert the effect of negative impact of pollution on the surrounding rural residential and agricultural areas. No action has been taken against these defaulting industries even after repeated letters from us about the violations.
Keeping in mind the above stated alarming facts and undisputed realities even accepted by CPCB, GPCB, Vadodara Enviro Channel Limited, and the industries located in this area, we can surely declare this grave situation as a major chemical emergency. In order to reduce further harm to the people and the environment, we demand that:
If authorities fail to do so, it will convey a wrong message to all the polluting industries that the concerned authorities are not serious about implementing the Supreme Court order dated February 22, 2017 in Writ Petition (Civil) No. 375 of 2012.
We expect your prompt and positive response in the interest of life, livelihoods, and the environment. If this doesn’t happen, we may take action as may be advised.
Courtesy: Counter View

The unending trial of democracy and unremitting assault on the Constitution and rule of law, in the name of Bhima-Koregaon, and the McCarthy-style With-hunt and victimisation of constitutionally minded academics and citizens questioning anti-democratic actions of the government in the Bhima Koregaon case continues unabated.
The latest incident occurred today, in the morning of 10 September 2019 when the house of Dr. Hany Babu was raided by a contingent of Pune Police between 6:30 am and 12:30. As Dr. Hany Babu lives in Noida, the Pune contingent was accompanied by the local UP police as well. The raiding team was comprised of DCP Crime Branch Bachchan Singh, ACP Shivaji Pawar, cyber experts, the UP Police from Sector 49 led by the SSP of Gautambudh Nagar. ACP Shivaji Pawar claimed to be the Investigating Officer of Bhima-Koregaon case. They searched the entire house and took away all electronic devices, laptops, pen drives, mobile phone, etc., belonging to Prof Babu. They even seized the documents related to his everyday teaching, such as student assignments, timetable, etc.. Furthermore, they locked him out of his email and other internet facilities.
It is significant that no search warrant was produced by the police when they raided Dr Babu’s house. On being asked by Dr Babu about the legality of the raid, the police retorted that they did not need to explain their actions to him. At the time of the search Dr Babu’s wife and child were present in the house. The police, including the UP police were very intimidating, and compelled Dr Babu to permit this illegal search of his home.
According to the statement issued by the Pune police, “the search was conducted …under Section 153(A), 505 (1)(B), 117, 120 (B), 121, 121 (A), 124 (A), 34 IPC and Section 13, 16, 17, 18, 18 (B), 20, 38, 39, and 40 UAPA 1967”. The range of charges, and the nature of the material seized (material on the Defence Committee for the Release of Dr G N Saibaba, of which he is a member) suggest that the state is on a fishing expedition, and hopes to incriminate Dr Babu one way or the other. The aim is also to send a chilling warning to others who may want to question the arbitrary and vindictive action of the Pune / Maharashtra police.
Dr. Babu has been with the English Department of the University of Delhi for more than a decade. He has been actively campaigning for the release of Dr G N Saibaba. It may be recalled that the deeply controversial arrest of Dr Saibaba was preceded by a similar set of illegal and intimidatory actions.
Dr Babu is also a prominent social justice activist academic of Delhi University. He has raised many issues pertaining to Dalits, other socially marginalised groups and minorities in the University. Dr. Babu has been actively fighting for the implementation of reservations of SC/St and OBC students for a long time. He has also been active in the teachers’ struggles against the privatisation of higher education. To enable his work in social justice, he even completed a degree in Law from the University of Delhi.
What is shocking is that the police officials seized the phones of Dr. Babu’s family members to prevent them from calling their lawyers and friends throughout the grueling 6 hours of the raid. PUCL strongly condemns such blatant abuse of law and high handed action of the Pune police.
Such actions and tactics on the part of the state, blatantly trample on the constitutional rights of citizens, and amount to state terrorism. Nothing else can be deduced from such arbitrary raids in the name of investigating Bhima-Koregaon incident. Dr. Babu has absolutely no connection with Elgaar Parishad. The main accused belonging to the saffron brigade, Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote, against whom there was a clear indictment by the initial inquiry conducted by the Pune Rural Police itself, are roaming free. Thanks to misuse of police machinery, which is distressingly compromised under the BJP-RSS led government in Maharashtra, the organisers of the peaceful meeting were targeted and one of them arrested. This so-called investigation has instead, taken turned into a witch hunt in which many human rights defenders, from all parts of the country, have been gradually turned into “accused” or “suspects” in the Bhima-Koregaon case, and have been peremptorily arrested and are now languishing in prison.
Mr. Ravi Kiran Jain, National President, PUCL
Dr. V. Suresh, National General Secretary, PUCL
Courtesy: Counter Current

It is unfortunate that the education system especially higher education in our country is such that it excludes those who belong to the marginalized sections of society, and those who are able to gain access to higher institutions have often been seen succumbing to the culture of such institutions which is designed to suit the needs and interests of the haves of the society. Every year suicide cases in Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) or recent case of suicide by Payal Tadavi is indicative of such reality.
It is only through higher education that one can at least see an opportunity to break the shackles of poverty and marginalization as school education can only act as stepping stone in accessing to higher education and cannot ensure a decent means of employment. Hence, access and success through higher educational institution is critical for the upliftment of the downtrodden in the society.
It is not hidden from anybody that the public higher education institutions in our country are so meager that it only accommodates a few of the students. Rest of the students then take recourse to the private institutions, however, such institutions are so expensive that only elite can manage to get access to these.
In order to secure an admission to the public institutions the ‘poor’ students not only have to compete with the ones who had school education from convent and international schools but they also have to fight with the costs that admission process of these institutions levy on them.
Recently, introduction of online entrance examinations and making the entire process of admission digital adds another layer of hurdle which further takes these spaces away from their grasp. In a country such as ours where most of the students from marginalized section are first generation learners and have studied in government schools; expecting them to be digitally equipped as their counterparts from the international schools shows the fault lines in the systemic treatment of education of have nots.
Most of the students who had studied in government schools studied in it because they lacked resources to buy even uniform, pen, paper and book, it is understood that they might not be having access to computers. Some of the government schools might be having computer lab but it largely remains non-functional. Students coming from rural remote areas have often reported not having seen computer throughout their school education.
According to the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) survey held in 2015, only 14% of Indian households possessed computers. The survey further highlights the rural urban divide in computer accessibility by noticing that only 6% of rural households and 29% of urban households possessed computers.
Also, the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) in 2016 shows that only 26% of schools in rural India have access to computer aided learning. Further, a survey conducted by Google and KPMG in 2017 finds that more than 66% of people do not have access to internet facility.
And 78% of people access internet through mobile devices. It is clear that more than half of the population do not have access to either computer or to the internet.
Moreover, using mobile devices or using internet on mobile devices is different from using computer and creating, reading or filing of documents. In such a backdrop, what provisions do we have for students who come from computer deficient background and have to now give the admission form and entrance examination only in online mode through computer?
The digital entrance examination or the admission procedure has been implemented at a time when one third of the world illiterates are in India.
The problem appears stark when computer education is not a compulsory subject in schools neither computer efficiency of students has been ensured. It certainly is going to hinder the deprived sections’ access to the higher education institutions.
A recent story in one of the newspapers shed light on the glitches of public distribution system (PDS) which is based on online linking of ration cards, Aadhaar cards and uploading of data. Such technicalities and its implementation without giving proper thought have left people in starvation.
This is what happens when policies are made at top which when implemented often works in tandem with the existing power structures to exclude those who had always been excluded in the society.
Courtesy: Counter View

A gram sabha (village committee) meeting organised in the Chasagurjang panchayat of Pallahara block of Odisha. The panchayat has a population of 5,000 and has asked the state government to open mini anganwadi centres for distant hamlets that do not have a full-fledged anganwadi.
“Our child’s nutrition has been compromised because we don’t have an anganwadi centre in the village,” said Munda, who lives in a small hamlet in the Pallahara block of Odisha’s Angul district. “We have to cross a river to get to the nearest anganwadi. How am I supposed to send my four-year-old son to the centre every day?”
The poorest people–those in the “lowest wealth quintile” or the 20% with the least amount of wealth–and other disadvantaged social groups such as the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (ST) living in small hamlets such as in Pallahara have the least access to anganwadi services, data from the fourth National Family Health Survey (NFHS) show. Living in remote areas, as many from STs do, exacerbates this inaccessibility.
STs comprise 8% of India’s population (104 million) but 45.9% of those from STs were in the lowest wealth bracket, more than any other social group, as IndiaSpend reported in February 2018. In 2015-16, as many as 19.7% of ST children under five years were stunted–had short height for age–and 19.0% of SC children, as compared to 16.4% of other backward castes and 11.9% of ‘general’ castes, NFHS data show.

Mini anganwadis for vulnerable populations
Low- to middle-income social groups are more likely to get food supplements, health check-ups and other ICDS services, NFHS-4 data show. In 2015-16, 63.3% of the poorest children did not get a health check-up as against 54.9% children from the second wealth quintile (poorest 21% to 40% of the population). Those better off prefer private services and hence have a low utilisation of ICDS services.
In 2015-16, a higher proportion of ST children received food supplements, health check-ups and pre-school education than other social groups, but this is low as compared to the proportion of poor people belonging to STs that need these services. For instance, even though almost half of the ST population (45.9%) belongs to the poorest quintile (poorest 20%), and 24.8% to the second lowest quintile, 60.4% of their children received food supplements under ICDS, NFHS data show.
Compare this to other backward castes: 18.3% of their population belongs to the lowest wealth bracket, and 19.3% to the second lowest, while 45.6% of children received food supplements under ICDS, data show.

Administrative shortcomings
The meeting that Munda attended was organised by members of the gram panchayat (elected village committee) and community leaders to hear people’s concerns and educate them about the need for a mini anganwadi.
“We are proposing two mini anganwadi centres in distant hamlets,” said Sashank Shekhar Naik, 47, sarpanch (village head) of Chasagurujang. “Our priority is to make mini-anganwadi centres available to children from the scheduled tribes who live in faraway villages. Children from here never get their take-home rations. It is impossible for parents to take them to the anganwadi centre every day and lose their wages.”
Since 1975, the government has run a supplementary nutrition programme under ICDS, which provides take-home rations–chhatua (powdered grain), eggs and pulses in the case of Odisha–for pregnant women, lactating mothers and children. It also provides hot, cooked meals for children, as well as pre-school education for children aged three to six, at anganwadi centres, as IndiaSpend reported in August 2019.
This helps support a child’s first 1,000 days–a window of opportunity in early childhood when a child’s growth and cognitive development are the fastest.
ICDS was universalised in 1995-96 to cover all community development blocks, and now reaches remote corners of the country. However, the poor, especially those from disadvantaged groups, are still left behind, as IndiaSpend reported in February 2018. Even in better-performing states such as Odisha, the lowest on the social ladder are excluded as they often live in remote areas.
“Anganwadi workers are not from our village, even if our children go to the centres, they are the last ones to be fed,” said Munda Saunto, 44, a panchayat member. “Auxiliary nurse midwives and ASHAs (grassroot health workers) hardly ever visit our village because of the rough terrain.”
“Children from distant hamlets are supposed to come to my anganwadi centre, but their attendance is the lowest,” said Nirupama Nayak, 31, an anganwadi worker in Udayapur village, which also covers Jayapur village. “They cannot travel 3 km every day, alone, to visit the centre. As a result, they miss out on their hot cooked meals, neither do they get pre-school education.”
The government sanctioned 116,848 mini anganwadi centres in 23 states and union territories in 2007, data from the National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development show. There are no data on how many mini anganwadis are currently operational.
Until 2005, only one of the six services–hot cooked meals–were provided in a mini anganwadi under the ICDS. In 2007, norms were revised so that all six services were to be provided, ICDS guidelines show.
Even though the villagers in Pallahara want an anganwadi, there is an administrative issue: Kuna Munda’s village, Jayapur, overlaps with another gram panchayat; half the population comes under that panchayat, which means that Jayapur does not have the minimum 150 people to make it eligible for a mini anganwadi centre. The villagers have proposed two mini anganwadis, one in each gram panchayat.
Even the panchayat members were unsure whether Munda’s village belonged to the panchayat of Chasagurujang, where the meeting was taking place, or if he should have gone to the other panchayat that Jayapur is also a part of.
“We have submitted proposals to the government for a mini anganwadi centre especially in the hamlets without an anganwadi, where children cannot reach the nearest centre by foot. It is under consideration and the government will sanction it soon,” said Manoj Mohanty, district collector of Angul.
Renu Pati, the child development project officer for Angul district who oversees ICDS services, and should have been involved in sending the proposal, said she had not received any proposals yet for a mini anganwadi. She refused to answer any other questions.
Reduced government burden, improved health
The lack of access to nutrition could be felt most acutely in disadvantaged communities. For instance, in 2013, 19 infants died due to malnutrition when the Odisha government ran a special project for the development of vulnerable tribal groups–the most disadvantaged among STs. Under the project, 216 children were identified as severely underweight and suffering from severe acute malnourishment, but 60 of these were not referred to any hospital, found the 2017 Comptroller and Auditor General report, the latest on particularly vulnerable groups. “No remedial measures were taken by micro-projects to eradicate malnutrition,” the report said.
In addition to helping children and families, mini anganwadi centres would also reduce the burden on the government. Currently, nutritional rehabilitation centres support highly malnourished children and mothers, spending Rs 125 a day per child and mother in Odisha. A malnourished child, along with their mother, is kept for a minimum of 15 days at the nutritional rehabilitation centre under close observation, while focusing on their nutrition.
In January 2019, Nayak, the anganwadi worker, sent three children to the nutritional rehabilitation centre in Pallahara block’s community health centre, 40 km from the village. Two of the children were in the red zone–signifying severe malnourishment with very low weight for height–and the third child was in the orange zone, showing moderate malnourishment. A closer anganwadi centre could have helped these mothers and children supplement their nutrition and avoid severe malnourishment.
(Ali is an IndiaSpend reporting fellow.)
Courtesy: India Spend

Moving beyond a critique of India’s emerging bionationalism, Holy Science explores generative possibilities that the rich traditions of South Asian story telling offers us.
The following is an excerpt from the chapter Conceiving a Hindu Nation: (Re) Making the Indian Womb
New Biopolitical Imaginations of Hindu Nationalism
One of the central and ongoing projects that Hindu nationalists have embarked on is to “Hinduize” the nation. Since coming to power in the national government in 2014, they have poured considerable investment into these projects—taking over research institutions, rewriting school textbooks and curricula, and reshaping research and policy agendas. In the realm of biology, Hindu nationalists have sought to modernize and scientize Vedic sciences by reconstructing them in the language of modern genomics. The new Ministry of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy (AYUSH) has a separate budget and a higher status than any similar agency has ever had in India’s history. On its web-site, images of Prime Minister Modi in yoga asanas with a large group of followers fill the screen. Over the last year, several efforts at reproductive enhancements using Vedic and Hindu sciences have garnered international attention. These practices and claims have an older history. For example, Lucia Savary (2014) describes what she calls “vernacular eugenics” in India during colonial rule in the early decades of the twentieth century. Known as santati-śāstra (the “science of progeny” or “progeniology”), this emerging branch of knowledge bases its principles on Francis Galton’s “classical eugenics” but has adapted them to Indian eugenics, using Ayurveda or ratiśāstra (ancient texts that deal with conjugal love) as its knowledge base. During this time period, Savary (2014: 381) argues,“western science functioned as a legitimizing source in vernacular texts.” In the more recent projects, what is striking and alarming is the seamless melding of the ancient and the modern to reconfigure Vedic medicine as proven knowledge.
Let’s consider claims of the revival of the ancient Indian tradition of garbh sanskar, or education in the womb. Organizers claim that it “is a scientifically proven fact” and “an amazing way of teaching/educating and bonding with unborn baby in womb during pregnancy.” Its objective is to produce uttam santati, superior children (Sampath 2017). Parents are advised to follow “three months of ‘shuddhikaran (purification)’ for parents, intercourse at a time decided by planetary configurations, complete abstinence after the baby is conceived, and procedural and dietary regulations” (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017). Ashutosh Bharadwaj (2017) quotes a doctor as stating, “The shastras prescribe a specific time to have intercourse for pregnancy. Doctors tell couples when they should become intimate on the basis of their horoscope and planetary configurations.” The program involves “purification of the energy channels” (Gowen 2017) and following the religious scriptures. This project, launched in Gujarat a decade ago, has been promoted at the national level since 2015. Its national convener, Dr. Karishma Narwani, states, “Our main objective is to make a Samarth Bharat (strong India) through uttam santati [superior offspring]. Our target is to have thousands of such babies by 2020” (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017). Such training extends to Hindu nationalist camps called Arogya Bharati (Gowen 2017).
Through Ayurveda, the program argues, you can produce superior offspring: “The parents may have lower IQ, with a poor educational back-ground, but their baby can be extremely bright. If the proper procedure is followed, babies of dark-skinned parents with lesser height can have fair complexion and grow taller” (R. Mishra 2017). A perfect example of an archaic modernity, the claims originate in both Indian mythology and modern biology. Garbh sanskar (education in the womb), for example, draws on the Indian mythological tale of Abhimanyu. In the Mahabharata, Abhimanyu is described as having learned the art of breaking the “chakravyuh” (a circular trap) inside his mother’s womb as his father narrated the method (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017). Alongside this mythological insight, the project introduces bioscientific language. Repeatedly in the numerous projects that have proliferated, one sees the mingling of Indian mythological stories alongside bioscientific language that often proves nonsensical if one examines it carefully. For example:
Garbh sanskar enables “genetic engineering in vivo or inside the womb.” (Indiatimes 2017)
This procedure “repairs genes” by ensuring that genetic defects are not passed on to babies. (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017)
Ayurveda has all the details about how we can get the desired physical and mental qualities of babies. IQ is developed during the sixth month of pregnancy. If the mother undergoes specific procedures, like what to eat, listen and read, the desired IQ can be achieved. Thus, we can get a desired, customised baby (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017).
Often the personnel have a mixture of traditional and bioscientific training. For example: “Narwani and Jani hold Bachelor’s degrees in ayurveda, medicine and surgery, and Varshney obtained a PhD in biochemistry from Allahabad University in 1986” (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017).
All of the projects share a few features. The primary advice seems to be the control of the pregnant woman—making her a happy, docile, accommodating individual. They promote being “good” and religious, reading religious scriptures, listening to the Ramayana, and following austere Hindu values such as eating vegetarian food. The recent trend of violence against meat eaters is significant given that vegetarianism is a cultural practice of only a minority of India’s population (Natrajan and Jacob 2018). The advice is decidedly puritanical in its prohibitions against desire and passion (albeit not against sex!).
Pregnant women have been advised to stay away from “desire or lust”, avoid non-vegetarian food and have spiritual thoughts. . . .
Pregnant women should detach themselves from desire, anger, attachment, hatredness [sic], and lust. Avoid bad company and be with good people in stable and peaceful condition always. . . .
The [government-funded] booklet has also suggested that expecting mothers read about the life of great personalities, keep themselves in “peace” and hang “good and beautiful pictures” in their bedrooms for a healthy baby. (Times of India 2017) The programs and website make grandiose forecasts, including a higher IQ, fair skin, and tall stature for the baby and an easy labor for the mother, as one of the other quotes suggests: “If the mother chants shlokas and mantras, it helps in the mental growth of the baby . . . if she leads such a life, there will be no labour pain and the baby will gain up to 300g more weight” (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017; Gowen 2017).
Lest we think these are a few fringe groups, it is important to remember that promotional materials and information are often government funded and featured on government websites. For example, the government-funded Central Council for Research in Yoga and Naturopathy produced a booklet released by the minister of state for AYUSH that contained much of this information (Times of India 2017). Information to produce uttam santati (superior children) has made its way into textbooks in some states. Controversial teachings on how to produce a “superior male child” through diet and melted gold and silver have found their way into the curriculum for a Bachelor of Ayurveda, Medicine, and Surgery (a five-and-a-half-year degree) third-year textbook in the state of Maharashtra (R. Mishra 2017). While these ideas have long circulated in India, with a Hindu nationalist government at the helm promoting such knowledge as Vedic science, these projects are increasingly finding national reach.
The projects and their goals are ambitious. One claims to have already ensured the delivery of 450 “customised babies,” and its target is to have a Garbh Vigyan Anusandhan Kendra (a facilitation center) in every state by 2020 (Indiatimes 2017). They have also begun to incorporate garbh vigyan sanskar (pregnancy science rites) into college curricula.
Most alarming are the hopeful claims linking their projects to the successes of Nazi Germany. Several organizers have repeated the narrative that the project was inspired by the advice a senior Hindu nationalist (RSS) ideologue received over forty years ago in Germany from a woman he called the “Mother of Germany.” The woman is quoted as telling him, “You have come from India, have you not heard of Abhimanyu (the son of Arjuna in the epic Mahabharata)?” Varshney commented, “She told him that the new generation in Germany was born through Garbh Sanskar and that is why the country is so developed” (Ashutosh Bharadwaj 2017).
Banu Subramaniam is a Professor of Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. She writes on social and cultural aspects of science. She supports activist science aimed to create knowledge about the natural world while being aware about how it is embedded in our society and culture. In 2016, her book Ghost stories for Darwin won the Ludwik Fleck Prize for science and technology studies.
These are excerpts from Holy Science written by Banu Subramanium, published by Orient BlackSwan. Republished here with permission from the publisher.
Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum
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