
मेरी समझ से किसी भी वर्ग या वर्ण का लेखक या कवि जनता या समाज के उत्पीड़ित तबकों की कथाएं या कविताएं लिख सकता है। ऐसा करते हुए वह शोषण-उत्पीड़न को खत्म कर सामाजिक-समानता पर आधारित बेहतर समाज केे निर्माण के अभियान में बड़ा योगदान कर सकता है।

मेरी समझ से किसी भी वर्ग या वर्ण का लेखक या कवि जनता या समाज के उत्पीड़ित तबकों की कथाएं या कविताएं लिख सकता है। ऐसा करते हुए वह शोषण-उत्पीड़न को खत्म कर सामाजिक-समानता पर आधारित बेहतर समाज केे निर्माण के अभियान में बड़ा योगदान कर सकता है।

Well, who cares if we never manage to play in the men’s equivalent tournament, if our girls can bend it equally well (or better) and wrap the whole nation in euphoria, then let all our support and patronage be for women’s football.
The last 10 days have been a dream come true for all football-lovers of the country — we were witness to some of the most emphatic victories by our girls on the field, which, I am sorry to say, cannot be matched by the men. Ever.
Large-margin victories against the likes of Singapore and Kyrgystan and solid wins against Iran, Chinese Taipei, ranked way ahead of us, are sporting achievements which one can only imagine of.
But the impossible has been achieved, maybe not by the men but by our women, who often have to overcome a plethora of blinkered social attitudes to take up something like football as a career.
The Bangladesh team and our teenage gladiators have not only given us unbelievable pride in being a football loving nation, but they have also made the path to the game smoother for those who aspire to follow in the footsteps of Krishna, Mousumi, Marzia, and others.
No write-up on women’s football in Bangladesh can ever be complete without a tribute to the Kolshindur village, 80km from Mymensingh, where, about a decade ago, the lives of young girls changed completely when a local school began training a girls’ football team.
The road to success has been strewn with impediments, some financial others rooted in social stereotypes. But the village of Kolshindur set the format of success over adversity.
The current Bangladesh U-16 team, which has already sealed a spot in the Asian U-16 final round, adds a layer of tantalising fame over years of hardship plus perseverance.
The talk of the nation is the young team of energetic girls who have shown us all and other participating teams how different they are in skills and standards.
Away from public gaze, women’s football has advanced a lot. So much that, today, many of us are transfixed by the way these girls play on the field.
Sublime tackling, relentless chasing, accurate striking, and the essential never-say-die attitude combine to make a riveting team, bringing back the pride of the red and green jersey, seen so much humiliation in recent times due to the unending debacles of the men’s side.
The recent five-nothing drubbing of the men’s team by Maldives was, to me, the last nail in the coffin. I hear that Bhutan, here to play the men’s side, has expressed emphatically of their desire to win.
So, from the top spots in South Asian football, this is where we stand now.
A long time ago, probably 1989, during the SAF Games in Pakistan, when the Bangladesh contingent was making the pre-tournament march in front of the podium, the commentator said: “Here comes Bangladesh with a very strong football team.”
That line rings hollow in 2016, when we have to digest many a pummeling at the hands of Maldives, a side which was once no match for our top club sides.
Of course, hats off to the Maldives football team of today, The Red Snappers, and their gifted captain Ali Ashfaq, arguably the best striker in South Asia right now. May they improve and go beyond this region to become a formidable Asian powerhouse.
For us, though, the pain of the loss in Maldives is subdued by our super-girls who are now the sole bearers of the country’s footballing glory. While we are all showering them with accolades, it has to be remembered that this success should not make us complacent and create a lax approach to the women’s game.
Today it’s the Asian Cup, tomorrow it can be the World Cup — this forward momentum needs to be carried on with exactly that kind of aspiration.
The Bangladesh team and our teenage gladiators have not only given us unbelievable pride in being a football loving nation, but they have also made the path to the game smoother for those who aspire to follow in the footsteps of Krishna, Mousumi, Marzia, and others
Let’s go back to 2003.
The Bangladesh mens’ team won the SAF football tournament in Dhaka and, afterwards, amidst widespread celebration, I wrote an op-ed for The Independent asking for cautious celebration without becoming over-confident.
Looking back at the slide of the standard of the mens’ game in the later years, it’s clear that advice did not have any impact.
Today, each of the seven South Asian nations have made great progress, leaving us in the gutter. Afghanistan, which has played in the region for some time, has moved to another region to play with the better Central Asian teams.
Nevertheless, I will once again air that line for the girls’ side: Let’s not allow this remarkable success to dent our determination. All teams which lost heavily will go on, sit down, and make new plans to improve.
And similarly, we also have to strategise to become even better.
We have hope, the game is not dead in Bangladesh. I will pick up my much-admired green and red jersey, dumped in one corner, and wear it with pride whenever I am abroad.
And if someone asks me if this is our cricket jersey, I will say with conviction, “no mate, this is the colour of our women’s football team.”
Towheed Feroze is a journalist currently working in the development sector.
The Article was first published in Dhaka Tribune
NYC Fight for $15 rally. Liz Cooke, CC BY
But this Labor Day, America’s fast food workers can celebrate victories that have improved wages for some of them. And they can applaud a global labor movement of low-wage workers that they helped spark and continue to inspire.
In April, fast food workers led the most global strike in history. It took place in 300 cities, in more than 40 countries in every region of the globe. It was a day of action against what activists called “McJobs” – low-wage, precarious work. And it caught the attention of the world.
From Manhattan to Manila, from Tokyo to Toronto, fast food workers were joined in living wage protests by home health care workers, airport workers, retail workers and millions of others who are fully employed but do not earn enough to make ends meet.
Earlier in the year, 27-year-old Florida McDonald’s worker Bleu Rainer drove from Tampa across the state to protest outside of the Republican debate at the University of Miami.
Chanting, “We work, we sweat. Put $15 in our checks,” he says protesters succeeded in injecting the fight for a living wage into the feisty Republican debate, where billionaire candidate Donald Trump raised eyebrows by insisting that wages in the U.S. are already too high.
When America’s low-wage workers, a disproportionate number of whom are African-American, convened in Richmond, Virginia this August, they vowed to continue fighting and tied their struggle to the larger battle to overcome American racism. They coined the new slogan: Black Work Matters.
As a labor historian, I became interested in the global fast food workers movement, which uses history, popular culture and social media to organize and make its case. Over the last year, I’ve talked to fast food workers in Tampa, New York, Los Angeles, Manila, Philippines and Phnom Penh, Cambodia, among other places.
They are literally hungry for change and they are making change happen.
Like popular culture, the problems of today’s work world are global. As the slogan goes, “McJobs Cost Us All.” Vast, transnational low-wage employers like McDonald’s and Wal-Mart drive wages down for everyone. With more than half of U.S. workers earning less than US$30,000 a year in 2014, the poverty line for a family of five, it is not a surprise that the Fight for $15 movement has attracted workers of all kinds.
The movement is bigger than just the United States. In Manila, young Filipino activists in the RESPECT Fast Food Worker Alliance staged singing, dancing flash mobs in their nation’s legislature to demand labor protections. And, in Moscow, fast food workers staged protests to highlight the fact that they were not teenagers working for “going out” money but adults trying to support families with inadequate wages.
Where did all this anger come from? In 2015, 52 percent of fast food workers in the U.S. received public assistance to make ends meet. Many had to work two and three jobs. Some commuted to work from homeless shelters. Maia Montcrief from Long Beach, California, told me that she lives in a one-bedroom apartment with six people. She is one of the lucky ones.
Though fast food workers have protested at many global and localized chains, the main focus of their movement has been McDonald’s. With 36,538 restaurants in 119 countries, McDonald’s is the world’s second-largest private employer. Only Wal-Mart employs more.
“Because McDonald’s has employees everywhere,” activist Bleu Rainer told me, “everything they do has a global impact that affects all workers.”
Rainer is a 27-year-old McDonald’s worker.
“I’ve worked in the fast food industry in North Carolina and Florida,” Rainer told me, “and in eight years I’ve made no more than eight dollars and five cents an hour.” He said that even when he was offered a promotion to manager, his salary did not increase.

Bleu Rainer.
“I have witnessed the torture of not having enough to afford rent, which led to me sleeping from house to house,” Rainer says. “One time I even had to sleep at bus stops because I was homeless. I have had to rely on food stamps just to get a good meal and when those food stamps run out it’s back to nothing at all. Sometimes I think to myself: I’m working so hard every day. So why am I still hungry? Why am I not making a living wage? Why can’t I feed myself?”
Beginning in 2012, Rainer and a small group of New York City fast food workers kicked off a protest against poverty wages. It was a decidedly 21st-century movement. They used one-day flash strikes instead of long-term actions that hurt workers more than employers. They deployed social media to organize and publicize their actions. And they gleefully subverted expensive corporate slogans – especially the McDonald’s jingle “I’m Lovin' It,” the first worldwide ad campaign for the burger giant, which they paid Justin Timberlake $6 million to sing on TV.
“Poverty Wages: Not Lovin' It” became the slogan of a new movement, and signs with those words soon appeared in as many countries and as many languages as the original version.
When I first met Rainer in Tampa, he was helping to organize a broad coalition of low-wage workers: fast food workers, home health care attendants and adjunct college professors – none of whom made enough money to pay their bills. As we sat together at a table in a West Tampa Cuban diner, the professors made clear that they saw themselves paddling in the same boat as fast food workers and home health care aides. They earned around $8 an hour, worked on short-term contracts and had absolutely no job security. “They try to convince us we’re better, we’re the elect,” said Cole Bellamy, who teaches 12 courses a year. “But that’s the lie they tell us to keep us quiet.”
“We are all fast food workers,” said graduate student Keegan Shephard.
“Or maybe we are all professor adjuncts,” said Rainer.
Their campaign has been remarkably successful in a short period of time.
This March, the National Labor Relations Board ruled that the McDonald’s corporation is a joint employer of those who work in franchise-owned restaurants, a huge victory for fast food activists. Last summer, New York state granted a $15 minimum wage to the state’s 180,000 fast food workers. Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles also passed $15 living wage ordinances. This spring, the state of California, which has a population of nearly 40 million people, passed a phased-in statewide $15 wage. The wages of federal food workers have been raised. Wal-Mart has raised its minimum. McDonald’s offered increases to those who work in restaurants owned outright by the corporation, which pressured franchise owners to do the same.
Four years ago, when the first fast food workers' strikes were held in New York and Chicago, the $15 minimum wage seemed a fantasy. Now it is a reality in many of the largest labor markets in the U.S., and it is fast food workers who launched the tidal wave.
Yet, with all this success, the life of an average fast food worker is still difficult, at best. One reason most fast food workers are so poor is because their wages are so low. But it is also because computers scheduling shifts change workers’ hours at the drop of a hat, making it impossible for parents of young children to plan child care or to know for sure whether they will be able to pay their bills each month. Algorithms, I have learned through numerous interviews, maximize efficiency for the company and cut labor costs whenever possible. Workers believe they are used to intentionally keep workers' hours low enough that they are not covered under state and federal labor laws and can be seen as part-time or temporary workers.
One McDonald’s worker I met in New York City in 2015, who depended on his full-time salary, showed me a paycheck for two weeks’ work that totaled $109.
Contrary to public opinion, most fast food workers are not teenagers on their first job but adults supporting families. The average fast food worker is 29 years old. Over 25 percent are parents. Nearly one in three have college degrees – or are working their way through college.
This is not the first time that restaurant workers have organized. Restaurant unions have, in different eras, been strong in some big cities, especially New York and Las Vegas. But this is the first time that fast food workers have organized, and it is definitely the first time that they have organized in conjunction with a range of other low-wage workers and on a global scale.
Massimo Frattini, a former hotel worker from Milan who is one of the global coordinators for fast food workers’ actions, told me that he was stunned by the worldwide response when the first global strike took place in 2014.
On that day, fast food workers in 230 cities, in 34 countries, on six continents, walked off the job to dramatize their need for a living wage, full-time work and union recognition. The scale of the strike surprised pretty much everyone: the workers, the organizers and definitely McDonald’s.
Workers staged mock trials of a weeping Ronald McDonald for wage theft in the streets of Seoul. They shut down McDonald’s in Brussels and in London’s Trafalgar Square.
“We were not aware of how organized workers were in the fast food sector in the Philippines or Thailand or New Zealand,“ Frattini said. "But the truth is they knew that alone, they were helpless against these massive corporations. But maybe together they could raise the issue on the global stage. And they could provide better services and negotiate better agreements for their members.”
Over the next year, workers from New York, Chicago, and 150 U.S. cities met with workers from Denmark, Argentina, Thailand, South Korea, the Philippines and numerous other countries. The Service Employees International Union in the United States and Frattini’s international union of food, hotel and farm workers, which represents 12 million workers in 120 countries, paid for these meetings.
Workers compared notes on wages and working conditions. Workers from McDonald’s and Kentucky Fried Chicken from every continent on Earth began planning strategy for global living wage agreements.
One of the original organizers, Naquasia LeGrand, was just a 22-year-old kid from Brooklyn who was tired of working three jobs. She looked back during the summer of 2016 on what she had helped start in 2012. She said: “We triggered something epic that had never been done.” Indeed they had: a global fast food workers' revolution.
Article was first published in The Conversation

अब तक आरक्षण कोटा में 50 प्रतिशत की सीमा का बहाना बनाकर ओबीसी के आरक्षण कोटा को बढ़ाने से बच रही सरकारों पर अब इस वर्ग की तरफ से आरक्षण कोटा बढ़ाने का दबाव पड़ने लगा है।
सबसे पहले ये माँग भाजपाशासित राज्य झारखंड से उठनी शुरू हुई है। इसकी अनदेखी करना भाजपा के लिए कुछ कठिन भी हो सकता है क्योंकि इस बार ये माँग ऑल झारखंड स्टूडेंट्स यूनियन (आजसू) ने उठाई है, जो राज्य में भाजपा नेतृत्व की सरकार का घटक भी है।
आजसू ने राज्य में ओबीसी के कोटे को बढ़ाकर करीब दुगुना करने की माँग की है। अखिल भारतीय झारखंड पिछड़ा महासम्मेलन में आजसू के अध्यक्ष सुदेश महतो ने कहा कि सरकारी नौकरियों और शिक्षण संस्थाओं में ओबीसी का आरक्षण कोटा बढ़ाकर 27 प्रतिशत किया जाना चाहिए। अभी ओबीसी को राज्य में केवल 14 प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिया जा रहा है, जबकि राज्य में इनकी आबादी करीब 46 प्रतिशत है। अनुसूचित जातियों को उनकी आबादी के हिसाब से 10 प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिया जा रहा है। अनुसूचित जनजातियों को राज्य में 26 प्रतिशत आरक्षण हासिल है।
मंडल आयोग की सिफारिशें लागू होने के बाद से केंद्र सरकार ओबीसी वर्ग को 27 प्रतिशत आरक्षण देती है, लेकिन राज्यों में सरकारें अलग-अलग प्रतिशत तय किए हैं।
अब देखना है कि झारखंड की भाजपा सरकार और मुख्यमंत्री रघुवरदास अपने सहयोगी दल आजसू की इस माँग से कैसे निपटते हैं। वैसे खुद भी ओबीसी समाज से आने वाले रघुवार दास मार्च के महीने में विधानसभा में कह चुके हैं कि राज्य में एससी, एसटी और ओबीसी के मौजूदा 50 फीसदी आरक्षण के कोटे को बढ़ाने की उनकी कोई योजना नहीं है। तब झारखंड विकास मोर्चा-प्रजातांत्रिक के विधायक प्रदीप यादव ने विधानसभा में आरक्षण कोटे को 50 प्रतिशत से बढ़ाकर 73 प्रतिशत करने की माँग की थी।
इसके जवाब में रघुवर दास विधानसभा में कहा था कि राज्य आरक्षण कोटा बढ़ाने की सरकार की कोई योजना नहीं है।
सुदेश महतो और अन्य वक्ताओं ने पिछड़ा वर्ग महासम्मेलन में कहा कि कोर्ट के आदेश के बाद कई राज्यों में आरक्षण की सीमा 60 से 73 प्रतिशत तक हो गई है, इसलिए अब 50 फीसदी की सीमा का बहाना नहीं दिया जा सकता। आजसू नेताओं ने यह भी कहा कि राज्य में कुल 193 जाति उपजातियाँ ओबीसी की श्रेणी में आती हैं, और अगर एक बार नियुक्त प्रक्रिया शुरू हो गई तो दस वर्ष तक नियुक्ति के द्वार बंद हो जाएँगे और ओबीसी का हक मारा जाएगा।
झारखंड में 82 सदस्यों की विधानसभा में भाजपा का मामूली बहुमत है और उसके 43 विधायक हैं। आजसू के 4 विधायक हैं।

The Madras High Court on Saturday issued an order directing the Perambalur district administration and the temple authorities to ensure that Dalits are not prevented from entering the Sri Maha Mariyamman temple at Pasumbalur village in Perambalur district and taking part in the temple festival, according to a PTI report.
Justice M Sathyanarayanan’s order addressed to the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments department, Perambalur district collector and the temple authorities was in response to a plea by K Subramani.
“In the light of the rival submissions made and the facts and circumstances, this court directs the authorities concerned to ensure that the people belonging to the Scheduled Caste community are allowed to enter the temple and worship the presiding deity during the festival to be held till September 16,” the judge said.
Subramani, a Vanniar community leader, had alleged that the temple authorities were not allowing members of the Parayar (SC) community to take part in the festival which commenced on September 1. He approached the high court after authorities did not respond to the demand of the Dalits.
Dalits seeking entry into the temple in the past were attacked by members from the upper castes. One Katta Arumugam was brutally murdered and another Rajkumar received serious injuries on two occasions during the clashes in the past, he had said.
The judge made it clear that “people belonging to the upper caste as well as the Scheduled Caste shall realise the solemness of the occasion and shall extend maximum co-operation to the revenue as well as the police administration for the smooth conduct of the temple festival”.

Muftis and lawyers come together to run a Muslim Personal Law training course in order “to combat uncalled for interference in purely Muslim law matters”
(Below is the English translation of a front page lead story published by the Urdu daily, Inquilab on Monday):
In order to strongly combat the targeting of Islam and Muslims with uncalled for interference in purely Muslim Personal Law matters, by raking up the issues of triple talaq, bigamy and uniform civil code, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind has set-up a ‘Jamiat Law Institute’ where for the first time muftis and Muslim lawyers will come together on the same platform to run a Muslim Personal Law training course. With the Jamiat’s general secretary, Maulana Mehmood Madni as president, the new institute was inaugurated by former chief justice of the Supreme Court, AM Ahmadi.
The inaugural meeting, organised at the Jamiat’s Madni Hall in Delhi by advocate Shakeel Ahmed Syed, director, Jamiat Law Institute and a board member Maulana Niaz Ahmed Farooqui, was chaired by the president of the Jamiat, Maulana Syed Qari Usman Mansoorpuri.
Prominent muftis and lawyers from UP, Bihar, Delhi, Haryana, Punjab and Rajasthan participated in the conference. The inaugural session was addressed by justice Ahmadi, professor Mohammed Afzal Wani (dean, Faculty of Law, IP University), Zafaryab Jilani (additional advocate general, UP), Mufti Abul Qasim Nomani (chief executive, Darul Uloom Deoband), Maulana Khalid Saifullah Rahmani (general secretary, Islamic Fiqh Academy), professor Akhtarul Wasey (vice-chancellor, Maulana Azad University), Mufti Salman Mansoorpuri (Jamia Qasmiya Shahi, Moradabad), Kamal Farooqui (member, All India Muslim Personal Law Board) and advocate Anoop George Chowdhary.
Announcing the launch of the training course on Muslim Personal Law, justice Ahmadi said that when faced with constitutional issues, instead of getting agitated Muslims should respond calmly and with legal acumen. He said that certain forces use the demand for a uniform civil code as a whip lash merely to incite Muslims and we get all excited. The fact is that a uniform civil code poses a greater threat to the majority community than to us, he added. That is the real reason why no draft exists till date. He said if Muslims were to demand that a draft for a uniform civil code be placed before the public such forces will automatically come to their senses.
'Provision for triple talaq in law is as necessary as a toilet is for any home. A toilet is not a good place to be in but no house is complete without it'
On the issue of triple talaq, justice Ahmadi advised that Muslims should come together and apply their minds collectively to evolve a solution to this problem.
While admitting that “triple talaq is undoubtedly being misused”, Zafaryab Jilani maintained that it cannot be abolished because that would lead to a lot of harm. Those who talk of gender justice must tell us whether there is gender parity and women have equal participation in the Supreme Court, Parliament, state Assemblies, government, educational institutions and elsewhere, he demanded. He maintained that gender difference is a fact of life that cannot be wished away. He argued that Muslim Personal Law does not operate outside the Constitution but is an act passed by the Parliament.
Maulana Khalid Saifullah Rahmani said that the provision for triple talaq in law is as necessary as a toilet is for any home. A toilet is not a good place to be in but no house is complete without it, he said. There is a need to understand the necessity of triple talaq and explain the same to others, he added. The proposed training course will be very helpful in this regard, he opined.
Mufti Abul Qasim Nomani said that it was the need of the hour to explain the principles underlying Islamic laws to the satisfaction of the judiciary and others and it was the responsibility of muftis to rise to the challenge.
Professor Afzal Wani asked why the need for making provision for divorce was felt necessary while amending the personal laws of Christians and Hindus if it is such a bad thing.
Professor Akhtarul Wasey stated that when even the Prophet of Islam had no authority to introduce changes in Islamic law how anyone else could claim the right to do so. He added that on coming to power after Emergency was ended, even those who were opposed to it did not remove the provision for emergency rule from the Indian constitution. This only means that though emergency is undesirable, such an option must exist for governments. Similarly, triple talaq is not a good thing but it remains an important part of family law, he added.

Members of Gau Rakshak Dal —pic courtesy: Facebook
अब ये स्पष्ट हो गया है कि प्रधानमंत्री ने जो गौरक्षकों के खिलाफ बयान दिया था, वह महज औपचारिकता था। गौरक्षा के नाम पर गुंडागर्दी आतंकवाद में बदल चुकी है और अब ये संगठित अपराध का रूप ले चुका है। इसमें शामिल होने वाले आरएसएस और सहयोगी संगठनों से ही जुड़े लोग हैं। अखिल भारतीय हिंदू महासभा के राष्ट्रीय महासचिव मुन्ना कुमार शर्मा ने तो यह तक ऐलान किया हुआ है कि अगर एक भी गौ रक्षक गिरफ्तार हुआ तो हम इसका कड़ा विरोध करेंगे।
हालाँकि, अब कथित गौरक्षक फिलहाल कुछ ऐहतियात बरतते हुए अपनी घटनाओं को अंजाम देने की रणनीति बना रहे हैं। विश्व हिंदू परिषद ने तो अपने गौरक्षकों की बैठक में बाकायदा संदेश दिया है कि गौतस्करी के नाम पर किसी की पिटाई करते समय इतना ध्यान रखें कि उसकी हड्डी न टूटे। ये सुझाव किसी भी कानूनी कार्रवाई से बचाव के लिए दिया गया है।
मेरठ में विश्व हिंदू परिषद के ब्रज क्षेत्र और उत्तराखंड के गौरक्षकों की बैठक में गौरक्षा की केंद्रीय समिति के सदस्य खेमचंद ने तो यहाँ तक कह दिया कि देश का विकास गौरक्षा से होगा, मेक इन इंडिया से नहीं। खेमचंद ने पिटाई के वीडियो बनाने से बचने की भी सलाह दी।
पिछले साल शामली में गौहत्या का आरोप लगाते हुए वीएचपी के सदस्य विवेक प्रेमी पर राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा कानून (रासुका) के तहत कार्रवाई होने को देखते हुए परिषद अब अपने सदस्यों को ऐहतियात बरतते हुए काम करने की सलाह दे रही है। मंदसौर में भी रेलवे स्टेशन पर दो मुस्लिम महिलाओं का वीडियो वायरल हुआ था। पटियाला में भी गौरक्षक दल का प्रमुख सतीश कुमार ऐसे ही मामले में गिरफ्तार हुआ था जिस पर बाद में अप्राकृतिक यौन शोषण का भी मामला दर्ज हुआ।
दरअसल, विश्व हिंदू परिषद और आरएसएस को लगता है कि अपने युवा कार्यकर्ताओं का उत्साह बनाए रखने और उन्हें व्यस्त रखने में गौरक्षा का अभियान काफी सहायक हो सकता है। गौरक्षा के नाम पर दलितों-मुस्लिमों और पिछड़े वर्गों के लोगों को मारने-पीटने से इन कार्यकर्ताओं का इलाके में रौब बढ़ता है।
एक अन्य फायदा संगठनों को ये होता है कि गौरक्षा के नाम पर अपराध की दुनिया में कदम रखवाकर इन युवाओं को हमेशा के लिए अपने से जोड़कर रखा जा सकता है।
हालाँकि, विश्व हिंदू परिषद का मानना है कि मारपीट की इन घटनाओं के वीडियो बनाने से फिलहाल बचना चाहिए, और मारपीट भी ऐसे की जानी चाहिए कि पिटने वालों की हड्डी न टूटे ताकि पुलिस की जाँच में कोई ऐसा सबूत न मिले जिससे कि गौरक्षकों के गिरफ्तार होने की नौबत आए।
Even as sustained agitations to revive the Gandhi Institute of Studies(GIS), a prestigious institute in Varanasi have been taking place, a late night, brazen threat to the acting registrar of the institute, Dr Muniza Rafiq Khan have raised eyebrows and much concern. Activists, activists and senior politicians from all over India have written to chief minister, Akhilesh Yadav to not simply ensure her security but also to also rid the institute by illegal occupation by anti-social elements. Among those who have written letters are senior journalists Qamar Naqvi and Teesta Setalvad.

There have been certain worrisome and threatening developments since the dharna and protests have begun. Late on Saturday night (September 3) around 8.30-9 p.m. when the Acting Registrar, Dr Muniza Rafiq Khan returned to her residence, athreatening letter was pasted on the door of her residence ostensibly signed by one Jagdish who has been running allegedly some unauthorised classes on the premises. The SSP and local police have been very cooperative and given Dr Muniza Khan protection but we urge that stringent action is taken and steps to immediately resolve the entire issue. The threat letter may be read here.
There was a sustained dharna at Lucknow to save the Gandhian Institute of Studies in Varanasi had renewed interest in an institute that had been crippled by anti social elements since 2007.
The letter to the chief minister, says, “There have been certain worrisome and threatening developments since the dharna and protests have begun. Late last night around 8.30-9 p.m. when the Acting Registrar, Dr Muniza Rafiq Khan returned to her residence, a threatening letter was pasted on the door of her residence ostensibly signed by one Jagdish who has been running allegedly some unauthorised classes on the premises. The SSP and local police have been very cooperative and given Dr Muniza Khan protection but we urge that stringent action is taken and steps to immediately resolve the entire issue.”
Background
This prestigious institute, an autonomous research Institute, was established by late Jayaprakash Narayan in 1960 as an “attempt to link Gandhian movement with Social
Science.” Among the founding members were Naba Krishna Choudhary, Shankar Rao Dev, Dr. Sampurnanand, etc.
The previous presidents of the Institute have been Shri Shankarrao Deo (1960-63), Shri Nabakrushna Choudhury (1963-74), Dr. Balbhadra Prasad (1974-76), Shri Jayaprakash Narayan (1976-77), Dr. Manmohan Choudhury (1977-78), Shri S.M. Joshi (1978-84), Dr. Bimal Prasad (1984-2000), Dr. Usha Mehta (2000), Dr. Manmohan Choudhury (2000-02) and Acharya Ramamurti since 2002.
The Institute had earned the wrath of former HRD Minister, Mr. M.M. Joshi, when it resisted attempts to accommodate a representative of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Ms. Kusum Lata Kedia. She however managed to become a member of the Institute faculty.
There after she was even suspended for her questionable activities against the Institute and her colleagues. In August, 2002, Ms. K.L. Kedia was dismissed from her services from the Institute due to non-performance and misbehaviour, by the Board of Management of the Institute.
There have been previous efforts made to restore the institute to a functioning state. However, unfortunately, so far, the Uttar Pradesh government has still not released the 50% matching grant to the Institute nor sanctioned the arrears due for these past years. The staff of the Institute has passed through very difficult times for more than six years and they still receive only 50% of their salaries each month. Yet, due to the prestige it enjoys the Institute has, even now, been able to get major projects from ICSSR, Ministry of H.R.D., the Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Indian Council of Agricultural Research, World Literacy of Canada, etc.
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