Turkey and the failed coup – God′s gift to Erdogan

July 28, 2016

Turkish Army Chief of Staff Hulusi Akar with Erdogan (photo: Reuters)

The military coup in Turkey only strengthens Erdogan's power – and weakens democracy in the country, writes Christiane Schloetzer in her commentary

There are Turks who welcomed the news on Friday night that the military had launched a coup against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They didn't dare utter loud cries of joy, however, but only rejoiced inside – after all, publicly flaunting opposition to this President has been dangerous up to now.

How great must the frustration with Erdogan and his increasingly authoritarian policies be if a military coup is able to trigger such feelings of relief? And not only among the generals′ close friends, but also among those who despair about the state of Turkish democracy?

These secret feelings of jubilation didn't last long, however. The leaders of the coup quickly made it clear that boosting democracy was far from their intention. They bombed the parliament building in Ankara.

On Saturday (16 July 2016), the members of parliament then assembled at the damaged ″House of the People". With rubble still obstructing the aisles, the parliamentarians demonstrated a unity they have not shown in years. From the Islamic government party AKP to the CHP, which sees itself as the guardian of the republic, all the way to the Kurds: they unanimously condemned the attempted coup – and called its authors a "gang" of "terrorists".

Coup without the people
So that's what the coup leaders with their daring, high-risk, amateurish action have achieved: where disputes have recently been waged with the utmost bitterness and sometimes even fists, Turkish politics is now showing a united front. That’s the good news. But the bad news is not far behind. The attempted military coup could now be followed by a kind of civilian coup. There are evil omens heralding such an event.

Prime Minister Binali Yildirim has threatened to reintroduce the death penalty for the coup leaders. The close friend of the President, whom Erdogan recently promoted to his new post, is hence further fanning the flames in what is already a highly charged situation.

From partner to enemy number one: Erdogan and members of the AKP government are blaming the coup on the movement launched by preacher Fethullah Gulen from his exile in the USA. "They will pay a heavy price for this betrayal," Erdogan threatened. The "purging of all state institutions from this virus" will continue. Naturally, such accusations have yet to be proven

When the AKP first came to power, the death penalty was abolished in reaction to pressure from the EU and the Turkish people – and that includes for times of war. On the night of the coup, some citizens took the law into their own hands in Istanbul, with at least one soldier apparently killed, while the police were only able to keep others safe from the unleashed mob with great difficulty.

The threat of the death penalty recalls the darkest of times in Turkey: the military coup of 12 September 1980. Of all the instances where the military has intervened in Turkish politics, this one had the most horrifying and longest-lasting consequences. Thousands of people disappeared in prisons and were tortured and 50 death sentences were carried out. Kurds in particular were radicalised for the first time by their detainment in the infamous Diyarbakır prison.

Intellectuals were driven out of the country – a loss that is felt to this day. The generals then encouraged religious education in the schools, because they believed it would banish leftist ideology. And they wrote the Constitution that is still in effect today and which Erdogan is now using to his advantage.

By Sunday (17 July 2016), thousands of army members had already been arrested for possible involvement in the coup. The army chief of staff was not among them, which distinguishes the failed coup from the drama that unfolded in 1980. Those arrested are not however merely a few low-ranking members of the military. There are commanders among them, including officers and generals. Also under arrest are two members of the Constitutional Court as well as other high judges, and one-fifth of all judges were stripped of their offices.

They are all charged with being part of the Gulen movement, a religious fraternity that follows the preacher Fethullah Gulen, who lives in US exile. Since 2013, Erdogan has taken to blaming Gulen, once his ally, for nearly everything that has tarnished his image: accusations of corruption, critical media reports, competing for donations in the millions and religious fervour.

The slogan for the coup sounds like an Ataturk formula
From the outside, it is difficult to sort out the current contest of wills with its absurd twists. The preacher in Pennsylvania denies any involvement in the coup. His followers have not even succeeded in forming their own political party in Turkey yet.

The slogan adopted by the coup leaders ("Peace at Home") sounds more like an Ataturk formula, harking back to the old, cosmopolitan tradition of coup d'etat. This view is further borne out by the substantial participation of the air force, which is regarded as a stronghold of Kemalism.

At the moment, though, nothing can be ruled out and the uncertainty and fears of many Turks are likely to grow rather than diminish. They fear the unexpected, but also a witch-hunt: the persecution of dissenters and a permanent state of emergency, a revolution from above.

Erdogan has in the meantime called the coup a "gift from God". Given the number of dead, that is a very strange thing to say. But it also reveals something the President grasped instantly: this attack on his power has only served to strengthen it further.

Christiane Schloetzer
© Qantara.de 2016
Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor

“Why Should a Military Be Deployed Against Its Own People”: Lalita Ramdas

July 27, 2016

Wife of ex-Indian Naval Chief, Admiral Ramdas, Lalita, writes this searching post on Facebook, 23 hours ago:

Photo Credit: Youth ki awaaz.com

It was when I saw a comment on my FB page from an old friend who asked me if I would like to spare a kind word for 'them' – those who lost their lives in Kargil – that I realised how deep was the yawning chasm between my world view and my interpretations about current affairs , role of the military , AFSPA, and issues like Kashmir, the NEast and the vicious killings in Chhatisgarh.

Dear friends – thank you for continuing to engage and listen and read – even though our views are clearly on opposing ends of a very wide spectrum. That is what a true and open democracy should be about and I like to think that we want to retrieve that kind of democracy.

Of course, like many others, I salute and remember those who have laid down their lives in the line of duty – be it Kargil, be it 1971, in rescue operations in peace time, or doing "counter insurgency" in the North East. Please don't for a moment get me wrong or judge me so hastily without trying to understand why today I seem to take so many positions which appear critical of the men [and increasingly women] , in uniform. I too was a part of the uniformed fraternity from birth until the age of 53, when my husband retired as head of the Indian Navy.

I am no less proud of the professionalism, the self lessness and valour with which our armed forces, as also other security forces have displayed as they are deployed on a variety of missions. In peace time too we have to deal with death and senseless loss of life -as indeed in the recent loss of the AN32

However, my own exposure to a very different reality – outside of the protected and often completely 'divorced from reality' lives that we have led in the Defence Services.

My political education, or should I say re-education, started when I spent a month in Bettiah, in Bihar in the seventies- I began critically exploring the causes of continuing poverty,hunger and want. Decades after our independence, why were we still seeing such abject poverty side by side with such wealth and opulence? And it has only become worse with the neo liberal economic model we adopted.

I also began asking questions about the roles of militarism, the military, the weapons business, and the completely obscene expenditures on arms in a land with such abject large scale poverty. This takes you in a logical trajectory to also asking uncomfortable questions about the nature of our politics and political leadership. And I hold accountable today – both our major parties and others too. Increasingly it was clear that not only had we failed miserably to settle our border issues with our neighbours – but increasingly we were turning on our own people with a brutality and level of utter violence -be it in Kashmir, the North east, or against Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims.

And it was my deep involvement with what happened in the pogrom against the Sikhs in Delhi in 1984, that truly opened my eyes to the sheer cynicism and perfidy of the state -which has selectively targetted vulnerable populations to meet its own narrow and selfish ends. There is no real interest in the good of the `people' – and after 1984, we saw it in the demolition of the Babri Masjid and with total impunity in Gujarat in 2002 where thousands died.

We have to learn to distance ourselves from the mainstream or governmental narrative – and increasingly of the shrill, venom and prejudice being spewed from so many of our so called national News Channels. And we have to learn to read, gather inputs from varied sources, and be able to make independent judgements and arrive at conclusions which might not find favour with the majoritarian views.

And this is why, I believe today, that our men in uniform – [lets face it for the bulk of poor boys from the villages the military – in the overall sense of that word – represents an employment opportunity, a security, which can only be marketed under the label of being the highest form of patriotism and service to the nation].

So if these boys are being killed – at one level it is an expected risk you take when you don uniform; and at another, it is the tragic ineptness and self interest of our politicians, and political parties – that sends them out to die – literally fighting their own people.

And finally – let us ask ourselves that most uncomfortable question – why should a fighting force who are supposed to be fighting at our borders – be deployed for over fifty years against our people in internal operations? And that too why do they need to do so under the blanket protection of a draconian law such as AFSPA – [the Armed Forces Special Powers Act]

This is not necessarily the best platform for an in depth discussion – but hope that this will push some of us to delve deeper into many of these seeming contradictions and varying interpretations in our own recent history of what has gone wrong – what promises did we not keep – and have we seriously dealt with our people with an even hand and work to truly deliver on our promise of Justice without which these calls for "maintaining peace" are just meaningless. There may be many unpleasant surprises that we might have to face in the process.

Above all – as Manisha Sethi eloquently suggested recently – can we begin to listen before making up our minds that a 22 year old is a 'terrorist and a murderer' – just because Arnab Goswami and Zee News have rammed that into our heads?! Yes he was a militant – there is a tragic story of how he became a militant.

But killing in an encounter is not the answer —–if there is an answer my friends it is blowing in the wind …..and we have stuffed our ears with concrete and our heads with baggage – and cant hear what the wind is saying…..

Lying about Kashmir with old videos

July 27, 2016

When channels air old footage to tarnish demonstrators, they act as partners of the army, spreading propaganda instead of the facts.

Lying about Kashmir with old videos

In their coverage of the Kashmir protests, some channels recently used old 2010 footage to spread canards about the demonstrators. Hindi news channels Zee News and Aaj Tak and English channel India Today recently aired two videos to argue that Kashmir’s present crisis is sponsored by Pakistan and that Kashmiri mobs have been attacking Indian security forces.

In the first video they show a young Kashmiri boy in his undershirt, surrounded by a group of hostile CRPF personnel, crying and saying that “Geelani is paying their gang Rs 500 for throwing stones at Indian soldiers”. Rahul Kanwal, India Today’s anchor known for his pro-establishment views, took to Twitter to write this: “Newsroom on confession of a stone pelter who says he was paid money by separatists to spread mayhem in Kashmir.”

The video was of the 2010 demonstrations. It was run as an “exclusive” report in July 2016. Mufti Islah, a well-respected television journalist based in Srinagar, responded with this tweet: “One channel was running total crap today and called it exclusive. Grow up folks.”

Similarly, in another attempt to distort the Kashmir reality, on Zee News a pheran-clad Kashmiri man was shown throwing a petrol bomb at CRPF personnel. A pheran? The long woollen coat Kashmiris wear in winter? In the heat of July? This was total distortion and false reportage.

By airing such old videos and other doctored ones, these channels are not only insulting the intelligence of their audiences but also lending credence to the Kashmiri argument that India’s hyper-nationalist media cashes on falsehoods, propaganda and provocation, and feeds on a daily diet of anti-Pakistan rhetoric.

Hardly any journalism ethics are followed by vast sections of the Indian electronic media when it comes to reporting Kashmir dispassionately and with an open mind. They take every word of their army and police as gospel and willingly become partners in propaganda. They try to blame Pakistan for everything that happens or does not happen in Kashmir.

Appallingly, as the death toll reached 32, Times Now ran a ticker saying “32 die in Kashmir in Pakistan-sponsored violence”. There can be no better example of the Indian media’s Pakistan paranoia. Afterwards, they ran another campaign saying that Pakistan has sent Rs 100 crore to encourage stone-pelting in Kashmir through Syed Ali Geelani who has been under house arrest for the last six years. Sometimes you don’t know whether to laugh or weep.

Robert Fisk, noted British author and journalist, in one his articles published in the Independent, writes how journalists covering any conflict zone often become “partners in crime”. “Most of all, it's about the terror of power and the power of terror. Power and terror have become interchangeable. We journalists have let this happen. Our language has become not just a debased ally, but a full verbal partner in the language of governments and armies and generals and weapons.”

The author further asks a relevant question, “How do we break with the language of power? It is certainly killing us. That, I suspect, is one reason why readers have turned away from the "mainstream" press to the internet.”

It doesn’t help that, in Kashmir, a crisis invariably means that journalists from outside the state are air-dropped in. Many television journalists, who can hardly tell whether the All Parties Hurriyat Conference is a conglomerate or a party or what exactly is the difference between the Hurriyat led by Syed Ali Geelani and the one headed by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, or how many districts there are in the Kashmir Valley and how their names are pronounced, can hardly do justice to the Kashmir story.

But I am also aware that these selected journalists are parachuted in to parrot the Indian government’s propaganda on Kashmir. They do not come to Kashmir to report facts. They come to distort them, and act as extensions of the Indian state. They often do the job of firefighting and think of themselves as conflict managers rather than journalists reporting and analyzing the facts on the ground.

Whenever Kashmir is on the edge, this ‘army in civvies’ on ‘Mission Kashmir’ with an aim to ‘douse flames’ will tell you that Kashmir is angry, that Kashmiris are feeling more alienated than before. But they won’t tell you the truth: that Kashmiris are raising azadi slogans and are demanding a just political solution to the Kashmir dispute.

The second appalling thing they do in Kashmir is to try and equate the state-sponsored violence with some protesters hurling a stone at government forces. They show pictures of 14 members of paramilitary and police being treated for minor scratches here and there at an army hospital in Srinagar to draw unfair parallels with the violence perpetrated by the government forces.

The brazen killing of 48 civilians (45 confirmed officially) which include women, and injuries to over 3,000 persons, mostly teenagers, is inconsequential. They try to stoke nationalistic passions in mainland India by erroneously showing that their brave soldiers are exercising maximum restraint while dealing with Kashmir’s “agitational terrorism” and “terrorist sympathizers”. Yes, this is the language they often employ to criminalise and de-legitimise the genuine political aspirations of the people of Kashmir.

Large sections of the Indian media often ‘sermonise’ to Kashmiris that “your future is safe with India” and offer unsolicited suggestions to Kashmiri audiences without making any genuine and unbiased attempt to listen to what Kashmiris have to say. Many Indian journalists wear their patriotism on their sleeve and think that they’re defending their borders in their air-conditioned studios and OB vans.

India and its corporate-owned media and propagandists must wake up to the reality that there is no anger or alienation in Kashmir. People on the street are unambiguous in their demand: azadi.

This article originally appeared on The Hoot

Gowhar Geelani is a journalist, political analyst & commentator based in Srinagar. He has worked for Deutsche Welle and writes for Dawn, Catch News, and contributes political essays for the London-based Race & Class. @gowhargeelani/Twitter

Women are now Victims of the Cow Taliban: Madhya Pradesh

July 27, 2016

Two Muslim women were reportedly beaten up by members of cow vigilante groups at Mandsaur railway station in Madhya Pradesh on July 26 over suspicion that they were carrying beef. This makes it the first incident wherein women have become victims of the cow Taliban.

The women were reportedly caught carrying 30 kg of meat after which police was informed. Never mind that initial reports by a veterinary doctor suggest that the meat was that of a buffalo, the regime in Delhi –backed by a supremacist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)– has empowered the Cow Taliban to take law into their own hands, kill, maim and terrorise. Is this not an indigenous form of terror? So far, we have had no wise words of warning or caution from the powerful powers that be, even those who globe trot their way to evade the murky politics back home.

Shockingly, crowd of people, including policemen, stood by and watched, two Muslim women were slapped, kicked and abused by a mob led by cow vigilantes at a railway station in BJP-ruled Madhya Pradesh on Tuesday.

A mobile phone video taken by one of the spectators shows the violent incident, with policemen making only a half hearted attempt to stop the attackers. The police, NDTV reports, were at the railway station to arrest the two women. They had been tipped off about the women carrying a large quantity of beef to sell. As the policemen apprehended the women, a mob gathers and begins assaulting them. The women were beaten for at least half an hour, with chants of "Gau Mata Ki Jai (Hail holy cow)" resonating from the crowd.

The policemen are seen making, at best, a half hearted attempt to control the crowd. The women are finally taken away by the police, after being subjected to blows, thrashes and verbal abuse. Police sources say about 30kg of meat was recovered from the women. However, the consignment was examined by a local doctor who pronounced it buffalo meat, not beef, reports say.

While importing of buffalo meat inside Madhya Pradesh without permission is illegal and thus both of them have been taken into custody for ‘smuggling and trying to sell’ the meat, the modus operandi is sinister as it suggests the illegal empowerment of mafias among the people, a mob empowered by the heady sense of impunity. Mob Terror: the video made by passers-by spread on social media giving rise to outrage following which state Home Minister Bhupinder Singh said that appropriate action will be taken.

Bahujan Samajwadi Party chief Mayawati also responded to this incident and said: “BJP raises slogans ‘Mahilao ke Samman me, BJP maidan me, yet in BJP ruled Madhya Pradesh women are thrashed on beef rumours.” Mayawati made a fiery speech in the Rajya Sabha today on the issue.

The incident has happened just a week after a video of Dalit youths being thrashed for skinning a cow went viral on the internet. It had been posted by the offenders, the law breakers themselves, revealing a brazen crass boldness and dare. It was this that has lead to the unique protests in Gujarat and other parts of the country. In Gujarat collectorates have been overwhelmed with dozens of cow carcasses dumped there; the traditional and legal occupation of Dalits (and Muslims –but who speaks of Muslims under RSS rule?) has been working with the hides of cows and buffaloes.

Cow slaughter is banned in Madhya Pradesh, but buffalo meat is still legal. The women, however, were still arrested as they did not have the necessary permit to sell the beef.

At the time of writing, no action seems to have been taken against those who attacked the women. According to NDTV, the police say that no action has been taken against the cow vigilante group members leading the attack, because no one has come forward to complain against them.

Attacks linked to beef rumours have seen an increase in India, ever since Mohammad Akhlaq was lynched in Dadri, Uttar Pradesh over rumours that his family were eating beef. More recently, a video of four Dalit men being flogged, tied to an SUV and paraded for skinning a dead cow in Una in Gujarat went viral.

Others include Zahid Ahmed who was killed over cow slaughter rumours in Kashmir; a truck driver who was lynched as Bajrang Dal activists suspected the smuggling of cattle; two youths who were beaten up in Karhal area, UP, as news spread that a cow had disappeared from a field near the village and was taken away for slaughter (the cow's owner told the police that the cow had died of natural causes) — amongst several other incidents.

In fact, locally organised cow vigilante groups have sprung up across the country. These groups take matters into their own hands, using violence as a response to rumours and as a tool for fear mongering. Last month, Haryana Education Minister and RSS activist, Ram Bilas Sharma, went as far as defending the actions of these groups by saying, “The Hindu society has immense reverence for the cow. Youths are coming forward for cow protection like this. The law has brought a big change in the mindset of people and has swelled the reverence for the sacred animal.”

गुजरातः मरी गाय नहीं उठाने पर दलितों को सवर्ण दे रहे हैं जान से मारने की धमकी

July 27, 2016

गुजरात के राजुला में मरी गाय उठाने पर 22 मई को करीब 12 दलित युवकों की जमकर पिटाई की गई थी। दलितों ने पूरे देश में आंदोलन कर मरे जानवर उठाने से मना कर दिया। जिसके बाद अब दलितों पर मरी गायों को उठाने के लिए दबाव बनाया जा रहा है। यही नहीं दलितों को मरे जानवर नहीं उठाने पर जान से मारने की धमकी भी दी जा रही।

शहर में घुसे तो जान से मार दूंगा…
राजुला में मरी गाय नहीं उठाने पर महेश नाम के दलित व्यक्ति को कथित ऊंची जाति के लोगों ने जान से मारने की धमकी दी है। टाइम्स ऑफ इंडिया की खबर के मुताबिक राजुला के रहने वाले महेश ने बताया कि उनके पास शहर के कथित ऊंची जाति के हार्दिक काठी का फोन आया। काठी ने दो मरी गायों को उठाकर ले जाने के लिए बोला। जिस पर महेश ने कहा कि उन्होंने मरी गायों को उठाने वाला काम छोड़ दिया है, इसलिए वह अब मरी गाय नहीं उठाएगा। महेश का इतना जवाब सुनते ही हार्दिक ने महेश को शहर में घुसने पर जान से मारने की धमकी दी है। महेश ने बताया कि हार्दिक प्रभावशाली जाति से है और पुलिसवाले भी उसका साथ देते हैं। अब ऐसे में हमारी सुरक्षा कैसे हो सकती है। परिवार और उनके बच्चे बेहद डर गए हैं।

गाय उठाया तो मार, नहीं उठाएंगे तो मार
राजुला के ही नाजाभाई ने बताया कि हमलोगों की हालत ये हो गई है कि मरे जानवर उठाते हैं तो मार खाते हैं और अब नहीं उठा रहे हैं तो मार खाने की नौबत आ गई है। उन्होंने बताया कि गांव के करीब 30 परिवार मरे जानवर उठाने का कारोबार करते हैं। लेकिन जब से मरे जानवर नहीं उठाते जीवन यापन मुश्किल होने लगा है। वह कहते हैं पढ़े-लिखे नहीं हैं और कोई दूसरा काम भी नहीं कर सकते हैं। उन्होंने बताया कि गांव के कुछ लोग मरे जानवर उठाने के लिए बोल रहे हैं, हमने मना किया तो धमकियां दे रहे हैं।

अब नहीं करेंगे ये काम
गांव के एक अन्य दलित नान्जी चौहान ने कहा कि वह अब दोबारा कभी मरे जानवर नहीं उठाएंगे। उन्होंने कहा कि वह मरे जानवर आजीविका के लिए उठा रहे थे। नान्जी ने कहा कि मरे जानवर या गाय उठाना जुर्म नहीं है लेकिन तथाकथित गोरक्षकों ने हमे ऐसे पीटा गया जैसे हमने कोई जुर्म कर दिया था।

बेशर्म बहानों की आग में झुलसता कश्मीर

July 27, 2016

हसीब द्रबु की पत्नी रूही नाज़की टाटा में एक्स्कूटिव के पद पर काम कर चुकी हैं। हाल ही में वे झेलम के किनारे पर 'चाय जय' शुरू करने श्रीनगर में लौटीं। कश्मीरी उग्रवादी बुरहान वानी की हत्या के बाद समूचे कश्मीर में जन-उभार पर सरकारी के रुख को उन्होंने अनैतिक, त्रासद और गलत बताया। उनके पति हसीब द्रबु चूंकि पीडीपी और भाजपा सरकार की मुखिया महबूबा मुफ्ती के मंत्रिमंडल में वित्त मंत्री हैं, इसलिए उनकी सशक्त बातों को फेसबुक पर ज्यादा तवज्जो मिली।

इस साल की शुरुआत में उस चाय-हाउस का उद्घाटन मुख्यमंत्री महबूबा मुफ्ती ने किया था। हालांकि रूही नाज़की एक व्यवसाय करती हैं, लेकिन जनता से जुड़े मुद्दों पर अपनी राय जाहिर करने के लिए अपनी निजी क्षमता के दायरे में सोशल मीडिया का इस्तेमाल कर रही हैं। उनके फेसबुक पोस्ट ने इस बात का एक सशक्त चित्र खींचा कि कश्मीर में सरकार की प्रतिक्रिया के खिलाफ असंतोष की तीव्रता और निराशा कितने गहरे पैमाने पर फैली हुई है। भारतीय सेना की ओर से किए गए पैलेट गोलीबारी के शिकार होकर सौ से ज्यादा कश्मीरी युवकों और युवतियों की आंखें जिंदगी भर के लिए पूरी तरह से या करीब-करीब चली गईं। रूही नाज़की पीडीपी के वरिष्ठ विचारक और शिक्षा मंत्री नईम अख्तर, राजस्व मंत्री बशारत बुखारी और कश्मीर घाटी में मौजूदा पुलिस का नेतृत्व करने वाले पुलिस महानिदेशक सैयद जावेद मुजतबा गिलानी की रिश्ते में बहन भी हैं।

नाजकी लिखती हैं- “उन्हें हर हाल में रुकने की जरूरत है, ताकि हम यह मान सकें कि यह जरूरी नहीं है कि हरेक चुनी हुई सरकार सत्ता में आते ही गैरजिम्मेदार और केवल एक पत्थर के खंभे की तरह हो जाए! कश्मीर में हर सफल सरकार ने अपने पहले की सत्ता से अलग तरह से नहीं सोचा-समझा। हमारे नेताओं को सभी चीजों को भयानक, अदृश्य और बेआवाज शक्ल में तब्दील करने की जरूरत नहीं है।”

“मुमकिन है कि है कि उनका पीछे हटने से नाइंसाफी फिलहाल नहीं रुके। लेकिन यही सब कुछ नहीं है। उनके लिए अपने विरोध को दर्ज करना ज्यादा मायने रखता है। हमेशा की तरह अपराध में साझीदार नहीं होने के लिए… खामोशी के साथ इंतजार और चुपचाप देखने के रिवायत को तोड़ने के लिए… अपनी अंतरात्मा की आवाज को बनाए रखने के लिए… अगर इंसाफ नहीं तो सच के साथ के लिए…!” नाज़की ने सरकार पर यह कहते हुए सवाल उठाया कि “हमलोग हर वक्त के बहानों से तंग आ चुके हैं। यह अनैतिक है, त्रासद और गलत है। पिछले दिनों कश्मीर में जो हुआ वह भयानक तौर पर गलत है। बच्चों तक का बर्बर कत्ल, विरोध प्रदर्शन करने वालों की आंखों की रोशनी आपराधिक तौर पर हमेशा के लिए छीन लेना और एक समूची आबादी को बेशर्म तरीके से घुटने के लिए छोड़ देना..! अगर यह पिछले दो दशक या इससे ज्यादा से हो रहा है, तब भी यह गलत ही है। कश्मीर को जलने से बचाने के लिए कई एजेंसियां काम कर रही हैं, तब भी यह गलत है। यह गलत है कि कोई हमारे सामने तमाम बहाने परोस रहा है।”

“और सबसे बुनियादी रूप में, सबसे शर्मनाक और घातक तरीके से गलत है। यह कश्मीर के बच्चों के साथ हुआ, जो हमारे देश के उन सुरक्षा बलों के हाथों गलियों में मारे गए, जिसने उनके युवा शरीर में पैलेट डाले। यह एक लोकतांत्रिक देश में हुआ कि एक समूची आबादी को बिना किसी बुनियादी जरूरतों, बिना फोन, अखबारों के कई दिनों तक के लिए बंधक बना लिया गया। और यह एक बार फिर एक चुनी हुई लोकप्रिय सरकार की आंखों के सामने हो रहा है।”

सरकार की प्रतिक्रिया को अस्वीकार्य बताते हुए नाज़की इसे फिर से दुरुस्त करने की जरूरत पर जोर देती हैं- “सत्ता को गलत कामों को दुरुस्त करने में लगाने या फिर पूरी तरह छोड़ देने की जरूरत है। हमें भावी पीढ़ियों के लिए विश्वास पर ध्यान देना चाहिए था, ताकि वे अब सच के चेहरे के तौर पर जाने जाएं। उनका सच, हमारा सच। वे यह कर सकते हैं। और उन्हें यह करना भी चाहिए..!”

एनडीटीवी के पत्रकार रवीश कुमार के नाम खुली चिट्ठी – आपके न्यूज रूम में डाइवर्सिटी क्यों नहीं ?

July 27, 2016

प्रिय रवीश कुमार जी,

सीजन खुली चिट्ठियों का है। आपने हाल ही में पत्रकार से मंत्री बने एम.जे.अकबर को चिट्ठी लिखी। बरखा दत्त ने पूर्व मानव संसाधन मंत्री स्मृति ईरानी को चिट्ठी लिखी। चूंकि आप अब ट्रॉलिंग के चलते सोशल मीडिया में नहीं हैं इसलिए खुली चिट्ठी ही मेरे लिए आप तक पहुंचने अकेला जरिया था।

रवीश की रिपोर्ट का मैं शुरू से ही दर्शक रहा हूं। आपकी पत्रकारिता के मानदंडों का मैं प्रशंसक हूं। गुजरात मॉडल की सही तस्वीर दिखाने और उससे भी ज्यादा जाति, कोटा जैसे संवेदनशील लेकिन अहम सामाजिक मुद्दों को अपनी पत्रकारिता का विषय बनाने की वजह से मैं आपका मुरीद बन चुका हूं।

5 जुलाई के मोदी के कैबिनेट विस्तार पर दिखाए गए अपने कार्यक्रम में आपने ब्राह्मण वर्चस्व का मुद्दा उठा कर मर्म पर चोट की। कोई भी पत्रकार या चैनल कैबिनेट विस्तार का इस अंदाज में चीर-फाड़ का साहस नहीं करता।

आपने सही कहा कि मोदी कैबिनेट में ज्यादातर महत्वपूर्ण मंत्री ब्राह्मण हैं। विस्तार के बाद रामदास अठावले जैसे दलित मंत्री को शामिल किया गया। आपने सही कहा कि दलित मंत्रियों को आखिर सामाजिक न्याय मंत्रालय ही क्यों दिया जाता है। उन्हें वित्त या वाणिज्य जैसे अहम मंत्रालय क्यों नहीं मिलते। सुशील कुमार शिंदे और रामविलास पासवान जैसे मंत्रियों को छोड़ कर किसी और दूसरे दलित मंत्री को शायद ही कभी कोई बड़ा मंत्रालय दिया गया है। लेकिन विडंबना देखिये कि इस मुद्दे पर पैनल डिस्कशन में आपने जिन लोगों को बुलाया था वे भी ब्राह्मण ही थे। अभय कुमार दुबे, विद्या सुब्रमण्यम, अखिलेश शर्मा, सुनीता एरन- सभी ब्राह्ण। मुझे नहीं लगता कि आपने इस पर गौर किया होगा। जरा सोचिए कि टीवी पर कैबिनेट में डाइवर्सिटी की चर्चा एक ऐसा पैनल कर रहा है, जिसमें खुद डाइवर्सिटी नहीं है। क्या महिला मुद्दों पर किसी ऐसे पैनल में चर्चा हो सकती है, जिसमें लगभग सभी पुरुष हों।

कुछ साल पहले तक आपके पास प्रोफेसर विवेक कुमार या चंद्रभान प्रसाद जैसे मुखर वक्ता होते थे। कांग्रेस के दलित नेता पीएल पुनिया या भाजपा के संजय पासवान जैसे नेता दिख जाते थे, जिन्हें मैं दलितों के प्रतिनिधि के तौर पर नहीं देखता। आप मानेंगे कि पैनल में बुलाए जाने वाले ऐसे नेता चर्चा के दौरान अपने समुदाय के बजाय अपनी पार्टियों की नुमाइंदगी करते दिखते हैं।

मैं किसी नाम के खिलाफ नहीं हूं लेकिन इस पैनल डिस्कशन में आप क्या ऐसे दलित कमेंटेटर को नहीं बुला सकते थे, जो गैर जो एक साथ भाजपा और कांग्रेस दोनों पर टिप्पणी कर सकता था। क्या एनडीटीवी में 20 साल की नौकरी के बावजूद आप ऐसे गैर राजनीतिक दलित कमेंटेटर को नहीं ढूंढ़ पाए जो इस डिबेट का हिस्सा हो सकता था। एनडीटीवी के एडोटरियल बोर्ड की बात छोड़ दीजिये। मोदी कैबिनेट में डाइवर्सिटी की बात करते हुए क्या आपने अपने डिस्क शन पैनल को भी डाइवर्सिफाई करने के बारे में सोचा?

द हिंदू ने 2012 में एक रिपोर्ट छापी थी कि किस तरह मीडिया समानता और भाईचारे की संविधान की दी गई गारंटी की अनदेखी करते हुए दलितों की भर्तियां करने में नाकाम रहा है। इस रिपोर्ट में वाशिंगटन पोस्ट की एक स्टडी का हवाला दिया गया था, जिसे 2000 में इसके संवाददाता केनेथ जे कूपर ने किया था। कूपर भारत में किसी दलित संवाददाता की तलाश में थे लेकिन ऐसा कोई पत्रकार नहीं मिला। इसके बाद बीएन उनियाल ने कूपर की इस तलाश के बारे में द पायनियर में लिखा। उन्होंने अपने बारे में भी लिखा – अपनी 30 साल की पत्रकारिता दौरान मैं भी किसी साथी दलित पत्रकार की तलाश नहीं कर सका। एक भी नहीं। कूपर-उनियाल की तलाश में देश के मीडिया में फैसले लेने वाले 300 से ज्यादा पत्रकारों में से कोई भी दलित या आदिवासी नहीं निकला।

मैं इस समय अमेरिका में रह रहा हूं। यहां टीवी पर भारत से बिल्कुल अलग तस्वीर दिखती है। मैं यहां टीवी पर जातीय, नस्ल और त्वचा के रंग की पर्याप्त विविधता देखता हूं। मुझे हर दिन सीएनएन के प्राइम टाइम पर अफ्रीकी अमेरिकी डॉन लिमोन दिखते हैं। यहां तक कि दक्षिणपंथी फॉक्स न्यूज के पैनल पर भी अक्सर अफ्रीकी अमेरिकी विशेषज्ञों का समूह दिख जाता है। कॉमेडी सेंट्रल चैनल के डेली शो के होस्ट अफ्रीकी-अमेरिकी ट्रेवर नोह हैं, जिन्होंने मशहूर होस्ट जॉन स्टीवर्ट की जगह ली है।
अमेरिका में यह कैसे संभव हुआ? द हिंदू की ही रिपोर्ट बताती है कि 1978 में अमेरिकन सोसाइटी ऑफ न्यूज एडीटर्स ने पाया कि अमेरिकी न्यूज रूम में सिर्फ चार फीसदी पत्रकार ही ब्लैक, लातिनी, नेटिव अमेरिकन या एशियाई हैं। अमेरिकन सोसाइटी ऑफ न्यूज एडीटर्स ने सिलसिलेवार ढंग से इस तादाद को बढ़ाने का फैसला किया। सोसाइटी ने लक्ष्य रखा कि 2000 तक न्यूज रूम में ऐसे पत्रकारों की तादाद 30 फीसदी तक पहुंचा दी जाएगी। हालांकि 30 फीसदी तक का लक्ष्य तो पूरा नहीं हुआ है। लेकिन अब अमेरिकी न्यूज रूम में यह तादाद 20 फीसदी तक पहुंच चुकी है।

अब इसकी तुलना भारत में न्यूज ब्रॉडकास्टर एसोसिएशन यानी एनबीए से कीजिये। खबरों में यह तभी दिखता जब इसका कोई सदस्य या संगठन किसी छोटी-मोटी राजनीतिक पार्टी के निशाने पर होता है। ऐसे में एनबीए से क्या उम्मीद की जा सकती है? इसके अलावा मोदी सरकार जिस रफ्तार से अहम सरकारी निकायों पर ब्राह्मणों को बिठाती जा रही है, उसे देखते हुए भी यह उम्मीद बेमानी है कि सूचना और प्रसारण मंत्रालय भारतीय मीडिया में डाइवर्सिटी लाने की कोशिश करेगा।
ऐेसे में सिर्फ व्यक्तिगत प्रयासों से ही उम्मीद बंधती है। यह जिम्मा अब मीडिया में आप जैसे फैसले लेने वालों लोगों का है। आपलोग इस हालात में सुधार का बीड़ा उठाएं। क्या एनडीटीवी इस दिशा में पहल करेगा। क्या वह अगली बार किसी पैनल डिस्कशन में कुछ समझदार दलित चेहरों को शामिल करेगा।

आखिर, एनडीटीवी इंडिया या एनडीटीवी में कितने दलित रिपोर्टर हैं? आपको यह सवाल परेशान कर सकता है। दूरदर्शन के बाद सबसे पुराना मीडिया हाउस होने के नाते क्या एनडीटीवी टॉप मास-कम्यूनिकेशन संस्थानों के एससी, एसटी ग्रेजुएट्स को स्पांसर कर सकता है? क्या वहां से पढ़ कर निकलने वाले ग्रेजुएट्स को वह अपने यहां छह महीने की ट्रेनिंग देकर उन्हें रिपोर्टर के तौर पर फील्ड में भेज सकता है। यह एक जबरदस्त आइडिया हो सकता है और इसे दूसरे मीडिया घरानों को भी बताया जा सकता है। दलित इस देश की आबादी का चौथाई हिस्सा हैं। अगर आपकी सेल्स टीम कारोबारी नजरिये से भी देखना चाहे तो, टीआरपी के लिहाज से भी यह एक बड़ा दर्शक वर्ग साबित हो सकता है।

सूचना और प्रसारण मंत्रालय को यह आइडिया भेजा जाना चाहिए। लेकिन जैसा कि मैंने पहले ही कहा कि मुझे भारत सरकार से काफी कम उम्मीद है। इसलिए आप जैसे संवेदनशील पत्रकार को यह चिट्ठी लिख रहा हूं। मुझे लगता है कि आप सभी सामाजिक समूहों की चिंता करते हैं और हाशिये पर रहे रहे लोगों के प्रति संवेदनशील भी हैं। जिस तरह से अपने एक प्रोग्राम में आपने हैदराबाद के पीएचडी स्टूडेंट का सुसाइड नोट पढ़ा था वह आपकी विश्वसनीयता बयां करने के लिए काफी है। मुझे उम्मीद है कि आप मुझे निराश नहीं करेंगे। अगर भारत का इलेक्ट्रॉनिक और प्रिंट मीडिया ब्राह्मण-बनियों का अड्डा बना रहेगा, वहां निचली जातियों का प्रवेश नहीं होगा तो मुझे महाराष्ट्र के मशहूर दलित कवि वहारू सोनवने की कविता के जरिये कड़वे सच की ओर ध्यान दिलाना होगा। इस कविता में उस दलित का दर्द है, जो अपना ही दर्द किसी सवर्ण से सुन रहा है। वह दर्शकों के बीच बैठने को विवश है। कोई सवर्ण पुरूष उसी का दर्द उसे मंच से सुना रहा है। उसी का दर्द, लेकिन इसे बयां करने का भी अवसर भी उसके पास नहीं।

स्टेज
न हम स्टेज तक पहुंच सके
न हमें बुलाया गया
हाथ दिखाकर
हमारी जगह बता दी गई
हम वहीं बैठे
वहीं पर हमें बधाई मिल गई
और वे स्टेज पर खड़े हो गए
और हमारा दर्द बयां करते रहे
हमारे दुख हमारे ही रहे
उनके कभी नहीं हो सके
लेकिन जैसे ही हमने शक जाहिर किया
उनके कान खड़े हो गए
वे चौंके
फिर गहरी सांस ली
फिर हमारे कान उमेठे
और कहा चुप रहो
माफी मांगो
नहीं तो……..
वहारू सोनवने

यह अंगे्रजी कविता का हिंदी अनुवाद है। मूल मराठी से इसे अंग्रेजी में भरत पाटनकर, गेल ओमवेट और सुहास परांजपे ने अनुवाद किया है।

और हां, चलते-चलते आपको एक बार फिर बधाई देता चलूं। ऊना में गोरक्षकों की ओर से दिन-दहाड़े दलितों को कपड़े उतार कर बर्बर तरीके से पीटने और रस्सी से बांध कर घसीटने की घटना पर आपकी कवरेज शानदार रही।

आपका ही
रविकिरण शिंदे

यह लेख मूल रूप से द हूट (The Hoot) में प्रकाशित हुआ था।
(शिंदे अमेरिका में रहते हैं और सामाजिक-राजनीतिक विषयों पर स्वतंत्र लेखन करते हैं। )

The Post That Facebook Blocked

July 27, 2016

Posted Again by Nishrin Hussain, daughter of Ahsan Jafri, July 27, 2016:

An Indian Army officer who served in Kashmir writes his heart out:

I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody.
As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.
I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'
Geetu's DT (Dinesh Tiwari)
July 19 2016

I have been to Kashmir. No, not as a tourist.
I have lived there. I have worked there.

I was part of the heavy military instrument of the Indian State in the paradise, guarding it from the heaven dwellers themselves. And some mischievous neighbors too.

As a 21 year old, with the might of one of the biggest militaries in the world behind me and its command pinned on my shoulders, its determination manifested in the AK in my hand, I have roamed the towns and villages with authority which none of the Burhan Wanis or Bhatts or Wazirs or Bhans or Wattals or anybody else whose land it was, would have dared to.

Ironically, as a Citizen of Nepal, serving in the Indian Army, I was a bundle of contradictions myself.

When I led a group of armed men through a tense neighborhood, I could not help recall the state I was in myself as a teenager, back home in Nepal, angry and frustrated because of the curfew imposed in my hometown, from six in the evening to six in the morning every day for years.

When the Maoist insurgency was at its peak, I was a teenager. I have been frisked, violated, insulted; made to do pushups and squats just because I asked the police man at the check post to repeat himself when he instructed something and I did not properly hear.

There were regular visits to our houses– by police in uniform, by police without uniform, by a secret police who every one knew was a secret police; also from unknown people with weapons prominently hidden under wraps, meant to be seen and feared, demanding food, shelter, and money.

I was angry, very angry. I was angry at the then mysterious figure of Prachanda, whose only one picture in combat fatigues was public at that time. I was angry at the ideologue Dr Baburam Bhattarai — legendary nepal topper (Board First) and PhD from JNU — who was known to be the brain behind the movement.

I was angry at the people who marched in my town with weapons held high, after they blew away the local bank and the police station.

I was also angry at the policeman who frisked me, dragged me by my arm, threw my bag scattering away all my stuff on the floor and pinned me down to the ground and poked the back of my neck with a pointed object. It wasn't a stick. It was cold and heavy. I did not see it but a chill ran down my spine.

It blew up the anger. I was angry at the government. At the state, which had ignored so many people for so many years that they were ready to fight, and kill and die.

Also, I was angry at myself. Without knowing the reason, without a target, the anger was building up and building pressure and engulfing me.

I was lucky. I had options to flee. I fled at the right time.

When I looked at a beautiful Kashmiri child, who approached me with an innocent admiration and a genuine query, 'You must be Kashmiri, are you Kashmiri?', I was fumbling for an answer.
I would have liked to tell him — 'Yes, I am.'

I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'

I would have wanted to give him a smile, a nudge, pinch his cheeks, and ruffle his hair a bit and say, 'Yes, I am a Kashmiri. And I love Kashmir. And you.'

But I did not. Because I did not. I did not love Kashmir. And I did not love that child.
I was not a Kashmiri. And I was not a tourist.

Kashmir, for me was a duty. An assignment, an ardous task that had to be fulfilled to my utmost capability and most importantly, survived.

I did not pack a camera, few romantic novels and Faiz and Gulzar's poetry books before stepping on to the heaven.
I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody.

As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.

I did not go through accounts of romantic unions in the scenic backdrops, but brainstormed over hundreds of case studies of bloody and fatal encounters in the terrain.

For me Kashmir was not to be appreciated, but assessed, analysed and acted upon, and survived.
For me the innocent child was not that innocent.

The images of children carrying messages, supplies and even weapons, read in the extensive case studies, immediately cropped up in my mind.

Even before noticing his sparkling beautiful blue eyes, pink apple-like cheeks, and loveliest smile,
I had to scan through his whole body to know what was hidden.

Images of children blowing themselves away in front of security forces flashed before me even before I could comprehend the emotions in his voice.

Even before I could think of extending my hand to ruffle his hair, the grip on the AK tightened automatically and my trigger finger was alert.

No, my friend, I am not a Kashmiri. I could not be one. I was not expected to be one.
Therefore, I was not educated to be one. I was not trained to be one.

And I do not love you and your Kashmir. I could not. I was not expected to. I was not educated to. I was not trained to.

I was fumbling for an answer. I did not reply.
The child's mother came running, lifted him up and dragged him away hurriedly, slouching a bit, without even looking at me.

Today, he must be Burhan's age. And we don't love him still. And that is one of the reasons why Kashmir burns.

Meanwhile Dibyesh Anand on Facebook has also stated that other pro Kashmiri Voices and Videos are also being blocked:
Dibyesh Anand on July 27, 2016 On Facebook censorship of pro Kashmir voices (AJE)

While FB claims it is only blocking support of terrorism and accepts "error" in some cases, in the two sentences I had, I made it clear it is censorship.
Some of the things I had said in the pre-recorded interview that was left out included:

1. If FB has to censor profiles and posts supporting terrorism, it should start with banning pages of military and in this context, profiles of all those Indians who are supporting violence and terror of their armed forces.
2. FB is failing in its vision of providing alternative space and hence in this case is complicit with state atrocities against Kashmiris
3. FB refuses to delete/block profiles that have sent death threats, threat of rape, etc but found perfectly reasonable and sensible posts on Kashmir objectionable.
4. If FB takes side this blatantly, it should expect us to not accept it with resignation.

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एनडीटीवी के पत्रकार रवीश कुमार के नाम खुली चिट्ठी – आपके न्यूज रूम में डाइवर्सिटी क्यों नहीं ?

The Post That Facebook Blocked

Posted Again by Nishrin Hussain, daughter of Ahsan Jafri, July 27, 2016:

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