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Calcutta, Teri Christmas pe Qurbaan!

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My happiest day of the year is usually when it is 359 days old.

Christmas

 
I could cut happiness out of the Kolkata air with a spoon on 25 December.
 
The winter chill is just right enough for you to wear your coat without sweat; if it was Delhi, we might have numbed into staying indoors; if it was Chennai , it would have been like any other T-shirt morning.
 
The light is magical – diffused, yellow and benign. When I see it slant into my 7am drawing room, I hear Vivaldi in my head.
 
Kolkata could well be on a ramp walk; even the poor who live on the streets will find something new to wear – even if only a long Santa cap with a cotton ball at the end – and shout a ‘Merry Christmas’ at anonymous strangers.
 
The nostalgic will drive to the Bow Barracks music party where the standard Anglo-Indian line is ‘Come bra, dance men!’
 
Every Kolkatan will seek to do a 400m tawwaaf (parikrama) of Park Street, soak the lights, buy a Flury’s pastry, take a selfie with the giant Christmas Tree alongside Park Hotel, hang out at Allen Park’s live music  event and go home saying ‘What fun we had…’
 
There is always the magic in going to the midnight mass at St Paul’s Cathedral and return stirred by the power of the orchestra in a resonating cathedral.
 
The hoity-toity will brave the 30-minute car queue to get into Tolly Club’s 24th night party where every PYT wears black, where every second dress ends above the knee and every third one is spaghetti-strapped.
 
The slightly older gentry will go to Tolly Club’s Christmas Lunch on the lawn next afternoon where Michel in red tall boots invites everyone to dance to Mama Mia and Jambalaya.
 
Everyone in Kolkata – and this includes even conservative beard-flowing Muslims – will call for some raisin cake and say ‘Bhai, aapko Merry Christmas’ to each other.
 
A number of Kolkatans will go out and touch the less-privileged – either with a gift or an experience, a perfect example of how the spirit of burra din can touch even the cool-hearted.
 
A number of families become one again around this time as their children return from their universities for the annual vacation.
 
This is also a day when I thank Kolkata for being a secular oasis.
 
Which is more than what can be said of some of the other cities in India today.

Assam HC Re-Instates Teacher Sacked Due to ABVP Leader’s Complaint

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The university’s decision to fire the associate professor led to huge protests from the teachers’ association and the students’ union.

In an unprecedented turn of events, an associate professor at Assam University – situated in Silchar town of Assam and run by the Ministry of Human Resources Development (MHRD) – was sacked on about a month ago, on November 28 on the basis of a complaint made to the ministry by Shreehari Borikar, the national general secretary of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidya Parishad (ABVP).

The university has, however, reinstated him two weeks later following Gauhati high court’s intervention. According to local news reports, the university registrar’s office handed over the termination letter to Charvak, an associate professor at the central university’s Department of Mass Communication, “around 4.15 pm on November 28 without prior notice”, terming his appointment “illegal”.

Meanwhile, the university’s decision led to a huge protest from the teachers’ association and the students’ union. Posters opposing the decision were pasted all over the university campus even as the Federation of Central University Teachers’ Association (FEDCUTA) and Assam University Teachers’ Association (AUTA) issued press releases condemning the move.

letter Letter sent by the UGC to the Assam University vice chancellor in November 2016
 
The teacher has been in the department, as reader since 2008. The irregular decision to terminate him, according to a source at the university registrar’s office, “was taken by an internal enquiry committee based on the 2010 guidelines of the University Grants Commission on minimum qualifications for appointment of teachers”. According to those guidelines, the readers’ position has been replaced by that of associate professor, a designation that Charvak presently holds.
 
The formation of the enquiry committee was announced through a notification on October 24 by the university registrar. It said that vice chancellor D.C. Nath had constituted a four-member committee headed by R.R. Dhamala from the Department of Political Science, to “review the matter (of illegality of appointment) on case-to-case basis” not just to look into Charvak’s appointment, but also that of two other faculty members, “Pronobesh Chakraborty and Indu Sharma” besides mentioning “and some other faculties”. The notification said the review would be based on “the documents available at (the university’s) Recruitment Cell for selection/appointment/promotion and the documents available at Administration”. It mentioned the complainant as “Shreehari Borikar, national general secretary, ABVP,” who was stated to have submitted a “memorandum no. nil dated May 16, 2015, addressed to the honourable union minister of MHRD.”

The HRD minister then was Smriti Irani. Clearly, Irani didn’t take any action over Borikar’s complaint. Some media reports in June 2016 had stated that Irani’s removal from the ministry by Prime Minister Narendra Modi was possibly due to the “displeasure” of the RSS and the ABVP.

After Prakash Javadekar took over the ministry, things seem to have moved in this case in favour of the complainant. In a letter date November 26, 2016, UGC wrote to the Assam University VC seeking “certain information” on the complaint (made by Borekar) “of alleged irregular appointment” of Charvak as a reader by stating the 2010 rules.

The recent notification by the university registrar further said that the enquiry committee set up by the VC “is advised to submit its factual report to the registrar by November 13, 2017”. None of the faculty members named in it was either called by the committee to present their cases in defence nor was Charvak given any prior intimation about the sacking order. The other two faculty members named in the notification have not been sacked by the university.

Local media reports stated that Charvak, upon failing to get any reason from the authorities behind his sudden termination letter, filed a writ petition in the high court on December 6.

The HC, on December 8, directed the university to place before it for verification “the records of the proceedings of the case” (by the enquiry committee) which justified Charvak’s removal.

However, the university instead decided to withdrew its earlier order. The HC, in this final judgement on December 16, said, “Without going into the aspect as to the justifiability and validity of such an order of cancellation of appointment, it has been brought to the notice of this court that by a subsequent order dated December 13, 2017, the earlier cancellation dated November 28, 2017, has been withdrawn with immediate effect.”

Charvak has rejoined work on December 18.

 “In the general body meeting of AUTA, held on December 7, 2017, the members of AUTA unanimously condemned the action taken by the Assam University administration against Dr Charvak” and “resolved to demand unconditional withdrawal of the order,” said a press release issued by the AUTA this past December 8.

It was followed by a press note released on December 14 by FEDCUTA which said: “This kind of interference in the day-to-day functioning of central universities by the MHRD at the behest of the student wing of the ruling party has led to much turbulence and turmoil in universities, such as Hyderabad Central University, Central University of Haryana, etc.”

“Charvak is locally known for his rationalist outlook to life. He is a former journalist and had also worked with All India Radio and Doordarshan in Agartala. He sometimes writes poignant articles in local newspapers which are widely read. He doesn’t use his surname Mukhopadhayay as a token of protest against caste system. ABVP local unit leaders, active in the university, ostensibly led by a couple of right-wing faculties, had long been targeting him. Together they complained against him to the MoHRD through ABVP leader Shreehari Borikar,” Kushal Deb, a former student of the department taught by Charvak, told The Wire.

Arghyadeep Barua, a former student of the department presently working in Gurgaon, told the media that “Dr. Charvak has been a guide and mentor to many students. I joined the department primarily because of my interest in filmmaking and editing but after attending a subject he teaches on Development Communication, I was exposed to many new things and my perception towards life and journalism changed. That way, he is a professor who has a lot of influence on the students.”

A former cultural secretary of the university students’ union (2014-15), Barua said he decided to enter students’ politics because of Charvak and some other fellow students as an independent candidate.

Though the present students’ union members contested the elections, held this past November 9, as independent candidates, some of the candidates were supported by ABVP besides the Congress’s NSUI and some Left affiliated students’ bodies. Some local media reports said those backed by ABVP lost the elections.

The president’s position is presently headed by Milan Das, said to be close to RSS. Though Das initially agreed to speak to The Wire about the issue which triggered a huge uproar in the campus through a text message, he didn’t respond when contacted.

Charvak too refused to speak on the issue. However, his lawyer Sabyasachi Chatterjee told The Wire, “That the university authorities couldn’t provide any justification behind that cancellation order and instead withdrew it, shows their questionable motives. Dr Charvak is an eminent scholar and reputed journalist. Only political intolerance to his rationalist positions has been the root cause of this drama.” Chatterjee said, “We may look at taking further legal recourse as he may again be targeted by the university administration on some pretext or the other.”

Attempts by The Wire to reach out to the university VC and Borekar remained unsuccessful till the report was filed. Any later response from them in this regard would be added.
 

Make No Mistake, We are Here to Change Constitution: BJP minister Anantkumar Hegde

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The Union minister said he has trouble with people who call themselves secular.

 
Anant Kumar

Minister of State for Employment and Skill Development Anantkumar Hegde on Sunday claimed that secular people do not have an “identity of their parental blood”, adding that the Constitution needs to be amended, The Hindu reported.

Hegde was speaking at an event in Yelburga taluk of Koppal district of Karnataka. “Those claiming to be secular and progressive do not have an identity of their parents and their blood,” The Hindu quoted him as saying. “I will be happy if someone identifies as Muslim, Christian, Brahmin, Lingayat or Hindu. But trouble will arise if they say they are secular.”

The Bharatiya Janata Party leader said the Constitution is currently based on the thoughts of BR Ambedkar. “I respect the Constitution, but the Constitution has changed according to the times on many occasions in the past and it will change in the future. We are here to change the Constitution,” Hegde said.

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah criticised the Union minister’s statement, saying his comments exposed the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s views on Ambedkar. “I do not want to stoop to his level,” Siddaramaiah said, according to The New Indian Express. “We know our language and culture. He is a Union minister, but spits venom.”

Hegde’s comments come months ahead of the Assembly elections in the state. The Karnataka Assembly’s tenure ends in May 2018.
 

103 Indians Suspected Of Being ISIS Sympathisers Arrested, ‘Very Few’ Have Joined

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As many as 103 people accused of being Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) sympathisers have been arrested across 14 states by the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the central counter terrorism law enforcement agency, and other state security agencies, according to government data.

ISIS
 
Uttar Pradesh — India’s most populous state — reported the most (17) arrests, followed by Maharashtra (16), Telangana (16), Kerala (14) and Karnataka (8), said this reply to the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) by Hansraj Gangaram Ahir, minister of state for ministry of home affairs, on December 20, 2017.
 
These states accounted for 69% of all arrests across 14 states.
 
“Very few individuals [from India] have come to the notice of the central and state security agencies who (sic) have joined ISIS,” Ahir said in his reply to the Parliament.
 
Telangana had most arrests per 100,000 Muslim population in the state, followed by Uttarakhand, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.
 


Source: Rajya Sabha; Population data from Census 2011; Telangana Statistical Year-Book 2017.
 
The NIA registered a case against five ISIS sympathisers from Kerala’s Kannur district on December 17, 2017, the Times of India reported on December 17, 2017. The case was registered under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
 
Indian youth are lured by offering house, meat, chocolates and women by ISIS operatives, India Today reported on May 30, 2017.   
 
Over 100 people from Kerala are suspected to have joined ISIS over the years, Kerala police said, India Today reported on November 11, 2017.
 
ISIS responsible for 25 deaths every day in 2016
 
ISIS is a designated global terrorist organisation that has recruited thousands of foreign fighters with violent extremist ideology inciting terrorist acts.
 
ISIS was responsible for most attacks (1,133) and deaths (9,114) by any terrorist organisation in 2016, according to the Country Reports On Terrorism 2016 released on July 2017 by the US Department of State.
 
ISIS was responsible for nearly 25 deaths — including perpetrators — every day worldwide in 2016, up from 17 every day in 2015.
 


Source: Department of State, United State of America, Note: * Includes perpetrators; ** Excludes attacks attributed to branches of ISIS or ISIS-inspired individuals
 
Deaths caused by ISIS increased 48% from 6,178 in 2015 to 9,114 in 2016 while persons kidnapped or taken hostage by ISIS increased 74% from 4,805 in 2015 to 8,379 in 2016.
 
Attacks by ISIS outside Syria and Iraq increased 80% from 44 in 2015 to 79 in 2016.
 
(Mallapur is an analyst with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend
 

How Dyal Singh College Became Vande Mataram College!

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All hell was let loose on the evening of November 17,  when the Chairman of Dyal Singh College on Lodhi road New Delhi made an announcement after an irregular meeting of the Governing body meeting that the name of Dyal Singh College(Evening Classes) now onwards will be ‘Vande Matram College’!

Prior to this meeting and afterwards unpleasant scenes were witnessed. Students of the college who were protesting against bifurcation of the college were threatened with expulsion from the college by the Chairman. College teachers who questioned Chairman’s unsavoury conduct towards students (as he had forcibly taken away the identity card of some students), were also shouted at by the Chairman. A shouting match ensued and videos of this Chairman-teachers-students shout each other went viral on social media.

Dyal Singh College

Next day, newspapers, first in Delhi followed by Punjab further ignited the issue. Protests  broke out among not only political groups, even among academics and writers, who took it as an affront to attack on the healthy progressive legacy of great son of pre-partition Punjab-Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia-the philanthropist, who willed all his huge property to ensure that the institution and many others take birth: schools/colleges and libraries. Newspapers like The Tribune and even the Punjab National Bank had already been set up through his efforts from Lahore.

Dyal Singh Majithia, born in 1849 and died in 1898, at rather young age, made a will prior to his untimely death. When the will was opened, he left a small part of his vast properties for his family and bequeathed most of the properties for public good. He formed a committee of Trustees himself to take care of School/Colleges, Public library and The Tribune-all three in Lahore. The trustees included at that time Lala Harkishan Lal, Babu Joginder Chander Bose, Lala Ruchi Ram, Dewan Narender Nath and many more eminent personalities of the period. The Tribune was set up in year 1881 itself and remained in publication until the time of his death. Dyal Singh trust Lahore set up Dyal Singh Public library Lahore in 1908 and Dyal Singh College was set up later in 1910 at Nisbat road Lahore, just adjacent to Dyal Singh Public library. This legacy continued later from Indian side at Delhi, Karnal and Chandigarh, as well as at Lahore itself. Dyal Singh College Lahore was set up in the leadership of first Principal N G Wellinkar, followed by Principal Sadhu T L Vaswani, who served from 1912 to 1915 as Professor of Religion and Philosophy as well. He was succeeded by Principal S C Roy and later by Pandit Hemraj, Professor of Mathematics as long time Principal from 1922 to 1938. Professor of English Daya Nath Bhalla succeeded him, who continued till partition of 1947, when Prof. Bhalla migrated to Delhi.

Dyal Singh College in Lahore was taken over by Government of Punjab and was renamed as Govt. Dyal Singh College, which name it bears, to date. Very few Professors remained in College after partition and Syed Abid Ali was appointed Lahore College Principal on September 1, 1947 and College reopened on October 1, 1947. (Reference to above facts from book-‘100 years of Dyal Singh College Lahore-1910-2010’ by Dr. Syed Sultan Mahmood Hussain, 2010 from Izharsons Lahore)

Dewan Anand Kumar, son of Raja Narnder Nath , a founder trustee of Dyal Singh trust, made efforts to rebuild Dyal Singh institutions at Delhi and Karnal in post partition India. A camp college for refugee children was set up at the Mandir Marg primary school in 1948 at Delhi, affiliated to newly set up Panjab University in Punjab, a transgression on Delhi University jurisdiction area. Classes were held in evening after school hours. Later, the Dyal Singh library, Tribune office and Dyal Singh College was set up in Rouse Avenue, this college was recognised by UGC in 1952. Camp College was attached to this College and this status of College continued till 1959, with affiliation to Panjab University. Dewan Anand Kumar, brother of Rameshvari Nehru,  had become Vic Chancellor of Panjab University was a major functionary of Dyal Singh trust society, registered at Karnal in post partition India. His son Dewan Gajender Kumar at the age of 94 years still continues to be the member of Dyal Singh trust society, though he is immobile now. His son D K Raina is present secretary of society.

From August 1959, Dyal Singh College was affiliated to Delhi University and it was allotted land on Lodhi road in 1961. The College was shifted to its present location in October 1962. Camp college was merged into it and Camp college material can still be found in present Dyal Singh College, since Camp college was evening classes college, so Dyal Singh college first became two shift college between 1963-66, later from 1967, evening classes started at present college location and it was designated as Dyal Singh College (Evening classes), the governing body of the College remained same and continues till date same. Evening classes had Vice Principal in charge earlier, later from 1997, full-fledged Principal and staff was recruited for evening college. In 1976, Dyal Singh Trust society offered Delhi University to take over the college as constituent college of the University, without seeking any monetary reimbursement for land and building.

However an agreement was signed between Delhi University and the society, in which clause 12 mentioned that the name of the college will not be changed and as per clause 16, the land will be transferred to the DU subject to No Objection certificate from the Land & Development office, incidentally that NOC has not been given by L&DO till date and all correspondence continues in the name of Dyal Singh trust society. In 1984, additional land was given to college that too was in the name of the society. Electricity bill still is in the name of the society.

Dyal Singh College has many luminaries on its trust and Governing body in the past. D N Bhalla continued as Principal from Lahore to Delhi, later many more Principals served the college including B M Bhalla, present Principal Inderjit Singh Bakshi joined as Principal in year 2006 and he has not seen such tense days in College, as he feels in last two years. The governing body of the college has had chairmen who were prominent freedom fighters and writers from the Lahore days, in the past . For example, Lala Feroze Chand, Dewan Anand Kumar, Prof. V P Dutt, Lala Brish Bhan, Shailja Chander, S S Gill and Prof. Shahid Mahdi.

However, this quality and eminence has declined during present NDA II rule. The Delhi University Vice Chancellor (in order to appease political bosses) has been appointing non educationist persons, affiliated to the RSS-BJP as chairmen of the college’s governing bodies. Incidentally, the Delhi University VC has been rejecting such respectable names sent by Delhi government for its own 28 colleges such as as Prof. S K Sopory, former VC of JNU, Prof. Ira Bhaskar, just because they have a ‘JNU’ tag, an offence for present NDA government! Present Chairman of Governing body of Dyal Singh College is Mr. Amitabh Sinha, a BJP leader and Supreme Court advocate. The eight to twelve member governing body consists of the principal of Morning College is member secretary, responsible for calling meetings of body and taking minutes. However in Mr. Sinha’s chairmanship, the principal has been reduced to nobody. The chairman has for the first time in the 107 year history of the college, has forcibly occupied conference room and put his name plate there, the room which has name boards of all the former chairmen and former pPrincipals of the college. College officials are scared even to open that room as Chairman misbehaves with officials and staff, get their signature on attendance sheets of the Governing body meeting and holds indoor meetings with only some members of his choice in bolted room, keeping many members sit out and prepares or get minutes prepared on his own and without the presence of member secretary in deliberations, forces him to own the minutes.

Even during the meeting held on November 17, in which name of Dyal Singh College (Evening) was illegally changed to ‘Vande Matram’ College, the member secretary was not allowed to sit in the meeting. Earlier while suspending a more than 70% physically charged assistant Professor of Hindi Dr. Kedarnath Mondal, the principal was not allowed even to indicate that suspension of any teacher cannot be effected without Delhi University approval, as college is constituent college of the University. Dr. Mondal was not issued any show-cause notice and suspended straightaway, just because as a Dalit literary critic, he made some remarks about Durga, as happened in the case of film S…Durga!

 The Dyal Singh Morning college has nearly 5200 hundred students at present and evening college has 3200 plus students. Turning the evening college into morning college in the same building is an absurd idea, as the infra structure can house only students of one college. With evening college it was fine as the same infra structure was shared in different time schedule. And why Delhi University is allowing closure of evening colleges at all? There are number of working people, including women, who continue their higher education after office hours, there has been no complaint from women students facing any problem in evening time in this prime South Delhi area college.

Technically, the land and building of college is still in the name of the Dyal Singh trust society, as per the agreement of DU with the society, the name of College in this land cannot be other than Dyal Singh, so chairman of the college is illegally violating the agreement. Even Delhi University has not formally divided the college into two colleges, as a demarcation committee is formed, which has yet to give its report. The whole process adopted by Chairman of the college smacks of political design rather than any academic or social concern for either the students or higher education in general.

  The only appropriate step in present circumstances is to remove this non-academic chairman of the governing body of the college and replace him with some respectable educationist, who could honour the legacy of Dyal Singh Majithia, honour the agreement between Dyal Singh trust society and DU, win the trust of students and staff of the college, thus saving the fair name of college from ignominy! Delhi University or Chairman of college can set up another college in different location and name it as they wish to, but Punjab people will not allow this chairman to harm Dyal Singh Majithia legacy in any form.

(The author is is a retired Professor from JNU and a Fellow of Panjab University Chandigarh; who visited Dyal Singh College and wrote to Delhi VC to not approve change in name of the College)
 

Why did Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar publicly burn the Manu Smruti on Dec. 25, 1927?

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This story was first published on January 26, 2016. (Towards Equality:  Why did Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar publicly burn the Manu Smruti on December 25, 1927?). We are re-publishing it today, December 24, 2017.

Manusmruti Dahan Din

Eight-eight (now 89!)  years ago, on December 25, 1927, huge strides were made in the movement for self-dignity of Dalits. Under the leadership of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, a small town/village, Mahad in Konkan, the coastal region of Maharashtra, made history.
 
Manusmurti Dahan Din. The day that the text of caste Hindus epitomizing hegemony, indignity and cruelty to Dalits and mlecchas (that included women) was publicly burned in a specially constructed symbolic funeral pyre before Dr Ambedkar and thousands of volunteers gathered to protest and agitate.
 
The Mahad satyagraha (peaceful agitation and protest) had been organised so that Dalits (untouchables) could drink from the Mahad (Chavadar) water tank, a public water source open to all. A previous legal notification of the Collectorate authorised free access to all. Despite the existence of this order, caste hegemony and oppression had not created conditions for access to this facility for the oppressed. On the eve of the protest, caste Brahmins had obtained a stay order from a local court against untouchables accessing water from the tank!
 
Pressure of an unimaginable kind was put by caste Hindus to somehow abort the protest. This included tightening access to any public ground for the proposed meeting. Finally, a local gentleman Mr. Fattekhan, who happened to be a Muslim, gave his private land for the protest, extending solidarity with the struggle. Arrangements for food and water as also other supplies had to be made meticulously by the organisers facing a revolt in the village. A pledge of sorts had to be taken by the volunteers who participated in the protest. This pledge vowed the following:

  • I do not believe on Chaturvarna based on birth.
  • I do not believe in caste distinctions.
  • I believe that untouchability is an anathema to Hinduism and I will honestly try my best to completely destroy it.
  • I will not follow any restrictions about food and drink among at least all Hindus.
  • I believe that untouchables must have equal rights to access to temples, water sources, schools and other amenities.

 
The arrival of Dr. Ambedkar to the site of the protest was cloaked in high drama, faced with the possibilities of all kinds of sabotage from other sections of society. He came from Bombay on the boat “Padmavati” via Dasgaon port, instead of Dharamtar (the road journey), despite the longer distance. This was a well-planned strategy, because, in the event of boycott by bus owners, the leaders could walk down five miles to Mahad.
 
In front of the pandal where Dr Ambedkar made his soul-stirring address, the “vedi” (pyre) was created beforehand to burn the Manusmruti. Six people had been labouring for two days to prepare it. A pit six inches deep and one and half foot square was dug in, and filled with
sandlewood pieces.
 
On its four corners, poles were erected, bearing banners on three sides. The banners said, 
1. “Manusmruti chi dahan bhumi”, i.e. Crematorium for Manusmruti.
2. Destroy Untouchability and 
3. Bury Brahmanism.
 
It was on December 25, 1927, in the late evening, at the conference, that the resolution to burn the Manusmruti was moved by Brahmin associate of Ambedkar, Gangadhar Neelkanth Sahastrabuddhe and was seconded by PN Rajabhoj, an untouchable leader. Thereafter, the book Manusmruti was kept on this pyre and burned. The Brahmin associate of Ambedkar, Gangadhar Neelkanth Sahastrabuddhe and five six other Dalit sadhus completed the task. At the pandal, the only photo placed was that of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. This has been interpreted to mean that, at this stage the Dalit leadership, including Dr. Ambedkar had yet to be disillusioned with Gandhi.
 
In his presidential speech Ambedkar said that the aim of the movement was not only to gain access to the water or the temple or to remove the barriers to commensality; the aim was to break down the varna system which supported inequality in society. He then told his audience about the French Revolution, and explained the main points of the Charter of Human Rights enunciated by the French Revolutionary Council. He pointed out the danger of seeking temporary and inadequate solutions by relating how the rebellion of the plebians of Rome against the patricians failed, primarily because the plebians sought only to gain a tribune of their choice instead of seeking to abolish the system dividing society into patricians and plebians.

In the February 3, 1928 issue of the Bahishkrit Bharat (his own newspaper) he explained the action saying that his reading of the Manusmriti had convinced him that it did not even remotely support the idea of social equality.

The root of untouchabilty lies in prohibition of inter-caste marriages, that we have to break, said Ambedkar in that historic speech. He appealed to higher varnas to let this “Social Revolution” take place peacefully, discard the sastras, and accept the principle of justice, and he assured them peace from our side. Four resolutions were passed and a Declaration of Equality was pronounced. After this, the copy of the Manusmruti was burned
 
One sees here a definite broadening of the goal of the movement. In terms of the ultimate goal of equality and of the eradication of the varna system, the immediate programme of drinking water from the Mahad water reservoir was a symbolic protest, to herald the onset of a continuing struggle for dignity.
 
The other crucial points of Dr. Ambedkar’s speech were:
“…So long as the varna system exists the superior status of the Brahmans is ensured….Brahmans do not have the same love of their country that the Samurai of Japan had. Hence one cannot expect them to give up their special social privileges as the Samurai did in the interest of social equality and national unity of Japan. We cannot expect this of the non-Brahman class either. The non-Brahman classes like the Marathas and others are an intermediate category between those who hold the reins of power and those who are powerless. Those who wield power can occasionally be generous and even self-sacrificing. Those who are powerless tend to be idealistic and principled because even to serve their own interest they have to aim at a social revolution. The non-Brahman class comes in between; it can neither be generous nor committed to any principles. Hence they are preoccupied in maintaining their distance from the untouchables instead of with achieving equality with Brahmans. This class is weak in its aspiration for a social revolution…..We should accept that we are born to achieve this larger social purpose and consider that to be our life’s goal. Let us strive to gain that religious merit. Besides, this work (of bringing about a social revolution) is in our interest and it is our duty to dedicate ourselves to remove the obstacles in our path.
 
There was a strong reaction in the section of the press, perceived to be dominated by the entrenched higher caste interests. Dr Ambedkar was called “Bheemaasura” by one newspaper. Dr. Ambedkar justified the burning of Manusmruti in various articles that he penned after the satyagraha. I n the February 3, 1928 issue of the Bahishkrit Bharat (his own newspaper) he explained the action saying that his reading of the Manusmriti had convinced him that it did not even remotely support the idea of social equality. To burn a thing was to register a protest against the idea it represented. By so doing one expected to shame the person concerned into modifying his behaviour. He said further that it would be futile to expect that any person who revered the Manusmriti could be genuinely interested in the welfare of the Untouchables. He compared the burning of the Manusmriti to the burning of foreign cloth recommended by Gandhi. Protests the world over had used the burning of an article that symbolised oppression to herald a struggle. This was what the Manusmurti Dahan was.


 
The tactical retreat
 
Meanwhile, condemned by a sudden Court ruling to hold back the satyagraha of drinking water from the public water tank, Dr Ambedkar explained the dilemma faced by on the one hand the government/British Collector and entrenched high caste interests.
 
In a note entitled ‘Why the Satyagraha was Suspended’ in the 3 February 1928 issue of the Bahishkrit Bharat, Ambedkar said:
“The untouchables are caught between the caste Hindus and the government. They can attack one of the two. There is nothing to be ashamed of in admitting that today they do not have the strength to attack both of them at the same time. When the caste Hindus refused to concede the legitimate rights of untouchables as human beings willingly and on their own initiative, we thought it wise to arrive at a peace (agreement) with the government…… There is a world of difference between a satyagraha launched by caste Hindus and one launched by untouchables. When the caste Hindus initiate a satyagraha it is against the government and they have community support….. When the untouchables launch a satyagraha all the caste Hindus are arraigned against us.” 
 
He observed further that the agitation of the untouchables was not limited to the Mahad water tank. It had been launched to achieve the larger goals the untouchables had set for themselves. The answer to whether it could have been sustained depended upon one’s estimate of the loss and the hurt that would have resulted from the satyagraha and the means that were available to protect the people from this loss and hurt. If the people had seen that they could not recover from the loss inflicted on them by one satyagraha in Mahad they would never rise again to join another satyagraha. This question had to be weighed.
 
What stands out is the openly rational, almost calculated approach to the strategy of the struggle and a willingness to present it as such. There is no effort to obfuscate or mystify it. Ambedkar responded to the concern that the withdrawal of the satyagraha would give caste-Hindu slanderers an opportunity to scoff at the untouchable leaders, by saying merely that he had not launched the satyagraha to win their approbation.
 
References:
The Social Context of an Ideology, Ambedkar’s Social and Political Thought, MS Gore, Sage Publications

Sacrifices of Mother & Young Sons of Guru Gobind Singh Very Relevant Today

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Image Courtesy: Pinterest

This week marks 312th anniversary of the martyrdom of the two young sons of Guru Gobind Singh and his mother.

 
The tenth master of the Sikhs had laid the foundation of the Khalsa, a sect that was dedicated to fight against state oppression of the Mughal rule and determined to challenge the caste-based divisions practiced by orthodox Hindus.
 
Guru Gobind Singh was born 350 years ago to father Guru Teg Bahadar and mother Mata Gujri. Teg Bahadar was the ninth Guru of the Sikh faith that was founded by Nanak. Sikhism is based on the principles of egalitarianism and social justice. Guru Gobind Singh was very young when he lost his father, who laid down his life for human rights and religious freedom by coming to the defence of Kashmiri Hindus who were being forcibly converted to Islam by the Mughal Empire.
 
Mata Gujri brought up young Gobind Singh with courage following the execution of her husband. Guru Gobind Singh who led the community as the tenth Guru had resolved to fight against state violence by raising a force of committed men who ended caste barriers to give a united challenge to the enemy. For this Guru Gobind Singh had to face the dual threat from the Mughal government and Hindu kings who could not tolerate people from the so called low castes being empowered with the formation of Khalsa army. So great was this perceived threat that they even tried to incite the Mughals against Guru Gobind Singh.
 
During the year 1705 he had to fight a very tough battle in which he lost his two elder sons, Ajit Singh and Jujhar Singh, while Mata Gujri and his two younger sons Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh were separated from the entire family. The three of them were handed over to a Muslim governor of Sirhind state by a treacherous Hindu servant who deceived them after being bought over by the enemies. Mata Gujri was thrown into jail alongside her grandsons.
 
Both Zorawar Singh aged nine and Fateh Singh aged seven were pressurised by the Mughals to embrace Islam to save their lives. Undeterred by these warnings, they accepted death with dignity and were bricked alive. Upon receiving the news of the merciless killings of her grandsons, Mata Gujri also died in the prison.
 
Today when state repression spreads everywhere and we see no end to bigotry, the episode of the great sacrifices made by Guru Gobind Singh, his parents and sons has become even more relevant.
 
All we need to understand is the real message behind this powerful story rather than letting communal forces misinterpret this history for their ulterior motives. It’s a shame that right wing political parties such as the Hindu supremacist BJP that governs India continues to appropriate the Sikh history in an attempt to polarise Hindus and Sikhs against Muslims, whereas the Sikh gurus and their families fought against repression and not any particular religion. Rather they had some good Muslims on their side as several hostile Hindus joined hands with the Mughal Empire.
 
The growing incidents of violence against Muslims and Christians under the BJP government(s) would instead have forced the gurus to revolt against the current regime if they were still among us. They would never have compromised with a government whose supporters frequently  terrorise minorities with impunity and force Muslims and Christians to embrace Hinduism in the name of Ghar Waapsi – which is nothing but a well-organised religious conversion (through force and intimidation).
 
Apart from this, the current regime is no different from the then tyrannical Mughal government that killed two small children and let their aging grandmother die in the jail. Activists like Prof. GN Saibaba who are being incarcerated despite being ninety percent disabled below waist for standing up for the oppressed people is a classic case of the brutality of the Indian state. The under- age Kashmiris continue to be arrested and attacked by the Indian forces in the name of war against terror in the valley where uprising for right to self-determination has been going on for years. Even in Punjab during the Sikh insurgency in 1980s the under age children on the militants and their parents were subjected to killings and torturers. Only recently, Jagtar Johal, a young Sikh activist from UK was detained and tortured in Punjab on the allegations of murdering of right wing leaders.  
 
The story is relevant internationally too as this week we saw the arrest of 16-year-old Ahed Tamini – a Palestinian activist who slapped an Israeli soldier for continued repression of her people and the occupation of her homeland by the state of Israel. The indigenous activists in North America also face highhandedness of the state for opposing extraction of natural resources from their traditional lands without informed consent.
 
Those who believe in the philosophy of Mata Gujri and her young grandsons must come together to raise voice for those who are being persecuted for showing resistance against repression anywhere in the world and defeat the forces of bigotry.
 
 

Day of Judgement: Reichstag Arson Trial, 84 Years Ago

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Eighty Four Years Ago, Today Dimitrov Was Acquitted in the  Reichstag Fire trial at Leipzing

 
Twenty seven days after Adolf Hitler was sown in as Chancellor of Germany and head of the coalition government, a fire broke out, arson, that brought the Reichstag down. The home of the German Parliament building was burnt down. Hitler used this incident to blame it on a murderous communist conspiracy, although later it was largely believed to have been the action of a lone Dutch communist Marinus van der Lubbe who was caught near the building. The hysteria and propaganda around the event was pivotal in consolidating power of Nazi rule in Germany.
News of the fire that started in the Reichstag building, was received by an alarm call of a Berlin fire station received shortly after 9 p.m. By the time the firefighters and the police arrived, the main Chamber of Deputies part of the Reichstag was almost completely destroyed, engulfed in flames. The police conducted a thorough search inside the building and found van der Lubbe. He was arrested, as were four communist leaders soon after.
Adolf Hitler pushed German President Paul von Hindenburg to declare an emergency after passing a decree. This act suspended all civil liberties and allowed the Nazi brown shirts to hound the Communist party of Germany. Mass arrests of communists followed, including all of the Communist Party parliamentary delegates. With their bitter rival communists gone and their seats empty, the Nazi Party went from being a party dependent on others. to the majority, thus enabling Hitler to consolidate his power. In January 1933, the Nazis had only 32% of the seats.
In February 1933 itself, three men were arrested who were to play pivotal roles during the Leipzig Trial, known also as the “Reichstag Fire Trial”: Georgi Dimitrov, Vasil Tanev and Blagoy Popov (all Bulgarians). Who caused the fire? To date this subject is the topic of historical research. Historians disagree as to whether van der Lubbe acted alone, as he said, to protest the condition of the German working class. The Nazis accused the Comintern of the act. Some other historians endorse the theory, that the arson was planned and ordered by the Nazis as a false flag operation.
Trial
In July 1933, three persons were charged with setting the Reichstag on fire. They were Marinus van der Lubbe, Ernst Torgler, georgi Dimitrov, Blagoi Popoy and Vasil Tanev. From September 21 to 23 December 1933, the Leipzig Trial took place and was presided over by judges from the German Supreme Court, the Reichsgericht. The accused were charged with arson and with attempting to overthrow the government.
Hitler used the Leipzig Trial for state propaganda against communists and it was predicted that the court would find the Communists guilty on all counts and approve the repression and terror exercised by the Nazis against all opposition forces in the country. At the end of the trial, however, only Van der Lubbe was convicted, while his fellow defendants were found not guilty. In 1934, Van der Lubbe was beheaded in a German prison yard. In 1967, a court in West Berlin overturned the 1933 verdict, and posthumously changed Van der Lubbe’s sentence to 8 years in prison. In 1980, another court overturned the verdict, but was overruled. In 1981, a West German court posthumously overturned Van der Lubbe’s 1933 conviction and found him not guilty by reason of insanity. This ruling was subsequently overturned. He was however pardoned  in January 2008, he was pardoned under a 1998 law for the crime on the grounds that anyone convicted under Nazi Germany is officially not guilty. The law allows pardons for people convicted of crimes under the Nazis, based on the idea that the laws of Nazi Germany “went against the basic ideas of justice”.
Georgi Dimitrov began his testimony on the third day of the trial. He gave up his right to a court-appointed lawyer and defended himself successfully. When warned by Judge Bürger to behave himself in court, Dimitrov stated: “Herr President, if you were a man as innocent as myself and you had passed seven months in prison, five of them in chains night and day, you would understand it if one perhaps becomes a little strained.” During the course of his defence, Dimitrov claimed that the organizers of the fire were senior members of the Nazi Party and frequently verbally clashed with Göring at the trial.
Highpoint of the trial was on November 4, 1933, when Göring was in the witness box and was cross-examined by Dimitrov. Excerpts:
Dimitrov: Herr Prime Minister Göring stated on February 28 that, when arrested, the “Dutch Communist Van der Lubbe had on his person his passport and a membership card of the Communist Party”. From whom was this information taken?
Göring: The police search all common criminals, and report the result to me.
Dimitrov: The three officials who arrested and examined Van der Lubbe all agreed that no membership card of the Communist Party was found on him. I should like to know where the report that such a card had been found came from.
Göring: I was told by an official. Things which were reported to me on the night of the fire…could not be tested or proven. The report was made to me by a responsible official, and was accepted as a fact, and as it could not be tested immediately it was announced as a fact. When I issued the first report to the press on the morning after the fire the interrogation of Van der Lubbe had not been concluded. In any case I do not see that anyone has any right to complain because it seems proved in this trial that Van der Lubbe had no such card on him.
Dimitrov: I would like to ask the Minister of the Interior what steps he took to make sure that Van der Lubbe’s route to Hennigsdorf, his stay and his meetings with other people there were investigated by the police to assist them in tracking down Van der Lubbe’s accomplices?
Göring: As I am not an official myself, but a responsible Minister it was not important that I should trouble myself with such petty, minor matters. It was my task to expose the Party, and the mentality, which was responsible for the crime.
Dimitrov: Is the Reichsminister aware of the fact that those that possess this alleged criminal mentality today control the destiny of a sixth part of the world – the Soviet Union?
Göring: I don’t care what happens in Russia! I know that the Russians pay with bills, and I should prefer to know that their bills are paid! I care about the Communist Party here in Germany and about Communist crooks who come here to set the Reichstag on fire!
Dimitrov: This criminal mentality rules the Soviet Union, the greatest and best country in the world. Is Herr Prime Minister aware of that?
Göring: I shall tell you what the German people already know. They know that you are behaving in a disgraceful manner! They know that you are a Communist crook who came to Germany to set the Reichstag on fire! In my eyes you are nothing, but a scoundrel, a crook who belongs on the gallows!”.
The judge played safe in his verdict. Judge Bürger stated that while he believed that there had been, indeed,  a Communist conspiracy to burn down the Reichstag, he said that except for in the case of Van der Lubbe, there was insufficient evidence to connect the accused to the fire or the alleged conspiracy. Only Van der Lubbe was found guilty and sentenced to death. The rest were acquitted and were expelled to the Soviet Union, where they received a heroic welcome. The one exception was Torgler, who was taken into “protective custody” by the police until 1935. After being released, he assumed a pseudonym and moved away from Berlin.
Hitler was enraged with this outcome of this trial. He decreed that henceforth treason—among many other offenses—would only be tried by a newly established People’s Court (Volksgerichtshof). The People’s Court later became associated with the number of death sentences it handed down, including those following the 1944 attempt to assassinate Hitler, which were presided over by then Judge-President Roland Freisler.
December 23, 1933 was the day Dimitrov was set free.
 

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