Understanding the mainstreaming of the far right

August 28, 2018

It is essential to move beyond electoral politics to understand the way the far right is being mainstreamed. It involves asking, “ is there any such thing as public opinion” ?

Boris Johnson arriving home in Thame, Oxfordshire, August 13, 2018. Steve Parsons/Press Association. All rights reeserved.

Much has been written recently about the rise of the far right and its growing impact on mainstream politics. While the campaign and election of Trump remains the most covered event, the strong performance of the Freedom Party in Austria, the Front National in France, the Lega in Italy and the victory of Brexit in the UK amongst others have made such discussions ubiquitous. Countless texts focus on the ways in which the discourse of parties and movements once considered toxic have evolved or been adapted.

While the concepts of ‘mainstream’ and ‘mainstreaming’ have commonly been invoked, their definition has been elusive, or rather avoided by scholars and experts on the topic – partly due to the fact that defining the mainstream is itself a challenge. Defining the mainstream is itself a challenge.

It is therefore not surprising that much of the scholarly work about the mainstreaming of the far right in Europe has been based on electoral performance. Yet, focusing solely on parties and electoral politics risks both underestimating and exaggerating certain phenomena. In the 2007 French presidential election, for example, the defeat of the Front National was only a result of Nicolas Sarkozy’s absorption of many of its ideas, leading in turn to the mainstreaming of the far right party and its return to the forefront of politics. UKIP faced a similar fate after the Brexit victory, and Farage, who has continued to receive disproportionate coverage, was only too happy to say as he stood down from the party leadership that “The Ukippers will have been the turkeys who voted for Christmas.” In the US, white supremacists such as Jason Kessler and Richard Spencer, whose electoral weight is close to nil, have also received disproportionate coverage, including by the more liberal media. This occurs in a context where the far right has endorsed and been supported and emboldened by Trump.

Therefore, we believe that it is essential to move beyond electoral politics to understand the way the far right is being mainstreamed. To do so, a few ‘common sense’ tropes must be challenged:

The mainstreaming of the far right is not new.
Despite the pledge across the west that Nazism and fascism would never be allowed to happen again, we have witnessed the resurgence of far right parties, movements and ideas and their absorption into the mainstream ever since and up to this day. Flirting with anti-immigration or openly racist rhetoric is not new, and mainstream politicians have done so for decades.

The mainstream’s meaning and position is constructed, contingent and fluid.
It is also dependent on what we contrast as ‘extreme’, which is just as contingent and fluid. What is mainstream or extreme at one point in time does not remain so. Ideas such as racism, sexism and homophobia, once acceptable in the mainstream, can be and were rejected, associated with the past and with extremism. Yet, such movements or ideas (together with the structures or institutions which underpin them) may not disappear, may adapt and change. Also, a backlash and revival may always occur.

Far-right parties also move both ways.
On the one hand, they can become more mainstream through their own choices and actions, usually through a discursive shift towards less overtly racist and authoritarian politics, as well as an expansion of their programmes away from anti-immigration as a single issue. They can also be disentangled from the mainstream and rendered ‘extreme’ as the mainstream changes.

On the other hand, their position can be influenced by the actions (or inaction) of other parties and political actors (including the media). Providing a media platform or engaging in ideological, political or discursive alliances and cooperation has played a major role in mainstreaming far right parties. Providing a media platform or engaging in ideological, political or discursive alliances and cooperation has played a major role in mainstreaming far right parties.

The mainstream is not essentially good.
The mainstream can move both ways, depending on circumstances. Mainstream parties can move towards more progressive politics, as much as they can move towards reaction when under real or perceived pressure from far-right parties or public opinion for example.

Progress is not unidirectional or inevitable.
A common narrative sees history and society moving forward in a constant, unidirectional trajectory towards more freedom (in a liberal/capitalist sense) and equality of opportunity (based on systemic inequalities which remain unaddressed), overcoming injustices such as colonialism and slavery. However, this narrative fails to address the continuity of racism, sexism and homophobia, or the possibility of a backlash by reactionary forces.

The most notable case is that of the ‘post-racial’ where racism, supposedly overcome, has been predicated on individual achievements by persons of colour, representing racism in terms of the bad old days of Nazism. This has served to legitimise what we term ‘liberal racism’ and Islamophobia in particular, that is, attacks on Islam and Muslims in the name of liberal values as opposed to race. This can be seen most recently in Boris Johnson’s attack on the burqa or in the banning of religious symbols across Europe targeted directly at Islam in an unmistakably racist manner. Liberal racism can be seen most recently in Boris Johnson’s attack… targeted directly at Islam in an unmistakably racist manner.

Party politics and discourse can move together but they do not have to, or not at the same time.
Parties can move left or right faster or slower than public discourse does, putting them at odds with the political discussion and thus alienating or marginalising them.

Various levels of discourse must also be accounted for. Does elite discourse (media, academics and experts and politicians) reflect wider public discourse at the local or individual level? If these move separately, then which influences which and how? Are parties following public opinion or leading it?

The far-right or its (mis)perception may also pressure or influence the mainstream, based on a skewed account of its support, so much so that the mainstream may appropriate their ideas as they fear a loss in votes. The very idea of an EU referendum in the UK for example was accelerated by the constructed threat of UKIP which sent into panic mode both Labour and the Conservatives, and in turn fed the hype, despite the far-right party gathering at most 7% of the registered vote in all its history. The very idea of an EU referendum in the UK for example was accelerated by the constructed threat of UKIP which sent into panic mode both Labour and the Conservatives.

There is no such thing as public opinion.
In recent years, particularly through what has been termed populist hype, the mainstreaming of racism and the far-right has often been explained and legitimised in terms ‘public opinion’ and attributed to ‘the people’. Did the British ‘people’ want a referendum on the EU or were they told they wanted it? Did all Trump voters vote for a white supremacist leadership or did they simply vote for the party they had always voted for? What happens when non-voters are taken into account? Does public opinion shape politics from scratch or do politicians and the media shape public opinion?

These are issues which would require far more space than is given to us here to discuss, but some leads can be explored briefly. As Maxwell McCoombs noted ‘most of the issues and concerns that engage our attention are not amenable to direct personal experience’, building on Walter Lippman’s belief that ‘the world that we have to deal with politically is out of reach, out of sight, out of mind’. This means that our knowledge of the world beyond our very limited direct experience has to be mediated, and, while mediation can come from a number of sources (family, friends, work etc), much of our political knowledge these days is acquired through the media, and the way politics is discussed within it, with certain actors having more powerful voices than others. This does not mean that the media or politicians will tell you what to think, but simply that they will tell you what to think about.

This does not mean that the media or politicians will tell you what to think, but that they will tell you what to think about. This is key when looking at the contemporary mainstreaming of the far right as much of it has been based on the simplistic idea that tougher measures on immigration for example are ‘what the people want’ or that Islam is not compatible ‘according to a majority of the (add any given nationality) people’. The data used to generate public discourse, whether through election results or opinion polls, is often based on selective interpretation, and frequently gives the impression that it is the people as a sovereign voice that is driving the mainstreaming process, rather than the elite through their misguided perception or inability to respond to current political crises.

Therefore, key to our approach is a particular focus here on discourse, moving away from electoral politics qua politics, towards a more holistic approach. To implement a comprehensive strategy, it is essential to separate electoral and ideological/discursive successes when talking about the mainstreaming of the far right and racism more generally. The fate of a political party or movement in terms of election is irrelevant if their ideas become front and centre. The fate of a political party or movement in terms of election is irrelevant if their ideas become front and centre.
This is something the far right has managed to turn to its advantage, in part through a radical transformation of its strategy initiated in intellectual circles in the 60s and 70s. Building on and perverting the theories of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony, far right intellectuals in France in particular devised their own way out of their post-war oblivion. They claimed that their revival would be based on the simple hegemonic principle that: cultural power must precede political power. It was therefore not surprising to see Steve Bannon cite these intellectuals as an inspiration, or to find that the Alt-Right directly borrowed from them.

While the far right itself remained at first on the margins, its ideas began to seep into the mainstream as they perfected their strategy and gained increased impact in the media and on public discourse in the 90s and 2000s. The second half of 2010s seems to have heralded a new stage in this mainstreaming whereby the far right’s ideas have become so normalised that their presence in government is no longer a surprise, and is in fact increasingly common, as exemplified by the Austrian and Italian cases.

In this context, while day-to-day, localised anti-racist action remains as essential as ever, we have reached a point where a broader response must be developed on the left. It is essential to aim beyond the far right itself and tackle the appeal to and activation of racism by and within the mainstream, as well as the roots of the continual and pervasive presence of racism in our societies, their structures and institutions, relying on critical and historical approaches.

Aurelien Mondon is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Bath University. Working with Aaron Winter, his work looks at the relationship between the far right and the mainstream, with a particular focus on racism. Their most recent article is ‘Articulations of Islamophobia: from the extreme to the mainstream?’ in Ethnic and Racial Studies (2017).

Aaron Winter is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at University of East London. Together with Aurelien Mondon he is currently working on the book Reactionary Democracy: populism, racism, the far right and ‘the people’.

Courtesy: https://www.opendemocracy.net

Social media’s not all bad – it’s saving lives in disaster zones

August 28, 2018

Social media was recently credited with reducing the number of casualties caused by air strikes in the Syrian civil war. The early warning system, developed by tech startup Hala Systems, uses remote sensors to detect aircraft flying over the opposition-held northern province of Idlib. Alerts are then sent via Facebook and instant messaging apps such as WhatsApp to civilians and aid workers in affected areas. These messages give relevant information such as the areas likely to come under heavy bombardment and the duration of these raids.

Syrian airstrike survivors. EPA/Yahya Nemah

Since its launch in 2016, the system has reportedly reduced the number of casualties in the region caused by air strikes by as much as 27%. The system also triggers traditional air raid sirens that might actually be more effective than social media in reaching key demographics in affected areas. Nevertheless, this example shows why social media has become big news for emergency managers seeking to provide accurate and timely information to people affected by disasters.

Incidents such as Hurricane Sandy in September 2012 have shown how disaster response teams can leverage the “power of collective intelligence” given by social media. Members of the public use these platforms to share critical information that helps build a bigger picture of the situation. They also play a key role in correcting misinformation and dispelling rumours that have the potential to hinder efforts to restore critical services in affected areas.

Twitter hashtags in particular function as “fire spaces”, transforming data generated by citizens into information that helps first responders allocate resources to the people who need them most. Emergency managers frequently use information-gathering platforms such as Ushahidi and Twitcident to help them sift through the large volume of data available on these sites at each stage of the incident.

They have also mobilised “digital volunteers” who offer their time without having to leave home to assist with this task. Groups such as the Virtual Operations Support Teams and the Digital Humanitarian Network helped analyse the social media data generated during natural disasters such as Hurricane Harvey, as well as terrorist incidents such as the November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks.

Social media can also be used by citizens to provide emotional and material support to those living in disaster-affected areas. Our research projects CascEff and IMPROVER found several examples of such citizen-led social media campaigns. These included #hasselthelp, which provided shelter to those festival goers who had fled the 2011 Pukkelpop festival disaster. And #PorteOuverte, which fulfilled the same function for those caught up in the Paris terrorist attacks.

Leighton Walter Killé/TCF, CC BY-ND.

These hashtags appeared to empower local communities to join in disaster response, theoretically increasing their resilience towards such incidents in the future. Yet social media users typically disengaged from these online groups once their questions about the incident had been answered. And we found that they didn’t necessarily show a stronger commitment to responding to the disasters. What’s more, emergency management organisations are likely to remain the most influential and reputable sources of crisis information for the foreseeable future.

The problem with relying on digital media for disaster response is that not everyone has access to it. Many people are still sceptical about the trustworthiness and reliability of information posted online. Research shows that members of the public are still more likely to perceive traditional media such as newspapers, radio and television as more credible than social media.

Mixing old and new

Because there’s always a risk of mobile networks also going down, any communication strategy has to involve a mix of traditional and digital media. Our research found that radio was still seen as the most resilient communication channel that could help reach large numbers of people when power supplies were disrupted.

Our work also suggests there aren’t any ways social media is used that make it indispensable to emergency managers. Instead, they need to assess how people are behaving and the information they need to work out the best way to communicate in any scenario, including by learning lessons from previous disasters.

Overly optimistic views of social media as a panacea for the problems in crisis communication often ignore the importance of a mix of traditional and digital tools. Perhaps that’s why the Syrian air strike warning system, which sounded conventional alarms based on data gathered by social media, has proved so successful.

Paul Reilly, Senior Lecturer in Social Media and Digital Society, University of Sheffield and Ioanna Tantanasi, Research Associate, University of Sheffield

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Why Imran Khan’s Invocation of Medina is Deeply Regressive

August 28, 2018

When politicians fail to deliver basic promises related to food, shelter and security, they normally turn to religion. Promising an illusory hope, they think that the dope of religion will help people forget their daily struggles of keeping their body and soul together. People get carried away for a while but then when confronted with the very real issues of hunger and education, they start reminding the leaders the promises they had made. The current leadership is replaced with one another one and new leadership makes another set of promise, and the circle continues.

But what is mightily interesting is that the new prime minister of Pakistan has started using religion right at the start of his career. Perhaps, he already knows that he will not be able to deliver on issues of employment and corruption which he had made into the central focus of his election campaign. A mark of a good leader is his foresight and perhaps Imran, knowing fully well that he will eventually fail, has started opiating his people right from the very beginning!

His promise to bring the welfare state of Medina to Pakistan has made the Muslim world sit up and take notice. Commentators, even seemingly progressive ones within Pakistan, have come out in total defence of Imran Khan and his concept of New Pakistan. Only time will tell if Imran Khan lives up to his expectations.

However it is his invocation of Medina which should be the focus of critical scrutiny now. The important question to ask is whether any nation, including a Muslim nation, can have as its role model, not a country which is modern and progressive but an oasis of 7th century Arabia. Not just Imran Khan but legions have invoked this part of the earth and there must be a reason for doing so.

From revivalists to the modern Islamists, all have revisited and reconstructed the city of Medina to suit their own political program. While for Maududi, this Medina was the start point of a triumphalist Islam, where the state first starts enforcing the Sharia, for Husain Ahmad Madani, the Medina charter was the best guarantee for minority rights, especially for the Muslims of India. For Imran, Medina becomes the modern welfare state where the rights of weak will be protected. But what is this Medina charter that we are so fond of referring and in what way can this fulfil our present requirement?

One of the first impression that one gets from the Medina charter is that it is overflowing with the notion of blood money. Now the very concept of blood money is problematic. A murderer can go scot free if he has the ability to pay blood money. The whole idea is that if one has money, then he can get away with anything. There are scores of example in Saudi Arabia where people, especially from poor migrant communities, are forced to accept blood money so that they can write off their case in courts. The very existence of the concept of blood money is predicated on class and status asymmetry within society: those who have money will be able to pay blood money and thus rescued from the clutches of the law while those who do not will have to face the music. The very notion therefore flies in the face of modern notion of equality before law. One is not quite sure, if in the deeply unequal society of Pakistan, this is the model which needs to be followed.

Another clause within the charter of Medina relates to women. Complaints of individual women will be taken up only with the consent of their families or respective kinship groups, according to the so called revolutionary charter. Historians have rightly noted that the charter did not want to disturb the existing social balance of forces which treated women as chattel. Now it is up to Pakistan to decide whether it wants to continue the same tradition and treat women as the property of men and communities or whether they want to treat women as individuals in their own right. We hear so much from Muslim apologists that Islam gave revolutionary rights to women. While this may be hyperbole, Muslim societies can always chart a new course in terms of gender equality through modern jurisprudence. What one finds disconcerting is that western educated leaders Imran Khan also talk of the Medina model knowing fully well that it will take women of Pakistan into dark ages. Women in Pakistan have fought hard battles to win some of their existing freedoms and they should not take lightly the supposedly pious words of their leader.

The fledgling Medina state has at times been eulogised as a shining example of pluralism and co-existence. While pluralism is certainly a positive thing, a closer scrutiny of the charter of Medina reveals that it pluralism is not a principle which should be followed for its intrinsic merit. Rather pluralism in this case is dependent on the supremacy of the Muslims. Muslims have been given exalted place within the charter and it is their version that is sought to be imposed on other inhabitants of Medina. One clause within the charter says that all Muslims are friends to the exclusion of all non-Muslims while another says that a Muslim should not help a non-Muslim. It is this kind of Islamist exclusionism which informs the incipient society in Medina. But then perhaps, this is what appeals to those in Pakistan. A look at the oath of office of the prime minister tells us that Pakistan has no place for any other religion and that the whole oath is designed to reinforce the concept of Islamic supremacism.

The prime minister of Pakistan has to believe in the ‘unity and oneness of Allah, the books of Allah, the Quran being the last of them, the Prophethood of Muhammad as the last of the Prophets and that there can be no Prophet after him, the Day of Judgment, and all the requirements and teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah’. Now if this is the oath that the prime minister takes, then it is understandable why Medina would continue to appeal. After all, the first experiment to establish Islam took place in Medina and the first country which got created specifically in the name of Islam was Pakistan. As Venkat Dhulipala suggests in his book, Pakistan was indeed imagined as a new Medina. The similarities perhaps do not end here. Islamic Medina was grafted on an earlier city which had its own code and style of life. Similarly, Islamic Pakistan was foisted on a population which had for centuries followed their own customs and traditions. After Islam came into the scene, both places got changed beyond recognition.

The need to create a welfare state within a feudal Pakistan is most welcome. But a welfare model should not hark back to seventh century Arabia where there was no welfare but just charity and no conception of individual, minority or gender rights. If at all, Imran Khan is serious about establishing a welfare state, he should look at modern solutions like the ones being experimented in Western Europe.

Arshad Alam is a columnist with NewAgeIslam.com

Courtesy: New Age Islam

How Kerala faced and fought the worst floods in a century

August 28, 2018

The heavy downpour in this monsoon season gave way to the worst floods faced by Kerala in a century. Adding to the heavy rains was the ever-increasing water level in the scores of dams all over the state along with landslides and mudslides. The result was the disastrous floods which inundated large parts of the state for days on end. Nearly 400 people lost their lives, thousands were injured. And lakhs were displaced from their homes. But Kerala did not fall down. The small state at the southern end of India fought bravely during the floods and the rescue mission also was successfully completed. And now the state is looking forward to rehabilitation, no, in other words, ‘building the new Kerala’.

Malppuram district Collector Amit Meena recieving contributions for the flood relief. The elderly people gave their old age pensions and the woman gave the money she had set aside for Umra pilgrimage.

The state rose from the initial confusion of the hard-beating floods with a courage and determination unprecedented in history. The rescue of Kerala became the mission of all strata of people, from the fishermen on the coasts to the IT professionals in the cities.

The young generation, which the elders used to laugh at saying they are always on phones and the internet, suddenly rose to the occasion. They utilised the internet on their fingertips to coordinate the rescue mission. Unofficial control rooms opened up on social media such as Whatsapp and Facebook for the rescue mission. Emergency numbers were announced on the social media for the aid of those caught up in the floods. The people stranded on rooftops and isolated buildings in the heavily flooded areas sent audio and video messages on the social media which were widely shared, and thus reached the rescue teams. ‘The Compassionate Kerala’, a group formed by former Kozhikode Collector Prashant Nair (commonly known as Collector Bro among the youths) was at the forefront to coordinate things, by collecting data on the rescue needs, sending information to the rescue teams and updating on the happenings.

The tech-savvy young generation created new apps to aid the rescue mission. The NRIs in the Gulf, Europe and elsewhere coordinated from their respective countries too. The Kerala government also rose to the occasion by creating a new website solely for the rescue and relief activities connected with the deadly floods – www.keralarescue.in. Now, Google could not wait on the sidelines. The internet giant began a move to mark the safety of people. People were asked to mark if they were safe in the Kerala floods or not. Websites like www.microid.in came up with maps to mark the flooded areas, which was useful for both rescue workers as well as those travelling with relief materials.

The leaders of the state-led from the front. They did not give orders and sit back in their comfortable homes. Instead, the ministers, MLAs and other political party leaders were in the front of the mission to save Kerala working from their own respective constituencies. Finance Minister Dr Thomas Isaac and Agriculture Minister VS Sunil Kumar were seen in the forefront of rescue and relief activities. Collector and sub-Collector of Wayanad carried sacks of rice on their backs when trucks came to the relief collection point at night when other volunteers in the camp were taking rest after a tough day. Several district Collectors and IAS officers were in the forefront to lead the rescue and relief mission. Notable are TV Anupama of Thrissur, K Vasuki of Thiruvananthapuram, and Amit Meena of Malappuram, as well as other IAS officers Rajamanickam, UV Sumesh, and Prashant Nair. “You are making history. You are showing the world what Malayalis can do. In my opinion, you are working like soldiers who fought for freedom.” Though these words were said by K Vasuki to a cheering crowd at a relief camp in Thiruvananthapuram, whole Kerala took her words as an inspiration to move forward in the difficult times.

The Chief Minister, who was known to have a difficult relationship with the media, managed the grave situation wisely, with not a single negative tinge in his press meets. He convened press meets regularly and informed the media of what was happening. Even when the whole state was rallying against the centre for not providing an adequate number of army and navy personnel and helicopters for airlifting, the CM maintained that the Centre was helpful and that it had offered more help. He always carried a positive note in his press meets. And his office worked 24×7 in those days.

The bureaucracy worked along with the political leadership, and the local population also joined them. Nobody waited for directions to come from the top as to what to do. The local self-government bodies and its representatives acted as guides of their respective areas to identify and rescue each and every one, and they also supervised the relief camps. Local youth clubs and small groups also played their part in the mission to save the state. They are still active in the field with relief activities in remote areas where the government officials and aid may not reach.
Similarly, the role of the opposition parties also is commendable. The highly-political state of Kerala saw its ruling party and opposition going together in the mission to rescue the people. The opposition stood firmly with the ruling government and kept away from making accusations sensing the gravity of the situation.

The Kerala Police and Fire Force were responsible for the warning and evacuation of people from the affected areas before the waters rose, and they actively involved themselves in the rescue operations once floods came in. They also assisted the central forces and fishermen towards the end. The role of the NDRF, the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force cannot be sidelined; they were in the forefront for rescue by water and air, as well as airdropping food to those stranded in the flooded parts.

Perhaps, the most important part in the rescue mission was carried out by the fishermen. The centre had provided helicopters to airlift those stranded on rooftops in the areas where water had submerged even two-storey houses. Several dams were opened and water was flowing heavily into the 44 rivers all over the state. The rains were incessantly falling too. When Saji Cherian, MLA of Chengannur, broke down on an interview with a news channel, it was clear that things were falling apart. It was then that the new saviours came to the forefront – the fishermen. Fishermen from Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, Alappuzha and even Malappuram went all the way to the flooded parts with their boats and initiated the new phase of the rescue mission. In fact, they chose on their own volition to risk their lives and row their boats through the heavily-flowing water to save people.

Though the Navy and the NDRF followed in, the death count would have probably gone up substantially, had the fishermen folk not turned up. And the state did recognize the efforts of the sidelined section of the society. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan hailed the fishermen as the ‘Army of Kerala’, which in a way serves as a befitting reply to the centre which refused to send in more army men for the rescue.

Even as the rescue mission was going on, contributions were flowing in from different parts. The government requested people to contribute to the Chief Minister’s Distress Relief Fund. Other states in the country offered great help, financially and materially, which amounts to a total of around Rs 150 crore. When the state announced the primary estimate of loss as Rs 20,000 crore and requested for Rs 2,000 crore as immediate relief, the centre gave Rs 600 crore. Countries like UAE, Qatar and Thailand offered help, but the central government has taken a position not to accept foreign aid.

Tales of love in the time of floods
A fisherman from Tanur in Malappuram district has become the symbol of love and sacrifice in the deadly floods. A group of fishermen saved some women from the floods and boats were ready to transport them to a safer place. But a woman was not well and sensing that she might find it difficult to climb onto the boat from the water in which they were standing, Jaisal did the unexpected. He knelt on the ground covered by water so that the women could step onto his back and get down into the boat. The video of the same went viral on the social media and even the international media took notice of it.

While celebrities and big businessmen are contributing considerable amounts to the Chief Minister’s Distress Relief Fund and relief works of other small groups, there are also tales of love and sacrifice from those who cannot pay much. Malappuram district witnessed one such expression of sacrifice last day when a bunch of old people approached the district Collector and offered their old-age pension amount to the relief fund. Another woman handed over to the Collector the money she had kept for the Umrah pilgrimage. Over 350 inmates from the prisons across the state have been cooking and packing food for the flood victims, to be airdropped or sent to relief camps and stranded houses. They fed the flood-hit people with chapatis, upma, idlis, bread and jam etc.

The volunteers of the Ideal Relief Wing, the disaster management wing of the Jamat-e-Islami Hind were active in the rescue mission in all parts of the state. And now that the rescue has been completed, the IRW is active in running relief camps and in the cleaning of houses, other buildings and public places. There have been reports of the members of the IRW cleaning up a church first and then offering prayers inside the church itself as there were no mosques nearby. Different teams of the IRW have moved to different parts of the states with relief kits comprising of cleaning items, food and essentials etc for the relief activities. The state coordination office of the organization in Kozhikode is managing the activities.

Muslims offering jumuah prayers in a church after cleaning up the church and premises

In another example of love and harmony, a temple in Thrissur district opened its doors to the Muslims of the area to offer their Eid prayers since all mosques in their area were covered with water. Another report says of a group of people including women in a village who were shifted to a mosque nearby as the residential area was under the threat of a landslide. Mosques that allow women inside have specific places allotted for them normally. Hindu temples do not normally allow non-Hindus to enter. But all those restrictions flew away as they saw people suffering.

Mosques and churches turned into relief camps, temples opened their doors for Eid namaz.

Eid Namaz being conducted in the hall of a Hindu temple in Thrissur district

A group of 200 people from Malappuram are at the forefront of cleaning activities in Aluva in Ernakulam district on Saturday. The team under the banner of ‘Mission Flood 2018’ went to Aluva with cleaning equipment, medical facilities, clothes, food and drinking water etc. They cleaned up houses, public places and temples alike. The team also had plumbers and electricians, snake-catchers and doctors for the mission.

There have also been reports of little kids contributing to the flood relief. A little girl who had been saving money to buy a bicycle broke her piggy bank and gave all her money to the CMDRF. On knowing the incident, the famous cycle company Hero Cycles has got ready to gift her a bicycle. In another incident, a brother and sister decided to donate the land they inherited from their father to the CMDRF.

Courtesy: Two Circles

Sanatan Sanstha Terror: Govind Pansare’s Assassination and Security Threat To Megha Pansare

August 28, 2018

“It is only the building of pressure on the governments and agencies, that is going to ensure an investigation into the functioning of the SS and its affiliates; there is a need for a continuous negotiation with the governments and also the building of pressure groups,” Megha Pansare.

The demand for investigating and banning the Sanatan Sanstha (SS) is on the rise. Maharashtra Minister of State for Home Deepak Kesarkar had said the state government had sent a proposal to the central government seeking a ban on the outfit. However, the Centre denied receiving any such proposal. As Megha Pansare, an activist and daughter-in-law of late Comrade Govind Pansare, speaking with Newsclick noted, Kesarkar said there is not enough evidence showing the involvement of the SS in terror activities. On one hand, the reluctance of the state government to investigate the SS and on the other hand, the complex network of various organisations affiliated to the SS, is making the task of getting to the mastermind of this large conspiracy tough. The accused so far hail from two different states, and also are being investigated by two different state agencies. Ms. Pansare noted it is better if all the four cases are clubbed together and investigated together as according to her there might be miscommunication between the agencies and thus, a loss of links.

Ms. Pansare who has been fighting against the flourishing Hindutva terrorism in the country has been provided with X grade security by the Maharashtra police. Following the arrest of Parashuram Waghmare by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) in Karnataka in relation to the Gauri Lankesh case, Amole Kale an activist of Hindu Janajagruti Sanstha (HJS) was arrested. While the former has confessed to having shot dead the activist-journalist, the SIT recovered a “hit-list” with names of anti-hindutva voices and rationalists from the latter. Ms. Pansare was informed that her name was also on the list.

While the conspirators of the ongoing political assassinations are roaming around freely, the rational voices in the country are being provided security. Explaining the situation, Ms. Pansare said, “I was informed that my name was on the list. I and Hamid Dabholkar went to meet the Additional Superintendent of Police on June 20, 2018. I asked him about this development and he did not have any such information. However, three days later he called me to confirm the information of my name being on the list; and set up a unit of six police personnel from the SP office. The security was tightened. A week after this, Mr. Krishna Prakash of the State Intelligence department from Mumbai, called me to inform that I will be provided with a State Protection Unit person who will be accompanying me everywhere. When I denied, he asked me to take this very seriously and suggested that I should not be moving around alone. I have accepted the security as a precaution.” She also confirmed that Hamid and Mukta Pansare (sister of Comrade Pansare) have been provided with similar security.

An atmosphere of fear has been created across the country. Those raising their voices against the growing terror, atrocities on minorities, prevailing inequalities and advocating rational thoughts are being threatened and killed. Who is behind the killings of the rationalists and anti-hindutva voices is not a question without answer any longer. Credit to the SIT, we now know that the assassinations of Kalburgi, Gauri Lankesh, Narendra Dabholkar and Pansare are the conspiracy of the same group of Hindutva activists affiliated to the SS and Hindu Janajagruti Sanstha (HJS). Despite the speedy investigation, who killed Pansare still remains unanswered.

Ms. Pansare concerned about this and the threat to rational ideology, said, “We are worried because there has been no information about comrade’s killers. Even though they have been telling us that all the murders are linked, they have not arrested anybody yet. It is not a conspiracy of a small group but a large group functioning in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Goa, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. We are waiting for the revelations in the case of comrade.” Ms. Pansare also noted that the investigation agencies and its officers that she is in touch with have been assuring her that they have been working really hard to solve comrade Pansare’s case.

It is startling to see the same government of Maharashtra, which recognises the conspiracy and the possibility of more attacks, reluctant to investigate the SS and its affiliates.

Amol Kale, an activist of HJS, and Virendra Tawade, the “western commander” of HJS, were named to be the key conspirators in all the four cases; and Sachin Andure, a follower of HJS, and Sharad Kalaskar of HJS have been named as the shooters of Dr. Dabholkar. Post the revelations of the SIT, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) has cracked down upon a circuit of terrorist activities seizing explosives in Mumbai and arresting four SS and HJS affiliates in the case of possessing explosives. However, there still have been no arrests in the case of Comrade Pansare.

Surprised by this delay and the arrests by the ATS in the case of explosives, Ms. Pansare asked, “How is it that the active intelligence agencies and officers in the country were not aware of the hoarding of explosives?”. This is indeed a worrisome question. The state government of Maharashtra and the investigative agencies have been extremely slow in the investigation; civil societies in the state, ever since the assassination of Dabholkar in 2013 have been demanding an investigation into the doings of the SS. However, even now, the SS is not being investigated. Why this reluctance towards investigating the SS?

“It is only the building of pressure on the governments and agencies that is going to ensure an investigation into the functioning of the SS and its affiliates; there is a need for a continuous negotiation with the governments and also the building of pressure groups,” said Ms. Pansare. On August 20, 2018, which was the fifth death anniversary of Dabholkar, around a thousand people gathered in Pune and demanded an action against the SS. Tushar Gandhi speaking at the protest accused the governments of saving the SS. There are a series of protests and discussions that are being organised by the civil societies both in Maharashtra and Karnataka.

On August 29, 2018, there is a conference of All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) in Kolhapur, and Megha Pansare will be participating. Post the conference, she and others will be staging a protest. National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is organising a national level rally talking to people about the growing intolerance in the country and will be submitting a memorandum to the collector in Kolhapur. Shabnam Hashmi is also organising a jatta. In Karnataka, from August 30 (third death anniversary of M M Kalburgi) to September 5 (first death anniversary of Gauri Lankesh), there are various protests that have been planned.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

LEAKED! Confidential NRC data about district-wise exclusions, now public!

August 27, 2018

District wise exclusion data that was to be submitted to SC in sealed envelop now public

In a damning indictment of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) authority’s data privacy maintenance methods, a document containing district wise percentage of people excluded from the NRC, information that was to be submitted by the NRC State Coordinator to the Supreme Court in a sealed envelop on or before August 25, has now been leaked to the press.

Advocate Upamanyu Hazarika used this data as an annexure to his memorandum submitted to the NRC State Coordinator and the Registrar General of India demanding an investigation into how names of ‘Declared Foreigners’ and illegal immigrants had allegedly made it into the NRC. Speaking to media persons on Sunday, August 26, Hazarika said, “Owing to flaws in verification process, large number of declared foreigners by tribunal has made it to the NRC.” He added, “Against a state average of 11.59% exclusion of applicants from NRC, border districts have exclusion rates which are far below the state average.” Hazarika also released the 168 page memorandum titled Representation on discrepancies and infirmities in the NRC process that also includes the controversial annexure, thus making this hitherto confidential data public!

But, the bigger burning question is that how did a senior advocate of the Supreme Court, who is also the Chief Convener of the Prabhajan Virodhi Manch (PVM), a forum against infiltration allegedly backed by the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), get access to this data?

Earlier this month the Supreme Court had directed the NRC State Coordinator to submit a district wise percentage of people excluded from the NRC. This data was to be submitted in a sealed envelop on August 25 and the case was adjourned till August 28. But on August 26, two days before the date of the next hearing in the case, advocate Hazarika was able to access this data.

Moreover, other documents annexed with the memorandum contain a lot of other personal information of several people. This includes their Application Receipt Number (ARN) for NRC (something even kept out of the purview of RTI), their Legacy Data Code, their full names, names of their parents and spouses. All this can be easily used for identity theft and other white collar crimes! The district wise data may be viewed here:

Meanwhile, the Claims and Objections (C&O) process, the last hope for over 40 lakh people excluded from the NRC, is hitting one snag after another.

Grounds for Exclusion

People can proceed with the C&O process only after learning the grounds for exclusion. However, information about the grounds for exclusion is not readily available at the Nagrik Seva Kendras (NSK) where people had originally registered for the NRC. Earlier the NRC State Coordinator had informed the SC that every person dropped from the NRC final draft will be supplied a prescribed format to determine the grounds for exclusion, following which they will be able to take appropriate measures for submitting their claim applications. This was to begin from August 7 and go on till August 28. Any person whose name has been dropped from the final draft NRC will able apply in the prescribed format and in turn be supplied in writing the grounds for exclusion.

However, the date was deferred by some NSK authorities repeatedly by oral order. First the date was deferred by NRC Authority to August 10 and then it was informed to general public that the prescribed format will be supplied from August 17. When these people appeared before NSKs on that date they were asked to come after August 20. Later on the date was changed to August 24 by some NSKs. But after that date these NSK centers finally informed some people that they are short staffed and therefore, will not be able to give such written answers. In some cases the competent authority involved in the process of updating NRC, are allegedly informing general public that their names have been dropped from the draft NRC for minor reasons, so, they don’t need written explanation of exclusion… that they can submit their Claim Applications without knowing the grounds for dropping of their names!

Biplab Sarkar a young businessman of Patiladaha in Bongaigaon District said, “My wife’s name was dropped from the final draft NRC. I went to the NSK at Patiladaha Bazaar several times and was still not given the prescribed format!” He says that there are about 200 people who could not apply to know the grounds for their exclusion in the Patiladaha Bazaar area. “One Block Level Officer (BLO) also said that the LRCR have informed that there is no need to submit such applications and having the grounds in written format,” said Sarkar.

The situation is the same in Alukhuna and Hapachara NSK centres in Bongaigaon district. The No-3 NSK center of Bijni Town under Chirang District is showing worst condition. The LRCR of that NSK says that they don’t have enough manpower to submit such answers. So, everybody will submit the claim applications they might submit it without knowing the grounds. A local teacher (name withheld on request) whose wife’s name has been dropped from the final draft NRC said that, “I am a teacher. I can’t complain against them as after making complains, my colleagues working in that NRC will be punished. But, it is troublesome for me without knowing the grounds how can I submit my claim Application? Before filling my claim form I must have the reasons, and as per requirement I will have to submit the Claim Application.”

This does not bode well for a process that is hailed as highly scientific and is being conducted under the watchful eye of the Supreme Court.

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Tuticorin fallout: Pollution Control Board Chairman’s transfer questioned

August 27, 2018

It has been more than three months since 13 people were killed in police firing in Thoothukudi, Tamil Nadu, during demonstrations against the Vedanta Sterlite copper smelting plant located there. However, improvements in the area seem to be only inching along. The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) recently “indicated that there are still tonnes of materials stored inside the Sterlite copper unit in Thoothukudi that would pose an environmental danger and fire risk,” The New Indian Express reported. The CPCB has submitted a report with recommendations to the National Green Tribunal (NGT). Meanwhile, the Madurai Bench of the Madhras High Court has ordered Thoothukudi’s Collector to consider a plea regarding cleaning up industrial waste that Sterlite dumped in Upper stream in Kumaragiri village in the Tuticorin district. The Court has also ordered a CBI investigation into May’s police firing.

On August 23, Mohammed Nasimuddin, IAS, Principal Secretary to Government, Environment and Forests Department, and chairperson of the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board (TNPCB) was transferred to the Energy Department, The News Minute reported. He was replaced by Shambhu Kallolikar, IAS, who is the former Principal Secretary/Managing Director of the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board. 22 ’eminent citizens’, including journalists, academics, social activists and retired judges, have written a letter to the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and Chief Secretary protesting Nasimuddin’s transfer while the investigation into Sterlite is ongoing.

The letter states, “The transfer of Mr. Nasimuddin, IAS, from his role as Chairperson, TNPCB, is ill-timed and sends the wrong signals to the public about the sincerity of the Government in keeping Vedanta Sterlite shut. Mr. Nasimuddin enjoys public confidence, and is perceived to be a person of integrity and intelligence. He has been involved and informed about Sterlite’s operations in Thoothukudi. His continued presence as TNPCB Chairperson would be invaluable given the imminence of the NGT-appointed enquiry Committee less than two weeks from now.” It says that his transfer is also “legally fraught,” noting the Supreme Court’s September 2017 judgment, in which it ordered states to formulate “appropriate guidelines or recruitment rules within six months, considering the institutional requirements of the SPCBs, and the law laid down by the statute, by this Court and as per the reports of various committees and authorities so as to ensure that suitable Professionals and Experts are appointed to the SPCBs.”

Following the police firing in Thoothukudi, the TNPCB directed that the Sterlite copper plant be shuttered over non-compliance of specific conditions that were previously issued, prompting the Vedanta subsidiary to file a plea with the NGT challenging the TNPCB’s order.

The letter emphasises, “It would be an understatement to say that the discord, anger and sense of betrayal in Thoothukudi if Sterlite were allowed to reopen will not be possible to contain,” and calls for Nasimuddin to remain as head of the TNPCB, “at least until the NGT ordered enquiry is over.”

The News Minute said that among the signatories to the letter are retired Madras High Court Justice Hariparanthaman, former Tamil Nadu Additional Chief Secretary Christodas Gandhi, Madras High Court advocate Geetha Ramaseshan, and senior journalist Pamela Philipose.

The complete letter has been reproduced below:

To:
Hon’ble Chief Minister
Government of Tamil Nadu
Chennai 600 009
Email:cmsec@tn.gov.in

Chief Secretary
Government of Tamil Nadu
Chennai 600 009
Email: cs@tn.gov.in

Respected Sir and Madam:

The transfer of Mr. Nasimuddin, IAS, from his role as Chairperson, TNPCB, is ill-timed and sends the wrong signals to the public about the sincerity of the Government in keeping Vedanta Sterlite shut. Mr. Nasimuddin enjoys public confidence, and is perceived to be a person of integrity and intelligence. He has been involved and informed about Sterlite’s operations in Thoothukudi. His continued presence as TNPCB Chairperson would be invaluable given the imminence of the NGT-appointed enquiry Committee less than two weeks from now.

The transfer is not merely ill-timed, but legally fraught. Coming down heavily on the ad hoc appointment of IAS officials as TNPCB Chairpersons in violation of various environmental statutes, the Hon’ble Supreme Court has in its judgement dated 22.09.2017 in Civil Appeal No. 1359/2017 directed all states to frame “appropriate guidelines or recruitment rules within six months, considering the institutional requirements of the SPCBs, and the law laid down by the statute, by this Court and as per the reports of various committees and authorities so as to ensure that suitable Professionals and Experts are appointed to the SPCBs.” The deadline has passed without Tamil Nadu taking any steps to frame guidelines for appointment of chairperson to SPCB.

In the meantime, it has sought to replace one ad hoc appointee with another in violation of well settled positions of law. No public interest will be served by transferring a well-informed officer on the eve of a critical enquiry relating to the fate of Vedanta’s Sterlite Copper smelter.

It would be an understatement to say that the discord, anger and sense of betrayal in Thoothukudi if Sterlite were allowed to reopen will not be possible to contain.

We urge you to reconsider your decision, and ensure that Mr. Nasimuddin continues as Chairperson, TNPCB, even after assuming his new role as Secretary, Energy Department, at least until the NGT ordered enquiry is over.

Sincerely,

Remembering Kuldip Nayar

August 27, 2018

From between to beyond the lines

On 26th June 2018, human rights organizations had assembled at the Gandhi Peace Foundation, Delhi to remember the dark days of Emergency. This was an annual affair and Shri Kuldip Nayar was a regular speaker in these meetings. This time, too, he came and spoke. But his speech was different; it came from his heart and was quite moving. He ended by saying that the fight has not ended – there are issues much more serious than the Emergency and they have to be fought fearlessly with deep conviction – by listening to the voice of one’s own inner-self. Never give up on truth, was his message to the audience. I told him: ‘Today, you were different-very powerful!” He smilingly replied: ‘Today, you were more receptive!” It was a long journey for him – 95 years, divided into pre and post Partition. His memories were full of the sad days of the Partition. He knew the price people have paid and therefore, stood for the values India should have after independence. He wrote throughout his life relentlessly- as editor, writer, a columnist on every possible issue which he thought were relevant for the people and the nation. His heart bled for the poor. He came out openly in support of all those people’s movements where he found tyranny and repression of human rights and civil liberties by the State.

He was a staunch defender of the freedom of press and expression and therefore, wrote fearlessly against the emergency imposed by Smt. Indira Gandhi in 1975. He was detained in the Tihar jail under the MISA. His wife, Smt Bharti Nayar, filed a Habeas Corpus petition in the Delhi High Court to quash his illegal detention. The petition came up before Justice S. Rangarajan, a brave and bold judge during the emergency. After the judgment was reserved, the Government decided to release Kuldip Nayar and revoke his detention before the judgment was pronounced.CoomiKapoor in her write-up (23^rd August,18in the Indian Express) on Shri Kuldip Nayar, recalls this story. However, Justice Rangarajannot only delivered the judgment(BhartiNayarVs Union of India, dated 15.9.1975)but added a ‘post-script’ to it as to why he was delivering the judgment. He said that Habeas Corpus writ being a public law remedy after the judgment was reserved,” courtesy to the court demanded that we were apprised about the intended action before it was actually taken.” Indira Gandhi was quite upset with these remarks and the courage shown by the judge and therefore, transferred him to Gauhati. After Justice Rangarajan retired, I joined law practice with him in 1982. He was quite proud of his judgment in Kuldip Nayar’s case, which was praised, among others, by Lord Denning. I read the judgment and was quite curious to know why he wrote the post-script. He replied that the day when he was going to pronounce the judgment, he felt some unease inside. He added: “I got up around at 3 am in the morning and typed myself the post-script on a manual typewriter. Thereafter, I felt relieved of the burden on my conscience.” I did not know Shri Kuldip Nayar at that time. Justice Rajinder Sachar introduced me to him after he had retired and joined the Supreme Court Bar. Since 1990, it was almost regular to see him in one meeting or the other with Justice Sachar or without him. In one of the conversations recently, I told him what Justice Rangarajan said about the ‘post-script’. His response was:“even during Emergency, there were judges who were guided by their conscience rather than the ambitions.”

I remember that he was very much upset when the domicile requirement under the Representation of Peoples Act,1961 was removed by an amendment with effect from 28.8.2003 for election as MP in the RajyaSabha. It meant that one could be chosen as an M.P. from any place to represent that constituency in the RajyaSabha, though he had no connection with the place. He was of the view that this amendment will destroy the sacrosanct function of the legislature because the RajyaSabha is a place where every bill has to be debated properly keeping in view federalism, interests of all the States and their peculiar problems. This amendment was challenged in the Supreme Court and it was heard by a Constitution Bench. Mr. Rajindar Sachar argued and I assisted him in the case. The Constitution Bench upheld the amendment (August 2006). ShriNayar was very disturbed. He wrote as to how the judgment was wrong. Thereafter, whenever we met, he kept on reminding me that he would like to challenge the judgment before a larger bench of the Supreme Court. The last reminder was when he spoke, as mentioned above, on the anniversary of the Emergency.

If there were meetings in Delhi on any human rights issue concerning people in general, everyone would expect Kuldipji(Kuldip Nayar) and Sacharji(Justice Rajinder Sachar) to come as if they could command (out of regard and affection) their presence. Both of them would never disappoint and it would be an exception, not to find them there. We lost both in a short span. It appears as if a generation has gone: the generation, which represented a selfless breed of human beings on whom we could always depend for guidance.

As a young student, we were asked to memorize renowned authors and their works. I remember one such author was Kuldip Nayar and the book was ‘Between the Lines’. I did not understand it then- the meaning of the invisible gap between the lines. Now I see the gap and look at the great man who was incessantly searching between those visible lines, the invisible truth that spread ‘beyond the lines’ -over the wide canvass of his writings as an independent journalist- which truly he was till his last breath!

(The author is advocate, Supreme Court and National Vice-President of People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)

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Sanatan Sanstha Terror: Govind Pansare’s Assassination and Security Threat To Megha Pansare

“It is only the building of pressure on the governments and agencies, that is going to ensure an investigation into the functioning of the SS and its affiliates; there is a need for a continuous negotiation with the governments and also the building of pressure groups,” Megha Pansare.

LEAKED! Confidential NRC data about district-wise exclusions, now public!

District wise exclusion data that was to be submitted to SC in sealed envelop now public

But, the bigger burning question is that how did a senior advocate of the Supreme Court, who is also the Chief Convener of the Prabhajan Virodhi Manch (PVM), a forum against infiltration allegedly backed by the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), get access to this data?

Grounds for Exclusion

Also Read:

Tuticorin fallout: Pollution Control Board Chairman’s transfer questioned

Remembering Kuldip Nayar

From between to beyond the lines

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