Dalit Rights Activist Detained, Threatened with ‘Encounter’

October 16, 2017

Dalit Rights activist Pradeep Narwal has alleged that he was illegally detained by personnel of the UP police on Sunday who also threatened to conduct an ‘encounter’ against him. Narwal who is the convener of the Defense Committee for the Bhim Army says the incident took place near the Faridabad-Delhi border at about 2pm. “We were stopped by UP police personnel, none of whom were wearing name tags. One of them put a gun to my head and threatened to do an encounter,” he recalls. “I was made to sit in a police vehicle, while a policeman got into my vehicle. I was then driven around and taken to Muradnagar, but not into the police station. I was questioned by these policemen about my links with the Bhim Army,” says Narwal. He was allowed to leave after four and a half hours. Narwal who is a student of JNU has now filed a written complaint (DD No. 22B) that was lodged at the Vasant Kunj police station. Vasant Kunj police confirmed that an entry of the complaint had been made.

We need a new, radical vision of feminist sisterhood

October 16, 2017

The racism of white feminists, whether overt or covert, contributes to the oppression of women of colour, and holds the movement back.

The Black Women’s March in Brasilia, 2015. Photo: Sabriya Simon. Some rights reserved.The feminist movement has a race problem. This is nothing new – in fact, the problem has been there since the movement began. The racism of white women, whether it is overt or covert, actively contributes to oppression experienced by women of colour. That racism also undermines the efforts of feminist struggle by upholding white supremacist capitalist heteropatriarchy.

For some white women, the benefits of white privilege seem to outweigh the gains to be made through dismantling the hierarchies at the root of widespread social inequalities. And those white feminists who have made no conscious effort to unlearn their own racism will find that it manifests itself within their feminism not randomly, but as an organic product of their beliefs.

“The feminist movement has a race problem.”

Writers considered pioneers of feminist thought, including American activists Kate Millett and Betty Friedan, are also responsible for a pattern of universalising white women’s experiences. Positioning whiteness as the ‘standard’ of womanhood obscures the realities lived by women of colour, and the role of hierarchies beyond gender in shaping female experience.

Feminism is a social movement devoted to liberating all women and girls from structural oppression. And yet, within the mainstream of this movement, the liberation of some women is treated as a higher priority than that of others.

When feminism prioritises the interests of white, middle-class women over those of their more marginal sisters, it only replicates the after-the-revolution mentality that has historically been used to sideline women within progressive politics. When gender is positioned as the main hierarchy for all women to overcome, a strange sort of trickle-down liberation logic is applied to justify how racism, classism, ableism, and lesbophobia are overlooked.

Ignoring a form of oppression that shapes the lives of countless women simply because you do not experience it doesn’t resemble sisterhood, not by any stretch of imagination – yet this is a standard excuse given for disregarding the political issues facing women of colour.

We are told that talking about race divides the feminist movement, that it jeopardises solidarity between women. But valuing white women’s comfort over women of colour’s liberation is the antithesis of sisterhood.

“We are told that talking about race divides the feminist movement, that it jeopardises solidarity between women. But valuing white women’s comfort over women of colour’s liberation is the antithesis of sisterhood.”

The expectation that women of colour remain silent about our experiences of racism, for the convenience of white women, removes the possibility of sisterhood. The expectation that women of colour devote our energies to helping white women attain socioeconomic parity with white men – the entitlement behind that assumption! – makes interracial solidarity unlikelier still.

Yet such solidarity can exist. I know this first-hand. I have experienced sisterhood with white women and value those connections. That being said, I will never condemn a woman of colour who says otherwise – the racism of white women means that mixed feminist spaces can be a minefield to navigate.

For this situation to improve, for interracial solidarity between women to become not an exception but the rule within feminist spaces, a great deal must change. Fortunately, there is no greater vehicle for change than the feminist movement.

Altering the dynamic of race within the feminist movement demands critical self-reflection, persistent effort, and white women’s willingness to break with old patterns of behaviour.

Every good liberal is fed the message that nobody should see race – but not seeing race means not seeing racism, and being blind to racism precludes the possibility of identifying or challenging it. White women must acknowledge the differences in experience brought about by race if they are ever to have a meaningful understanding of women of colour’s lives.

“Every good liberal is fed the message that nobody should see race – but not seeing race means not seeing racism.”

It is such a fundamental thing, so obvious it almost doesn’t bear saying, but white women also need to acknowledge women of colour as human beings who have thoughts and – too often neglected in discussions of race – feelings.

Race isn’t an abstract conversation for us. It has very real implications and consequences. Empathy is crucial. We often talk about how misogyny makes women vulnerable, but the reality that women of colour are in an even more vulnerable position – thanks to what Frances Beale described as a ‘double jeopardy’ of racism and sexism – is not always given due consideration.

White women who want to share trust and solidarity with women of colour need to consider how they conceptualise us – are we your sisters, or are we tokens? Are we necessary agents of feminist struggle, or a pat on the back for diversity?

Honest, inward reflection is essential. I invite every white feminist to analyse how she thinks of us, critically evaluate why that might be, and work from there. None of this is easy or comfortable – but nobody ever said the politics of liberation would be.

This article was first published on opendemocracy.net.

What the Harvey Weinstein case tells us about sexual assault disclosure

October 16, 2017

The power disparity between Harvey Weinstein and his alleged victims plays into a range of myths and stereotypes about women. Reuters/Mario Anzuoni

Explosive reports from The New York Times and The New Yorker in recent days have revealed decades of alleged sexual harassment and assault perpetrated by high-profile Hollywood movie executive Harvey Weinstein. In the wake of these reports, a flood of disclosures from celebrities, including Angelina Jolie and Gwyneth Paltrow, has emerged.

The Weinstein case follows an emerging pattern of powerful men being outed for their sexually violent behaviour. In such cases, men have been able to abuse with relative impunity, despite many in the entertainment industry appearing to know or have suspicion of their behaviour.

These instances raise several pertinent questions about sexual violence and harassment. They include:

why it’s so difficult for victim-survivors to come forward
why they aren’t believed when they do
why we tend to see a flood of reporting once the case is broken
how men such as Weinstein are able to offend with impunity for so long
and most importantly, what we can do to prevent such cases from reoccurring.

‘Why didn’t you say anything?’

Victim-survivors face a wide range of barriers to disclosing their experiences, regardless of the context in which the assault occurred. Commonly identified barriers include:

fear of not being believed
fear their experience will be dismissed or trivialised
belief the incident wasn’t “serious” enough to tell anyone about
fear of retaliation from the perpetrator
believing there was nothing that could be done about it
wanting to move on from or forget the incident
confusion about what happened
shock
self-blame.

Many barriers are heavily informed by misconceptions and stereotypes about sexual violence. The narrow framing of “real” rape as involving extreme violence or physical force and penetrative sex, or that the perpetrator is a stranger, can prevent victim-survivors from speaking out or even identifying and labelling their experience as sexual violence in the first place.
Although victim-survivors face substantial barriers to disclosure, most eventually tell somebody about their experience. How that person reacts can be vital in informing what happens next.
Positive responses, such as an expression of belief and validation, can aid in recovery and encourage further disclosure and reporting to authorities. Negative responses, such as blaming the victim or disbelief, can shut down any further discussion or disclosure.

Navigating power and disclosure

All forms of sexual violence feature an imbalance of power. This is heightened in Weinstein’s case. As a high-ranking Hollywood producer, he was often in direct control of the careers of his victims, many of whom were young women.

It is reasonable to assume that many did not disclose for fear of losing their careers, or otherwise facing the wrath of a well-connected, wealthy and powerful man. Weinstein’s position enabled him to reportedly buy the silence of several victims.

However, this is not to say these women did or said nothing in response to Weinstein’s actions. It appears his behaviour was an open secretamong women in Hollywood, who warned each other about him.
Rather than not disclosing, it would seem that Weinstein’s victims were selective about who they told. Their disclosure practices sought to protect other women, rather than openly exposing their perpetrator.
The power disparity between Weinstein and his victims plays into a range of myths and stereotypes about women. Namely, there is a myth that women routinely lie about sexual assault as a form of revenge or – in the case of wealthy perpetrators – as a means of “gold-digging”, attention-seeking, or advancing their own status.

These myths are not borne out in the substantial research evidence on sexual violence. False reporting is rare. Victim-survivors are often blamed for their own experiences, routinely dismissed or disbelieved, and the criminal justice system is commonly encountered as a site of retraumatisation.

It is difficult to conceive what benefit victim-survivors may garner from “false” disclosure in such circumstances. And perpetrators in a position of such cultural and economic power can overtly exploit this to facilitate and enable their offending with relative impunity.

Research has illustrated how perpetrators draw on their position to silence victims, often by reinforcing the notion that no-one will believe them if they do disclose, or by threatening to destroy their reputation or livelihood.

Under these circumstances, it is unsurprising that many of Weinstein’s victims did not disclose widely earlier. It is equally unsurprising that the initial media reports have sparked a flood of disclosures from women who Weinstein targeted.

In taking women’s experiences seriously, this reporting – and the subsequent public outcry – has opened up a space for other women to disclose. It signifies to these women that they will be believed and taken seriously, with the weight of collective disclosure making it more difficult for their experiences to be dismissed or downplayed.

Dismantling cultures of sexual violence

Given that Weinstein’s actions were an open secret for so long, this also raises questions of how he was able to continue offending with impunity.
Weinstein’s position of power played a key role here, and ensured that many of his victims were effectively silenced. However, it is also apparent that others within the industry condoned or at least tolerated his behaviour. It is vital that we imbue bystanders with the confidence and skills to intervene.

Weinstein’s actions were further enabled by a cultural context that normalised abusive behaviour through references to the “casting couch”and stereotypes of the lecherous industry figure who “takes advantage” of young actresses as a matter of course.

Such attitudes normalise and rationalise the occurrence of sexual harassment and assault, reframing it as acceptable. This can prevent potential bystanders from stepping in, and obscures the problematic nature of such behaviour. It is vital that we work to disrupt and challenge cultures that normalise sexual violence.

Finally, we must ensure women are able to disclose their experiences without fear of disbelief, blame or dismissal. Such systematic and widespread abuse might be avoided if only we were willing to believe women, and listen when they do disclose.

This article was first published on theconversation.com.

Gauri in Gandhi’s Light

October 16, 2017

This is a story from my childhood. My mother told me this story. I do not remember the reason why she had told me this story; nevertheless, as I grew up, this story encouraged me to face the real world. This is the story:

Prophet Muhammad had just started to spread his thoughts and ideas in Mecca. He was mostly all by himself. Some called him mad and some even physically attacked him. He was a subject of laughter for everyone. On the other hand was Aboojhal (His real name is Amra Bin Hishaam), a relative of the prophet and the leader (Nayaka) of Mecca. Aboojhal was waiting to teach Muhammad a lesson and had even decided to kill him. The bullies in Mecca never let go of a chance to bully him.

One of the days, few men who were infamous as rowdies of Mecca were discussing Muhammad’s thoughts and struggle, and were laughing at them. A poor worker passing by this group; he complained about a problem he was facing with Aboojhal. The poor worker claimed that the richest of the rich of Mecca, Aboojhal, was refusing to pay him. He was also threatening the poor worker. The poor worker requested this group to help him in recovering his money from Aboojhal.

Everyone in this group was strong and influential. None of them wanted to involve themselves in the problems of this poor worker; they didn’t want to speak against Aboojhal — this poor worker — of all people. They were about to shoo him away, but one of them went up to the poor worker and said: “Look there, do you see a man sitting there alone? Go and speak to him; he would definitely help you in recovering your money from Aboojhal.” The poor worker believed this and started moving towards Prophet Muhammad, who was sitting there alone.

The group was eagerly waiting to make fun of both the poor worker and Muhammad. The poor worker, as was instructed, met Muhammad and explained his problem to him. Upon hearing this poor worker, Muhammad held him by his arm and started moving towards Aboojhal’s house. As soon as they reached Aboojhal’s house, Muhammad knocked the door. Aboojhal was surprised to see both of them standing together: Muhammad, the one whom he was waiting to kill, and the poor worker to whom he owed money. Muhammad just said one thing to Aboojhal: “Give him the money that you are supposed to give him”. On hearing this, Aboojhal went inside his house and returned with the money he owed the poor worker, as if he was struck by some magical words. On getting his money, the poor man, along with Muhammad, returned from Aboojhal’s house.

The disappointed bullies of Mecca went to Aboojhal and questioned him on what had just happened. Aboojhal apparently had told them that, he saw two lions on both the sides of Muhammad’s shoulders roaring at him.

I do not know if there actually were two lions on the shoulders of Muhammad, but Muhammad was illiterate, an orphan, physically weak, and, most importantly, alone. Aboojhal feared Muhammad’s just thoughts. I learnt from this story that the biggest strength that any human possesses is just, moral values. When I started reading Gandhi, the above story unfurled itself in different shades and I learnt the deeper meaning of that story.

The human being who lives a life of discomfort tries to handle his weakness with the help of police, money, physical strength, followers, and Brahmanism. They try to save themselves by using the power of these structures and systems. Sometimes, they try to hide themselves behind their knowledge and wisdom; but they live a life fearing honest people who dedicate their lives struggling for justice. If this was not true, Ghodse wouldn’t have felt it was necessary to assassinate an unarmed, old and saintly Gandhi. Gandhi’s simple personality and fight for justice had made him outwit Nehru’s words, Vallabhai Patel’s strength, and Balagangadhar Tilak’s excellent oratory skills.

In a similar way, it was her ethical and moral stand that helped Gauri outgrow P. Lankesh’s intellectual personality. She was emotionally lonely and physically weak. Neither was she celebrated for her excellent oratory skills, nor was her writing exceptionally intellectual. But Gauri knew one thing: a good speech or excellent writing could not save an innocent person from being attacked on the streets. Knowing this, and believing in this, she had learnt the importance of not being a bystander to any form of oppression or violence. Pushing oneself to say “Stop it right now!” was the most important thing for her.

Gauri was trained to be a journalist in English. She wasn’t very fluent in spoken Kannada, and she would struggle to write in it. Her decision to step out of English language journalism and take over Lankesh Patrike, and to write in Kannada, shocked many. Most of them were not sure about her capabilities. Some even wondered how would a person who found it difficult to speak in Kannada would be able to write in it. Gauri’s simple, and yet straightforward approach, was an answer for all these questions that were floating around her decision. She chose to write and speak in the language that the people she was fighting for understood. She discarded a literary language. She wrote in the same simple, non literary language that the Vachanakaras of the 12th century wrote in. The demands made these days are simple and straightforward, and Gauri’s simple language became her strength. Her simple speech was the need of the times she was fighting in.

Even though she belonged to the Lingayat community, she never adored any of the physical markers of a Lingayat. Her source of inspiration and a guide in her struggle was Basavanna. She had understood the Lingayat religion and followed it more closely than any swamiji. She took the ongoing Lingayat movement in the state of Karnataka very seriously. The way she lived, her fearlessness, struggle, and even her death, is a representation of a lifespan of a true Sharane.

People who read and admired Lankesh Patrike had said, “Lakesh’s tabloid has become as weak as his weak-looking daughter.” She proved them wrong though. The way in which she lived her life, and now her death, have proved them wrong. When the journalists and editors of prominent media organisations in the state moved around with their gun men, Gauri Lankesh fought armless. Even Gandhiji was protected by his title of Mahatma, but this mother called Gauri lacked such protections too. This is probably why the murderers had to shoot seven bullets to kill her. The murderers might have realised that they couldn’t kill Gauri even after shooting seven bullets, because Gauri is no longer limited to Karnataka, as she was when she was alive. She is now in every nook and corner of this country. In her death, she stands as a more difficult question to the forces that aim to destroy peace in this country.

Translated from the original Kannada by Yogesh S

This article was first published on Indianculturalforum.in.

Achche Din? From job-less’ to ‘job-loss’ economy

October 16, 2017

The falling work participation rate shows that the economy is in deep crisis. Various other economic indicators show this as well.

Newsclick Image by Nitesh Kumar

In a stark and chilling confirmation of what the whole country has known for some time, a govt. report shows that Indian workforce (those actually working) declined from about 54% of the working age population in 2011-12 to 51% in 2015-16. While the working age population increased by 2.9% per year during this period, the number of people with jobs increased at less than half the rate, at just 1.2% per year. These estimates emerge from the Labour Bureau’s Employment-Unemployment Survey reports for these years.

The falling work participation rate shows that the economy is in deep crisis. Various other economic indicators show this as well. Growth of credit flow to industry is at an all-time low, the index of industrial production is dipping, and wages in industry are stagnant. It is a crisis which is engulfing even those who own means of production, barring perhaps the big players.

The Labour Bureau’s data reveals a much bigger problem – the piling backlog of unemployed. Although the working age population increased by 4.66 crore between 2011-12 and 2015-16, those who were working increased by about 1.1 crore only. In other words, about 1.2 crore people become ready to work every year but only 0.2 crore actually get jobs.

The difference of about 3.5 crore comprises some who are not looking for jobs at all, like women or students. But the majority is of those who are unable to find jobs. If this backlog of unemployed keeps accumulating every year, a stupendous task confronts the government in coming years.

Rural areas, home to the country’s biggest workforce in agriculture, showed a small annual increase of only 1% in employment while jobs grew at 1.8% in urban areas. This reflects the over saturation of the agriculture sector with working people and its diminishing capacity to absorb new workers. Since jobs in industries and services do not seem to be opening up at a fast enough rate, the jobless are caught in a vicious cycle.

Another aspect, repeatedly brought out in various reports is the disguised unemployment rampant in India. A very large number of people are working at very low wages, or part time, or for a few months in different jobs interspersed with periods of joblessness. The Labour Bureau report for 2015-16 shows that just 61% of workers actually work for all 12 months of the year. The rest work less than that. In rural areas, this proportion is even lower at 52%.

Falling employment is just the big symptom of the crisis. Workers have been affected also by stagnating or falling wages. Take the growth in salaries and wages paid to workers/employees by the corporate sector. According to analysis of RBI data on corporate finances by CMIE, the average annual growth in real wages during the past three years (2014-15 through 2016-17) works out to 3.9%, far lower than the long term annual average of 6% and a median of 5%. It also compares very poorly with the real GDP growth rate of about 6 per cent during the same period.

The prospects for the future are looking dim because all the underlying factors seem to be in a fatal tailspin. Between July 2016 and July 2017, the Index of Industrial Production (IIP) released by the govt’s. Central Statistical Office (CSO) has increased by just 1.2% indicating almost no improvement. This means that industrial production is hardly growing. In which case, there is very little scope for increasing jobs and with an army of unemployed available, industrialists are likely to push down wages even more.

Similarly, between August 2016 and July 2017, bank credit to industry grew by just 0.4% and for the services sector by 4.6%, according to RBI data. Credit is a measure of how much economic activity is going on. A growth of this kind is negligible and is like no growth. This is likely to cast a long shadow in the coming months because Modi sarkar has no clue about how to revive production and growth. India is facing a dark economic crisis and sadly, the reins of power are held by people who are only interested in helping their cronies.

This article was first published on Newsclick.in.

Poll panel may wait for “auspicious” Labh Pancham, Oct 25, to announce Gujarat polls: Sachivalaya insiders

October 14, 2017

Senior Gujarat government officials are learnt to have been told by their counterparts in Delhi that, “in all likelihood”, the Election Commission of India (ECI) would announce state assembly polls on or after the auspicious Labh Pacham, October 25, which is the fifth day of the new Gujarati New Year.

Image: Indian Express / Amit Mehra

The Gujarati New Year is on October 20, a day after Diwali. On Labh Pancham, Gujarati Hindu middle class entrepreneurs reopen shops, closed on the Diwali day after, praying for Goddess Laxmi, or Goddess of Wealth. While many middle class families go holidaying for about a week, the more traditional ones keep all lights on at night and doors and windows open for considerable time to “allow” the Goddess to enter in their house.

Talking with Counterview on condition of anonymity, a senior official, who claims to be in direct touch with ECI, has said it is “quite possible” for the poll dates to be announced after the “auspicious date.” Announcement of polls bring in force the model code of conduct, forcing the ruling party not to declare new sops to the people.

However, a Counteview message to Chief Election Commissioner AK Joti, asking him specific question whether this was true, went without a reply, though his juniors said, requesting not to be named, that there would be “no announcement” at least before October 18.

Two days ago, while the ECI announced November 8 as the date for Himachal Pradesh assembly polls, it did not announce any date for Gujarat, leading to many eyebrows being raised across India. One who has had excellent rapport with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Joti was Gujarat cadre IAS bureaucrat and retired as state chief secretary in January 2013, when Modi was Gujarat chief minister.

Not only the Congress, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Left, but even former chief election commissioner SY Quraishi said the decision not to announce Gujarat polls along with that of Himachal Pradesh has “:justifiably raised the hackles of the people”, as the terms of the two state Assemblies almost coincide.

“If the government does announce new populist schemes and freebies, it would cause the EC a huge embarrassment. It would be accused of giving the government of Gujarat the few extra days before invoking the model code of conduct”, Quraishi insists in his opinion piece.

While Gujarat Assembly’s term ends on January 22, 2018, and of Himachal Pradesh it ends on January 7. ECI, meanwhile, also announced that the counting date for both Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh polls would be on December 18.
Justifying his decision not to announce Gujarat polls, Joti reportedly said that the election timetable should ideally not exceed 46 days, adding, any announcement for more than that would “obstructed governance.”

A major reason given by the ECI for not announcing Gujarat polls, said Joti, is the Gujarat government “seeking” more time before the election announcement, as the model code of conduct would “disrupt” flood relief in Gujarat.

Meanwhile, what Quraishi said is already proving to correct. The Gujarat government is already starting to open purse-strings, says a report. The BJP-ruled Vadodara Municipal Corporation has finalized a mega event for Sunday, where Chief Minister Vijay Rupani is expected to inaugurate development works worth Rs 780 crore.

Earlier on Friday, the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation concluded its ninth “Shahri Garib Kalyan Mela” in Ahmedabad, where of a total 4103 beneficiaries, 3,262 were distributed kits including cheques, funds and bonds under the “Manav Garima Yojana”.

The kits included sewing machines, utensils, tri-cycles, dairy products, street-vending carts and other household items. 1,087 people were given kits, as also cheques ranging from Rs 2,000 as Vidyalakshmi bonds to Rs 50,000, for intercaste marriage were distributed.

Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath and Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh are in South Gujarat to address a public meetings as part of the Gaurav Yatra, which would be concluded on Sunday by Prime Minister Narendra Modi off Gandhinagar.

Knowledgeable circles say, senior state officials, including those from the police, have been given the target of bringing “at least 10 lakh people” as a show of strength for Modi’s rally.

Courtesy: Counterview

Indian Children Suffer from Infant Starvation and hunger

October 14, 2017

While other countries have improved, we have not. This fall to 100 place (of 119) on the hunger index is registered for India at a time when the 2017 Global Hunger Index (GHI) shows long term progress in reducing hunger in the world. The decrease is 27 percent from the 2000 level. Of the 119 countries assessed by the GHI this year one falls in the alarming range, 44 in the serious range, and 24 in the moderate range. India is on the high end of the serious range in which undernourishment, child wasting, child stunting and child morality play a major part in the assessment.

Image: Reuters/Babu

As a result of the slipping Indian scores, as well as the not so amazing performance of the other countries in the neighbourhood, South Asia falls in the region with the most hunger, along with Africa south of the Sahara.

GHI itself has noted, “given that three-quarters of South Asia’s population resides in India, the situation in that country strongly influences South Asia’s regional score. At 31.4, India’s 2017 GHI score is at the high end of the serious category. According to 2015–2016 survey data, more than a fifth (21 percent) of children in India suffer from wasting. Only three other countries in this year’s GHI – Djibouti, Sri Lanka, and South Sudan – have data or estimates showing child wasting above 20 percent in the latest period (2012–2016).”

This comparison would have been seen as odious by India’s policy planners at one point in time, but has drawn little reaction from the ruling dispensation.

The child stunting rate is high at 38.4 percent, although less than the 61.9 per cent registered 25 years ago in 1992! GHI has basically confirmed what organisations in India have been saying, without any response from governments, that the timely introduction of complementary foods for young children declined from 52.7 percent to 42.7 per cent in the last 10 years. A major decline sought to be made up by the poorly implemented and now virtually withdraw mid day meal scheme for school going children, that is clearly not up to any recognisable mark.

So the areas of concern where India is faulting as identified by GHI are namely:

1. the timely introduction of complementary foods for young children (that is, the transition away from exclusive breastfeeding), which declined from 52.7 percent to 42.7 percent between 2006 and 2016;

2. the share of children between 6 and 23 months old who receive an adequate diet—a mere 9.6 percent for the country; and

3. household access to improved sanitation facilities—a likely factor in child health and nutrition—which stood at 48.4 percent as of 2016 (Menon et al. 2017).

http://www.globalhungerindex.org/pdf/en/2017/appendix-c.pdf

Since 2014 India has dropped 45 ranks on the scale, it is now behind North Korea and Bangladesh. The government that has done away with the mid day scheme as it was being run earlier, has now linked Aadhaar cards to the availability of mid day meals, particularly in states like Uttar Pradesh where it is being implemented with rigidity. Nearly 30 million children in India are sick, hungry and malnourished but they are not on any government’s map of policy and planning.

Children are the most vulnerable to disease, and given the poor nutrition in their formative years, their immune system becomes a ticking time bomb. Little has come by way of remedial action after the death of scores of children in a Gorakhpur hospital for want of oxygen; any number of incidents are recorded of children being killed by poisoned food served as mid day meals in schools; hundreds, indeed thousands, die of yearly diseases such as gastroenteritis, cholera and fevers.

GHI figures run the risk of become yet another ignored and rejected statistical warning as India is embroiled in issues like hate letting and intolerance.

Why Sweta Kothari Quit Republic TV

October 14, 2017

I have resigned from my current position as a Senior Correspondent with Republic TV with immediate effect. Below is the sequence of events that led to my resignation.

Photo: Facebook

On 30^th August 2017, my reporting manager (an editor who I would not like to name) came up to me and said that Arnab Goswami suspects me of being a mole planted by Shashi Tharoor in the organization, the reason being, Mr Tharoor follows me on Twitter.

If the proposition wasn’t ridiculous enough, I was further told that I have signed a petition on Change.org pertaining to Mr Tharoor a few years back, which has further raised suspicions.

The witch-hunt did not end there. Later that day I was informed that it was in fact my Reporting Manager who diligently spent time going through my social network profiles and later proposed that I may be a Spy and also took it up with Arnab Goswami.

The humiliation continued for a few more days. My financial status was inquired (proposing that I may have been getting paid by Mr. Tharoor); my colleagues were questioned on whether I try to extract information.

My twitter cover picture was misinterpreted to question my loyalty (A famous poem that still continues to be my cover picture).

It was only in late September when I finally raised it up with Arnab. I narrated the ordeal to him and the fact it has taken a hit on my morale. There was no concrete response.

To set the record straight, I have never met/contacted/known Mr Tharoor in any capacity. Nobody bothered to clarify. I was left in the lurch. My loyalty questioned, my vanity hurt.

I am not the first person to have the kind of scrutiny of my character, before me there were other colleagues who have faced worst. I am confident, there will be more. Question is-how long before the organization pulls the plug?

This isn’t the first time either that this sort of humiliation was meted out to me. On 30^th May, 2017 I had done a sting operation on a sitting SHO for a story.

Later at around 7 PM, the editor called me up and accused me of ‘flirting’ with the SHO. When I protested, she threatened to make the conversation public and destroy my career.

The culture of fear, intimidation and harassment I have seen in the last few months is unparalleled. My only concern, it goes unquestioned.

Last nail in the coffin came on 9^th of October when I was unceremoniously dropped from the Special Projects team at 1.30 AM. When I tried questioning the rationale behind it, my reporting manager said, “it is beneath my dignity to talk to you.”

Sadly, when I once again brought it to the notice of the top bosses, there was no intervention.

I have previously been associated with two fantastic organizations and have worked with industry stalwarts. Never have I witnessed such vindictive and vicious conduct.

While I am thankful to the organization for giving me a great learning experience and abundant opportunities, I hope this pattern of vilification of employees on basis hearsay ceases to exist.

It has taken a great amount of courage to pen this down, against the advice of many of my well wishers who believe that this may hamper my career prospects.

Perhaps it will, but if I don’t speak up today, what good am I as a journalist?

This journalist haa received searching questions from leading activist SP Udayakumar

The Republic TV journalist crying hoarse about ethics gets an appropriate response from a victim of the journalism she practised for her bosses..

From: S. P. Udayakumar
To: Ms. Shweta Kothari

Hope you remember me, Shweta. You visited my home on April 8, 2017, received my free books, enjoyed my family’s hospitality and backstabbed me and my family so mercilessly and cruelly. You lied to me that your name was Shweta Sharma and that you were a “research scholar” from the Cardiff University in the UK. You asked for my help with your “dissertation research.”

On April 9, 2017 you requested me to stop by your hotel room as you had a few more questions. There you told me “one of [your] British professors” was very keen on supporting our struggle against the Koodankulam nuclear power plant.

On both those occasions, you were secretly recording me and my conversation illegally, immorally and indelicately without any qualms about the journalistic ethos. It is interesting to note that you are upset that Arnab Goswami suspected you of “being a mole.” I am sure you have heard the saying “those who take up the sword shall perish by the sword.” Your calm demeanor, gentle head shake, deceitful smile, ungrateful attitude, lying through your teeth and the sheer criminality all make you very capable of being a mole of not just an MP but a whole array of foreign agencies.

When your criminal boss called you a mole, the proposition was “ridiculous,” and even a “witch-hunt” for you. But when you accused thousands and thousands of hardworking and well-meaning ordinary citizens of India of being stooges of the Catholic Church, greedy for foreign money and all that abhorrent nonsense without a shred of any evidence, you thought it was high class journalism, right?

You are raving and ranting about your “Reporting Manager who diligently spent time going through my social network profiles and later proposed that I maybe a SPY and also took it up with Arnab Goswami.” How interesting! You walked into my home, spent hours with an unsuspecting host family (comprising my aged parents, trusting wife, friendly son), recorded all the conversations secretly exactly as a SPY would do and betrayed our love and trust.

Oh, so “[t]he humiliation continued for a few more days,” eh? Your “financial status was inquired (proposing that [you] may have been getting paid by Mr Tharoor),” ha? Your colleagues were questioned on whether “[you] try to extract information, right?

How many days did you, your stupid boss and other morons in your TV humiliated us, the noble people who have been struggling against an authoritarian government who was imposing dangerous nuclear projects on us? Didn’t you probe our financial status and try to extract information through SPY cameras and hidden equipment, Shweta?

They questioned your “loyalty” too? And you have a “famous poem that still continues to be [your] cover picture” on Twitter? And does it talk about loyalty, Shweta? Very funny! You know that word, ha? Do you know what it means to be “loyal”?

You are crying aloud now: “Nobody bothered to clarify. I was left in the lurch. My loyalty questioned, my vanity hurt.” It does hurt, doesn’t it, Shweta? Other human beings also have similar feelings, you know? You are hurt by the “scrutiny of character” that Arnab and his mad gang did on you? Weren’t you doing the same on us all, just a few months back and crying hoarse to the whole country on your TV without even asking yourself if it was all fair to do so.

And on 30th May, 2017, you “had done a sting operation on a sitting SHO for a story” and your Editor accused you of ‘flirting’ with the SHO? How sad! Your Editor “threatened to make the conversation public and destroy [your] career”? I wonder what you guys talked about. The conversation must have been that randy and rousing to destroy someone’s career.

When my teenage son came to know about your stinking “sting operation” on me, do you know what he said, Shweta: “This woman could have killed you ‘Pa!” If one keeps on doing this kind of “sting operation” for a living, one will not only flirt or fornicate, s/he would even murder!

I particularly like your statement: “The culture of fear, intimidation and harassment I have seen in the last few months is unparalleled.” You also say: “Never have I witnessed such vindictive and vicious conduct.” These are nice statements, Shweta! Do you realize now what you have been doing to unsuspecting people like me with your criminal bosses? Read these statements aloud in front of a mirror, Shweta! You may understand better!

It’s really funny that you are still “thankful to the organisation for giving [you] a great learning experience and abundant opportunities…” Opportunity to do what? To do what they have been doing to you, right? You have not regretted a bit about the wretched things you have been doing to other people. You only want Arnab and the gang to stop “this pattern of vilification of employees on the basis hearsay.” If they do, your Arnab, your nosy Editor and all others will continue to be good, noble and nationalistic leaders and you are quite fine with them. Right, Shweta?

You close your great manifesto with the simple question “what good am I as a journalist?” You may be anything, a spy, a mole, or an infiltrator as your bosses allege! But certainly not a good journalist! And you know what, what you sow, so shall you reap!

Retweeted Shweta Kothari (@Shwkothari):

Statement- Why I resigned from Republic TV.

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