Ahimsa, not arms

September 30, 2003

The advertisement issued by the department of information and broadcasting, government of India, on Gandhi Jayanti day is mischievous

The minister of information and broadcasting, government of India issued an advertisement
on 2nd October 2003, in almost all newspapers in which Gandhi was quoted as having said: “I would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour than that she should in cowardly manner become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour.”

We were horrified to see the advertisement issued by the government of India on Gandhi Jayanti, quoting Gandhi on the need to take up arms rather than suffer dishonour. The mischievous intent of the advertisement is obvious. Given its preoccupation with reinventing histories to suit its agenda and the discomfort of living with the internationally-famed Gandhian legacy of non-violence, it is no surprise that the present government should choose a line from Gandhi’s writings, totally removed from its context, to prove that even the great Apostle of Peace endorsed violence in the name of nationalism.

The quote used in the advertisement is a line from Gandhi’s article in Young India dated August 11, 1920, titled, ‘The Doctrine of the Sword’. The article was written by Gandhi in the wake of countrywide violence following the passing of the Rowlatt Bills and the Jallianwalla Baug massacre in 1919, and centred on the call for non-cooperation from August 1, 1920. It sought to explain his concept of non-violent non-cooperation, and the spirit of non-violence itself. The article, unlike its misrepresentation by the line used in the advertisement, is devoted to the real possibility of non-violence as a political strategy, and its moral significance.

The opening sentence of the article reads: “In this age of the rule of brute force, it is almost impossible for anyone to believe that anyone else could possibly reject the law of the final supremacy of brute force.” Gandhi goes on to explain how violence can be resorted to where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence. However, the real intent of the article is made clear in the sections following the line quoted in the advertisement issued by the government on Gandhi Jayanti: “But I believe that non-violence is infinitely superior to violence.”

Gandhi goes on to explain how violence is resorted to by the helpless, whereas the people of India should not see themselves as being helpless. The advertisement could just as well have quoted his other famous lines in this article: “I am not a visionary. I claim to be a practical idealist. The religion of non-violence is not meant merely for the rishis and saints. It is meant for the common people as well. Non-violence is the law of our species as violence is the law of the brute. The spirit lies dormant in the brute and he knows no law but that of physical might. The dignity of man requires obedience to a higher law, to the strength of the spirit; or, I am not pleading for India to practise non-violence because it is weak. I want her to practise non-violence being conscious of her strength and power. No training in arms is required for realisation of her strength. We seem to need it because we seem to think that we are but a lump of flesh. I want India to recognise that she has a soul that cannot perish and that can rise triumphant above every physical weakness and defy the physical combination of (the) whole world.”

Perhaps the most apt quotation that could have been used to honour Gandhi in these conflict-ridden times would have been one of the closing lines from the same article: “India’s acceptance of the doctrine of the sword will be the hour of my trial.” More than 80 years later, this is precisely what is coming about: we seem to be accepting the doctrine of the sword, subverting Gandhi’s ideals to legitimise an agenda of violence. That this is now being done even through an official agency of the government like the department of I & B, is a shame and a tragedy. Gandhi could only have grieved if he were alive today.

(The above statement was issued jointly by human rights activists Rohit Prajapati, Nandini Manjrekar, Anand Mazgaonkar, Johannes Manjrekar, Trupti Shah, Deeptha Achar on October 4, 2003).

Archived from Communalism Combat, October 2003 Year 10 No. 92, Saffronwatch

Ram, Ram’ to VHP now?

September 30, 2003

Hindu masses now realise that the sangh parivar’s temple movement is a political movement, not a religious one. Sensing the public mood, even sants and mahants whom the VHP had relied on to gain legitimacy for its agenda are now deserting its bandwagon

To stop the VHP’s ‘Ayodhya March’ and ‘Sankalp Abhiyan’, the UP State Road Transport Corporation suspended its bus service and UP’s chief minister Mulayam Singh appealed to the central government to suspend trains passing through the temple town. Roadblocks were set up in many districts throughout the state and section 144 was imposed on Ayodhya and Faizabad towns. Still, over 35,000 people were arrested for defying the prohibitory orders.

Judging by these criteria, one would have to conclude that even today the VHP is a major force to control, for which the state must combine tact along with the deployment of its coercive machinery. It has a nationwide presence, enjoying the protection of the RSS and the indulgence of the BJP. This is not surprising for the BJP alone reaps the full political benefits accruing from the VHP’s activities. That is why the Prime Minister and the deputy prime minister felt the need to appeal to the UP government to trust the VHP’s assurances of peace.

Why do the PM and the DyPM have such faith in the VHP, specially considering that VHP leaders Ashok Singhal, Praveen Togadia and Giriraj Kishore keep putting them and their government constantly in the dock, criticising and condemning them much of the time? Does their faith in the VHP stem from the latter’s written assurances to the UP government in 1989 to keep their shilanyas programme peaceful and to abide by the court verdict? But do those promises have any meaning today? In 1992, the VHP promised that its proposed kar seva would only be a symbolic one.

But the entire world knows what it actually did in Ayodhya on December 6. Is it not the case that along with leaders of the VHP, even deputy prime minister LK Advani and minister for human resources development Murli Manohar Joshi are among the accused, facing trial for criminal offences?

The PM and the DyPM must also know that in swearing by Ram all the time you destroy the solemnity and seriousness of that pledge. When the BJP formed a government in UP for the first time in 1991, chief minister Kalyan Singh and his entire cabinet had visited the disputed spot in Ayodhya and pledged: “We swear by Ram, this is where we will build the temple.”

Even today, Vajpayee continues to swear that he is a swayamsevak above all else. But now, even VHP leaders accuse the man who has been in the PM’s chair for over six years of being unreliable, a breacher of faith and an opportunist who uses Ram’s name purely for political gain.

Whatever Vajpayee and Advani might say about the VHP, if popular enthusiasm for its public meetings, processions, demonstrations and other such activities are taken as the yardstick, one would be forced to conclude that the popularity of the VHP is on the decline. Arguably, the only purpose of its public shows now is to regain public confidence for its own political ends.

Let’s take a closer look at the recently concluded/aborted ‘Ayodhya March’ and the ‘Sankalp Abhiyan’. In 1992, there were far greater impediments placed in the way of kar sevaks trying to reach Ayodhya. All train and bus services to Ayodhya were suspended, all roads leading to the town were blockaded and the number of those arrested ran into lakhs. Despite all this, over 26,000 made it to Ayodhya. But this time the story was different.

When Ashok Singhal and other kar sevaks were being arrested at Karsevakpuram, not a single sadhu or sant from Ayodhya was to be seen with them, nor could one find even one of their names in the list of those detained. Could it be that the sadhus and sants of Ayodhya have become disenchanted by the VHP? If the print and the electronic media are anything to go by, even those sants and mahants whom the VHP claimed as its own are now issuing anti-VHP statements. Many even categorically asserted that they are now in no doubt about the game the VHP is playing.
This is the sole reason why, despite being present in Ayodhya, the president of the Ramjanmabhoomi Nyas stayed away from the “do or die” action of the VHP. His participation in the next day’s token protest rally was also mere tokenism, for he had already opposed the Bharat Bandh call given by the VHP and had also stated that the kar sevaks, too, were to be blamed for the police lathi-charge on them.

The VHP leadership is unable to explain why the sants who were with their movement earlier have now started deserting it. The basic reason is that people now clearly recognise that the temple movement is not a religious but a political movement. So much so that even some VHP leaders today feel the need to distance themselves from the agitation. People like Mahant Nrityagopal Das and Mahant Avaidyanath criticised the decision to stage a Sankalp Sabha at Karsevakpuram when such programmes had already been conducted in the national and state capitals.

The fact is that terms such as Ram mandir, Ayodhya, kar seva, kar sevaks, Ram bhakt and Ram sevaks have all been coined in recent years with the sole intent of generating mass appeal. The problem is that the VHP is now finding it difficult to regain mass confidence in the authenticity of its agenda. And sensing the public mood, even sants and mahants whom the VHP had relied on to gain legitimacy for its agenda are now deserting its bandwagon.

(The writer is editor of the Hindi daily, Jan Morcha, published from Faizabad).

Archived from Communalism Combat, October 2003 Year 10 No. 92, Ayodhya

Ayodhya ki Awaz

September 30, 2003

There is now a significant disillusionment with the VHP’s temple construction movement among the mahants in Ayodhya

The voice of dissent has probably never been louder. There is now significant disillusionment with the VHP’s temple construction movement among the mahants in Ayodhya. In an important meeting held on October 7 in Tulsi Chaura mandir of Ayodhya, it was decided to oppose the VHP’s programme on October 17 and ask the administration to ban it.

The meeting was chaired by Mahant Bhavnath Das, the president of the Samajwadi Sant Sabha and coordinated by Jugal Kishore Shashtri, the convenor of a newly-formed forum called ‘Ayodhya ki Awaz’, to work towards preserving peace and harmony in Ayodhya.

Prominent among the 150-200 people who attended this meeting were mahants Saryu Das, Janmejaya Sharan, Madhavacharya, Avadh Ram Das, Kaushal Kishore, Srinarayanachari, Jai Ram Das, Bal Vyas Bharat Das, Sadiq Ali ‘Babu Tailor’, and corporators Asad Ahmad and Madhuwan Das.

Madhavacharyaji revealed that Ashok Singhal was telling a complete lie when he said that the decision to organise a programme in Ayodhya on October 17 was taken by sants. He said he was present at the meeting and almost every sant opposed it. The sants were questioning the propriety of organising such programmes in Ayodhya repeatedly. When no consensus could be reached, the meeting was adjourned and VHP office bearers later decided the programme on their own and were now imposing it upon people.

Srinarayanachariji said that the VHP decision smacked of politics. Why did the VHP not organise any programmes for temple construction when there were favourable governments in UP? They want to create a situation of confrontation with the present government so that the resulting tension can polarise the Hindu votes.

The mahants were critical of the VHP for having abused the Hindu religion for political purposes. They said that they would welcome anybody in Ayodhya who genuinely came for darshan but would not welcome people like Singhal and Togadia who make a living out of the Ayodhya-Ramjanmabhoomi movement themselves but create a situation in Ayodhya from time to time where the people of Ayodhya have to starve.

Only in March last year, during the VHP’s shila pujan programme, a 17-day curfew was imposed, creating a great deal of inconvenience for the residents of Ayodhya. The Ram temple construction movement of the VHP has taken a heavy toll on the Ayodhya economy and people are now getting irritated with the gimmicks of the VHP.

Srinarayanchariji advised Singhal to move elsewhere for his agitation for the Ram temple movement and leave Ayodhya alone. He said that the Hindus and Muslims of Ayodhya were perfectly capable of solving the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi dispute and knew how to live in peace with each other.

He recalled how in 1983, Singhal, who used to move around in a rickshaw at the time, would plead with the sants of Ayodhya to allow him to join the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. Today he is enjoying VIP status while the sants of Ayodhya have been marginalised.

Volunteers of ‘Ayodhya ki Awaz’ wanted to burn an effigy of Singhal and Togadia at the end of the meeting but the administration prevented them from doing so. The station officer of Ayodhya kotwali picked up the effigy and took it away to his police station.

It is noteworthy that since the BJP-led government came to power at the Centre, the only organisation that has been allowed to hold its programmes in Ayodhya is the VHP. Other organisations are prevented from holding their programmes.

(The above report was filed by Asha Ashram, a Lucknow-Faizabad based NGO run by Sandeep Pandey and Arundhati Dhuru).

A mosque, it looks like

September 30, 2003

The ASI report confirming the existence of a Ram temple on the site of the Babri Masjid is suspect

The Archaeological Survey of India’s report that it has confirmed the existence of a Ram temple on the site of the Babri Masjid has delighted the supporters of Hindutva. But the report has important failings which render it suspect. The ASI has said that it has discovered the bases of pillars which originally supported the roof of a temple at a layer below the mosque. It adduces the discovery of terracotta figurines at the site to strengthen this claim. And it claims to have discovered a “circular shrine” which it conjectures contained a Shivaling, which it would have us believe, fortifies the claim to a Ram temple at the site.

However, the evidence does not indicate that a Ram temple existed at this site. On the contrary, important evidence which the ASI has not properly examined or accounted for includes animal bones and glazed ware, both foreign to a Hindu Ram temple of medieval times.
Pillar bases which supported a temple?

About the scatters of bricks which the ASI claims are the bases of pillars which supported a temple, the ASI report says: “(the) present excavation has set aside the controversy by exposing the original form of the bases… and their arrangement in rows including their association with the top floor of the structure existing prior to the disputed structure.”

But even the very first lot of scatters of bricks on the west is not aligned as a row, nor is it at a uniform distance from the western wall. Secondly, these scatters are in different strata; pillars emanating from them could not have supported the same roof.

In figures 23, 23A, 23B, the ASI performs what it calls an “isometric reconstruction”, a three-dimensional picture of what it conjectures existed at the site, and draws a temple. This has a power of misleading suggestion. From the same base plan, architects could well reconstruct other architectural forms – such as a mosque.

In figure 23A, which it must be remembered is no more than a hypothetical reconstruction; these scatters of bricks against the south chamber wall have been presented as though they were encased structures. But Plate XXX, an actual photograph, shows this is not true. Stone blocks lie on top of and within scatters of brick-bats. These would not have provided a firm foundation for any load-bearing structure. The roof of the temple could not have been supported by such weak foundations. Indeed, what they claim are rows of pillar bases, could otherwise be interpreted: as simply cavities filled up with brick-bats and debris.

If this were such a sacred place, the birthplace of Ram, then why was there no temple according to the ASI claim, till the Sultanate period, XIIth-XVIth century AD? Why was it a site of continuous human habitation till then? The Archaeological Survey does not address this question.

If indeed, as they say, the mosque stratum is less than 50 cm below the surface, and the “temple”, so-called, immediately underneath, why did they not stop once they had found the “temple”? For that was their brief from the High Court: to determine whether there had been a mosque and a temple. Why did they, first, go more than 2 metres deep in some trenches and, second, take so many months to complete the excavations? Did they think they had not yet found the temple, and were they still desperately looking for it? And, failing to find it, did they thereafter label — what they had originally thought was part of the mosque or some earlier Muslim religious site such as an Idgah — a “temple”?

A twelfth century construction, if it existed on the same site and pre-dated the mosque, could have been either a secular structure or a Muslim religious site which re-used earlier material. The fact that blocks are re-used in the masjid does not mean that the temple was destroyed to build it.
The hypothesis of the temple is tailored to the theory of the Hindutva archaeologists BB Lal and SP Gupta, made in a pamphlet they produced after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and a website. The pamphlet focuses on so-called “pillar bases” (pp 55-67). Yet there is no evidence to show that this is a temple, or that Vaishnava or Ram worship was conducted here. There is not a single specifically religious artefact. Much is made of a “divine couple”. But there is no indication of divinity – only a fragment of two waists.

Most importantly, if this were such a sacred place, the birthplace of Ram, then why was there no temple according to the ASI claim, till the Sultanate period, XIIth-XVIth century AD? Why was it a site of continuous human habitation till then? The Archaeological Survey does not address this question.

Circular shrine
In Period V, he ASI says it found a round brick shrine with a water channel – a small Shivalinga installation. The circular shrine is dated to the seventh to tenth century AD (p269). The ASI says that the hall of the Sultanate Period of the 12th century – which it would like us to believe was a Hindu temple – was built at a higher level — and following it. Then how can the shrine be presented as evidence of “remains” which indicate “whether there was any temple/structure which was demolished and mosque was constructed on the disputed site”?

Since the shrine was not demolished to build the mosque, surely it is no proof of the existence of a Hindu temple which may or may not have existed before the mosque came up.

“Now viewing in totality and taking into account the archaeological evidence of a massive structure just below the disputed structure and evidence of continuity in structural phases from the tenth century onwards unto the construction of the disputed structure along with (sic) the yield of stone and decorated bricks as well as mutilated sculpture of divine couple and carved architectural members including foliage patterns, amlaka, kapotapali doorjamb with semi-circular pilaster, broken octagonal shaft of black schist pillar, lotus motif, circular shrine, having pranala waterchute in the north, fifty pillar bases in association of the huge structure, are indicative of remains which are distinctive features found associated with the temples of north India.”

Now this foliage and the decorated bricks, could have belonged to either a secular structure; or been material reused in a Muslim religious structure of the 12th century.
And “viewing in totality” means taking the Siva shrine into account. But how does that help? The Siva shrine does not prove existence of a Ram Mandir.

Terracotta
The press has made references to figurines of terracotta being found. These may not be significant as they are not confined to Layer VII. They occur, in fact, even in the mosque levels! The ASI says this is because the peripheries of the mound were dug and the earth brought up to level the ground, and raise it, for the various structural activities. Therefore there is a big mix; and the findings of terracotta cannot date the “temple”.

Animal bones
If what the ASI has chosen to mention is important though misleading, what it has left out is equally significant. The presence of both animal bones and glazed ware at different levels of this site causes awkward problems for the claim of a Ram temple here.

The ASI report has had to acknowledge that animal bones were found because of the insistence of observers appointed by the Court that they be recorded. But it refuses to identify them by the stratum they were found, and hence the period (of time) to which they belonged.

“Animal bones have been recovered from various levels of different periods (emphasis added, 270, Summary).” But which levels, which periods?

Under Objectives and Methodology, page 9, the report says: “samples of plaster, floors, bones, charcoal, palaeo-botanical remains were also collected for scientific studies and analysis.” But from which strata? This question is avoided. And what scientific studies and analysis was done on the bones? This is nowhere explained.

Why are such animal bones not identified by stratum? These bones are material evidence; yet they were not photographed, perhaps to minimise their importance.

As a Hindu I am aware that specific vessels of specified materials are used in ritual. Surely if the temple was built in the medieval Sultanate period, and functioned as one for several centuries, we should be able to find in it some distinctive remains of pottery which would be appropriate to a Hindu sacred structure?

The significant question which the ASI report avoids dealing with is: have they appeared at a strata below the mosque, that is, period VII, XIIth to XVIth centuries AD? If so, the temple theory collapses.

At page 10 the report says: “As per the instructions of the High Court in order to maintain transparency all the excavated material including antiquities, objects of interest, glazed pottery and tiles and bones recovered from the trenches were sealed in the presence of advocates, parties and nominees and kept on the same day of their recovery in the strong room provided by the Authorised Person (the commissioner of Faizabad Division) to the excavation team for the specific purpose, which again was locked and sealed every day when it was opened. Thus the time available for their documentation, study, photography, drawing and chemical preservations was limited to just a few hours only and that too not in the case of material recovered from the trench towards closing of the work for the day.”

Is the ASI preparing excuses for the sloppiness of the work done? Where is the stratigraphy, analysis, photography, chemical preservation of the bones found at the site?

Glazed ware
Glazed ware was unknown in India before the coming of Islam. So it would not be found in a pre-Islamic site such as a Ram temple at Ayodhya.

It is significant that any identification of the glazed ware found at the site, by the specific layers in which it has been found, and therefore the period, has been omitted. At page 270, the report says: “In the last phase of the period VII (the medieval-Sultanate period, that of the supposed temple) glazed ware shreds make the appearance… celadon and porcelain.”

At page 73, under “Pottery”, the report says: “Hence the pottery of these periods (Mughal, late and post-Mughal) are not dealt with separately but are recorded along with the pottery of period VII (Medieval-Sultanate).”

And at page 108, it says: “The pottery of medieval Sultanate, Mughal and late and post-Mughal period (period VII to IX) combined together indicates that there is not much difference in pottery wares and shapes and hence they are not segregated, but instead clubbed together. The distinctive pottery of these periods is the glazed ware…”

Glazed ware has not been separated by stratum in the photographs. Even in Plate 77 which shows porcelain ware of a very late, probably British period, no stratum or period is mentioned in the photo-caption.

The ASI would have us believe that stratum VII is a temple, and stratum VIII a mosque. Then why did they club the pottery of these together? They say, the pottery is so similar. Would a temple in use since the 12th century for 400 years, and a mosque in use since the beginning of the Mughal period have similar pottery?

Even in a medieval temple, contemporaneous with Islam in India, glazed ware would not be used. As a Hindu I am aware that specific vessels of specified materials are used in ritual. Surely if the temple was built in the medieval Sultanate period, and functioned as one for several centuries, we should be able to find in it some distinctive remains of pottery which would be appropriate to a Hindu sacred structure?

Instead, the fact that the pottery from even phase VII is glazed and otherwise similar to Mughal pottery indicates that this may well have been a Muslim sacred or secular site.
One reason they may have clubbed the pottery together is that they first thought strata VIII and VII belonged to the same Mughal building, the Babri Masjid. Only later, under pressure, did they decide to interpret phase VII as being a temple.

In sum
To summarize. What are claimed to be the bases of pillars which held up the temple turn out not to be pillar bases at all. The Siva shrine at a lower level adds no strength to the claim of a Ram temple. The terracotta from different levels has been so jumbled up that it can be linked to no particular stratum and period. And the presence of animal bones and glazed ware makes it difficult to claim that a Ram temple existed on this site between the XIIth and XVIth centuries.

Mosque
And, finally, the ASI Report (figure 23 included) accepts the existence of a mosque. Were there a mosque since 1530 AD, where is the sense in prolonging the title suit? Clearly the site belongs to the mosque.

‘Hindu India must be won over’

August 31, 2003

Notwithstanding the positive role played by Communalism Combat in rehabilitating the "face of the Gujarat carnage" (Kutubuddin Ansari), notwithstanding the role played by the publication in producing and presenting Zahira Sheikh to the nation, notwithstanding the outstanding work the magazine performs in aiding and assisting those who have actually suffered in riots, Communalism Combat’s true function is to help win the information war that is being currently waged for the hearts and minds of Hindu India. It is this function which needs to be discussed and amplified because it is this war which, according to me, will determine the fate of secularism in our fragile republic.

I stress Hindus since it is they who will eventually decide which way the pendulum swings in the stand-off. For too long all of us who are on the side of the angels have been preaching to the converted. We urgently need to reach out to those who are confused, perplexed and bewildered by the high-decibel propaganda campaign being carried out in order to fundamentally alter the nature and ethos of Indian society. There are pessimists, of course, who believe the war is already lost, that India has been irredeemably and irrevocably communalised. The alarmists are wrong. The situation is dangerous but not hopeless. And they forget that finally secularism will triumph because secularism is the only device through which a political party or a coalition can rule a country as large, diverse and heterogeneous as India. Protection of secularism in India, therefore, is not a luxury but a pre-requisite for those with an eye on Delhi.

Information is the critical component in the aforementioned war. It can and will finally decide who wins and who loses. What we are seeing today is not just the distortion of reality, the truth is not merely being embellished or exaggerated, what we are witnessing is the systematic propagation of falsehood. Myths and prejudices are being paraded as facts and empirical data. Whether it is polygamy or conversions or demographics or madrassas, or the role of Indian Muslims in domestic and international terrorism, fact and fiction are freely mingled to conjure up a pre-arranged construct. If the facts don’t fit the case, start backwards – make the case fits the facts.

Communalism Combat has been performing a positive role as a corrective in presenting truth as it genuinely exists. And if I can be so presumptuous to offer gratuitous advice, this is the area where the publication needs to concentrate and use its admittedly limited resources to debunk myths and prejudices with verifiable and credible data. Armed with this data, truth can confront falsehood.

Take polygamy for instance. The received wisdom is that polygamy is practised largely among Muslims – the one-man-four-wives syndrome. Mr. Narendra Modi managed to convince most of Gujarat that this was an incontrovertible actuality in their state. However, the reality is markedly different. While a tiny, tiny minority of Muslims practise polygamy, it is the Hindus (from Dalits to rich Gujarati businessmen) who, in numerical terms, are the real "villains". The same species of misinformation prevails about birthrights among Muslims.

I am not unmindful of the role of the secular media. As the events in Gujarat showed, the random, unscripted aligning of press and TV to expose the real culprits was a powerful weapon in contradicting the version being put out by vested interests. If such a ghastly event were to occur again, I am certain the media would once again rise to the occasion and provide accurate and independent coverage. Sadly, the media has a notoriously short attention span, it seldom revisits a communal tragedy to re-check whether promises made for relief and rehabilitation have been honoured. Most crucially, numerous other news events loom enticingly on the horizon beckoning its attention.

It is only a publication like Communalism Combat, which has a completely different agenda and which, hopefully, does not rely on market forces for survival, that can single-mindedly and consistently focus on communalism and provide the editorial inputs — culled from a diverse variety of sources – to ensure that bigotry always gets a fitting reply in terms of facts and figures.

One of the problems a magazine like Communalism Combat faces is distribution. How do you reach it to the uncommitted – those sitting on the fence, the Don’t Knows, the undecided. I do not have a readymade answer to the problem but all of us fighting to preserve and strengthen secularism should put our heads together to see if we can help in any way. On the tenth anniversary of Communalism Combat there is no better gift we can give the magazine.

Archived from Communalism Combat, August-September 2003, Anniversary Issue (10th), Year 10, No. 90-91, Media 2

‘Space for scribes to speak without fear’

August 31, 2003

It was a typical Delhi party. A sprinkling of politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen, all part of one large parivar. As I entered, there was a brief silence, and then a voice from the corner, "Here comes the anti-national!" I smiled, but the voice continued to taunt: "So, now you’ve got the Best Bakery case to attack the Gujarat government. How about focussing on the anti-Sikh riots and what the Congress did for riot victims then for a change?"

I was hugely tempted to tell the gentleman that we had just done a programme with the widows of the 1984 riots, but chose to avoid a confrontation. Arguments like this are often self-defeating, and it is perhaps best to sit in a corner and sip one’s Bacardi-coke. The fact is that we live in an increasingly intolerant society, one in which any form of dissent or attempt to question the conventional wisdom only earns the label "anti-national" or a questioning of one’s faith. (I’ve always believed that those who question patriotism should do a compulsory one year service at Siachen, but then that’s another matter).

Unfortunately, the media too is trapped in this growing polarisation of the mind. The prevailing philosophy of the ruling elite (and this is perhaps as much true of the Congress as it is of the BJP) is to believe that journalists must be either seduced or else intimidated. Those who are seduced are promised Rajya Sabha seats, appointed on various committees, or else guaranteed Padma awards. Those who are intimidated are threatened with criminal suits, ostracised from social events and denied access to information.

The polarisation of the media makes Communalism Combat important as an outlet for some form of protest in the prevailing atmosphere of "manufactured consensus". In a sense, it forces people to look into a mirror at a time when there is a concerted attempt to keep the images of hate and violence as blurred as possible. There is a need to be reminded that the tragedy of the child who lost her mother in the Godhra train burning is no different to that of the infant who lost her family in Naroda Patia; that the terrorist who maims a girl at a bus stop in Rajouri is no more heinous than the one who wields a trishul to torment another community. The fact is that in a society which attempts to rationalise violence as some kind of action-reaction process, there is a need to condemn ALL kinds of violence as unacceptable in a civilised society.

This, of course, is easier said than done. As one has seen in Gujarat, in Mumbai, in Jammu & Kashmir, it isn’t easy defying the establishment. In all instances, there is a sustained attempt to shoot the messenger. In Kashmir, it has taken the more dramatic form of journalists being intimidated at gun-point. In Gujarat, the television camera became the "enemy", with camerapersons being routinely assaulted. Since Mumbai happened in the pre-television era, there wasn’t the prying camera to attack, but there are enough instances of reporters who found themselves being threatened by the political bosses of Mumbai.

But whatever be the form of intimidation, there is an urgent need to carve out some space (call it a sanctuary if you will) where mediapersons can express themselves with some sense of freedom from fear. Hopefully, Communalism Combat will provide that ultimate sanctuary for those who still swear by the Indian Constitution.

This article was posted on Sardesai’s blog on February 12, 2010.

Archived from Communalism Combat, August-September 2003, Anniversary Issue (10th), Year 10, No. 90-91, Media 2

‘Impacting public discourse on communalism’

August 31, 2003

As a publication, Communalism Combat’s circulation may be low when compared to so-called mainstream newspapers and magazines but its reach and impact should not be underestimated. This is because CC has had a considerable impact on the public discourse on communalism in India, both in terms of conscientising the wider body politic about the dangers of sectarian, divisive politics, and in putting forward proposals to make our public institutions and arms of the State free from a communal or anti-people approach.

If CC has been less successful on the latter front, this is only because communal politics and violence have become an intrinsic part of the way in which our political class thrives and rules. The Bharatiya Janata Party is perhaps the most obvious example of this phenomenon but virtually every other party or formation, from the Congress to the ‘Third Front’ and Bahujan Samaj Party, is implicated in this in one way or another. The Left parties are pretty much the only exception, but their lack of political confidence leads them to tail behind parties like the Congress and take only an epiphenomenal view of the phenomenon of communalism.

Needless to say, none of the parties involved in building an anti-BJP front is particularly exercised by the ease with which state institutions can be subverted and used to foster violence. None has seriously attempted to introduce reforms that would make the executive branch, and particularly the police, accountable for all acts of omission and commission during riots. None has attempted to prosecute those involved in organising and carrying out communal massacres, whether in Delhi (1984), Meerut (1987) or Bombay (1992).

If Communalism Combat is to play an ever more pro-active, interventionist role on the subject, it must sharpen its attack on the institutional and political mechanisms within the Indian State which allow innocent citizens to be hunted down and killed in broad daylight. CC has done excellent work already – for e.g., by highlighting the need for police reform, or looking at the long-term strategic issues of pedagogy and school curricula – but there is room for a lot more.

Another front on which CC has contributed considerably is on breaking down the media discourse on communal violence. Thanks to virtually real-time investigation and intervention, the magazine has helped shatter the myth that communal violence is about "rioting" between amorphous mobs of "Hindus" and "Muslims". What happened in Gujarat was a calculated and well-orchestrated political attack on the state’s Muslim citizens.

The instigators and attackers were not "Hindu" in any meaningful sense, even though they tried to justify their acts of cruelty by appealing to Hindus as a whole. I think today, partly as a result of CC’s work but also because of the openly pogrom-like character of communal violence, most newspapers have shed their traditional coyness about identifying the victims. I wish, however, that newspapers would avoid glib and misleading references to the attackers as "Hindus", "Hindu mobs" etc.

Why should a mob that consists of political activists (be they Congressmen in 1984 or sangh parivarists in 2002) or of lumpens motivated or paid by politicians, be allowed to take on the protective cover of a religion? I think this is something one needs to pay careful attention to, because it is precisely the semantics of media discourse that allows groups like the sangh parivar to cultivate a siege mentality amongst ordinary Hindus and equate themselves with Hindus as a whole.

Archived from Communalism Combat, August-September 2003, Anniversary Issue (10th), Year 10, No. 90-91, Media 3

On the firing line

April 30, 2003

The nearly 8,000 Kashmiri Pandits still living in the Valley and determined to stay put there feel bitter that the rest of India — the J&K and the central government, fellow Pandits who have migrated in large numbers, the sangh parivar and the Shiv Sena which pretends to speak for them and Indians in general — are insensitive to their predicament

Last week I visited about 15 villages and towns of rural Srinagar, Pulwama, Anantnag and Baramulla districts. The two–day visits were aimed at meeting the Kashmiri Pandits living in far–flung areas and gathering first hand information about their local situation. Accompanying me was a young Kashmiri Pandit in his early thirties whose outlook regarding Kashmir and the world was very refreshing. He kept saying that men who had narrow visions have created the problems in Kashmir. I learnt a lot about the views of his generation living in Kashmir and how deeply rooted they feel in the soil. Listening to him was both a challenging and a refreshing experience.

After the Nadimarg massacre, uncertainty has gripped the Pandit community, especially women. People complained that the government was yet to take any concrete steps in respect of their demands. Those we met told us that the earlier massacres had not frightened them so much but the brutality displayed in the Nadimarg killings has shaken them. They are asking questions about their future and trying to decide what they should do next.

The Hindu Welfare Society of Kashmir had organised a meeting in Srinagar on Sunday, May 4. Pandits from all over the valley were invited. They wanted to take a collective decision about their future rather than each family deciding on its own. Among the issues discussed at the Sunday meeting in Srinagar were –

To stay or to migrate?
Resettlement of families in clusters where security could be better managed.
Economic and employment security.

Some young men were very emotional when they told me, "If we are forced to leave, we would not go to Delhi or Jammu or Mumbai. India has done very little to safeguard us and we are very disappointed. We would ask for refugee status in one of the foreign countries and migrate there."

Many of those we met were present at Nadimarg for the funeral of the victims. I give below the account of what they told me about Nadimarg. About two years ago, some of the Pandits had informed the authorities about the particular belt in which Nadimarg lies. A large number of Pandit families live in isolated villages in that belt and are very vulnerable. The village head of Nadimarg, Avtar Krishen and his wife had seen some people moving around in the village two nights before the massacre. When the villagers got suspicious, two of them, Deep Kumar and Chandji, went to the deputy commissioner and asked for his help. He was callous enough to ask for a written complaint.

"You have lived here for 13 years and nothing has happened. What can happen now?" he asked them. This has been quoted in several newspapers. Some journalists in Srinagar told me that they heard some of the survivors relate this to the DC concerned in the presence of home minister, LK Advani. There are conflicting versions about which DC the villagers actually met and who made the above statement. Some say that these people also went to the deputy commissioner of Pulwama who has since been transferred. (As all the Nadimarg people have now left, it was not possible to verify the facts with them.) Nadimarg, however, lies in two districts and the Pandit hamlet is in Anantnag district. Why, then, was the Pulwama DC transferred?

The villagers had also met the DIG. On the day of the massacre the SHO visited the village and told the policemen posted there to be alert. Instructions were given for a signal to be sent so that help could be rushed in. Twenty–five policemen were supposed to be posted as security for the Nadimarg hamlet. On the fateful night just nine were on duty and they did nothing.

A young man called Ramesh who managed to escape the killers ran several kilometres to seek help from the Zainpora police station. He was at the police station within 30 minutes of the intruders entering the village. At the police station he was asked to stay put. In The Indian Express of March 30, SSP Pulwama, Vipul Kumar, is quoted as saying, "I received the information around 12.30–12.35 a.m. and alerted all the forces including the camp of 1 Rashtriya Rifles that lies a few km from Nadimarg. The first police team arrived in the village at 3.30 a.m. from Shopian. The Zainpora police station doesn’t have enough strength to react to such a carnage, so we sent our people from Shopian."

A senior army officer says the army does take some time to react. The army troops arrived in the village at the same time as the police. Kashmiris want to know: why this delay?

“Where is this army of one lakh that Bal Thackeray talks about? If he or Togadia really have courage let them come and stay with us. I would like to meet them and have a public debate in front of the media. I do not like their politics.”

Some have alleged that for three days — Friday, Saturday, and Sunday — the militants lived in the hamlet with the policemen. They even ate there and watched an India–Pakistan cricket match. At night the local policemen on duty went and knocked on the doors of people’s houses and told them to come out because the army had come and there was a crackdown. People came out because of this. They were asked to sit in a group. Some of the survivors say that the killers were clad in army fatigues and also wore helmets and bulletproof jackets.

It is alleged that a group photo was taken of the people who only a few minutes later were to be sprayed with bullets. Many people were shot in the face, faces that were blown apart completely. The bodies were badly mutilated. Some of the women’s ears were cut off for the gold earrings they wore. The houses, too, were looted, and the culprits knew exactly which box or cupboard to open. It is also alleged that three of the killers were present amongst the hundreds of people who had turned up for the funeral in Nadimarg.

A member of the Hindu Welfare Society had to request the authorities to bandage the faces of the victims as they were far too disfigured. The member concerned had himself put Gangajal on the lips of every victim and put tikka on their foreheads before the last rites were performed. The carnage has left a deep scar, yet he has maintained his objectivity. The members of the Hindu Welfare Society had successfully thwarted attempts by some people from Jammu who wanted to take the bodies to Jammu for cremation.

Nadimarg has left far too many questions unanswered. The Kashmiris, Pandits as well as Muslims, want answers to the following questions:

Despite a warning given by the villagers three days earlier, why did law enforcement and civil administration fail to evaluate the imminent danger to Nadimarg?
Does it not mean complete intelligence failure?
Even on the night of the massacre, the police and the security agencies took almost three hours to swing into action. Is this the response time to be expected of them even after an alarm has been sounded?
The allegation by some of the villagers that the militants had camped out in the village for three days prior to the massacre is also alarming. How is it possible that the SHO or other higher-ups were unaware of what their colleagues were up to in Nadimarg?

A group of concerned citizens working for peace have sent a letter to the chief minister stating that they have a right to information regarding what action the government has taken against the erring civil and police officials. The transfer of the deputy commissioner of Pulwama and the arrest of the policemen who are in the interrogation centre do not satisfy them. They would like the process to be transparent and officials to be accountable.

One of the villages I visited was Zainpora, the village to which Ramesh from Nadimarg had rushed for help from the police and to report that intruders had entered the village. This was the largest conclave of Pandits. Over 100 Pandit families used to live in Zainpora till they migrated in the early 1990s. Today there are just five families living there. On seeing a telephone in one home, I asked about it, and was informed that two months earlier the local exchange had been blown up in a blast and had not been repaired since. Some simple issues such as restoring telephone lines in remote areas could help restore some confidence amongst the people.

The topography of Zainpora is similar to Nadimarg. The five Pandit families living there are scattered on a steep slope. Everywhere, I made it a point to talk to the women. I asked them how they felt and what they wanted to do? None of the women wanted to stay on. They found sleeping difficult and suffered from severe palpitation. Given the the location of their homes, I found it difficult to tell them to have courage and stay on there. All I could do was embrace them and hold them close for a long time. How brave they have been and how alone.

In most places the women told me that although they were absolutely terrified, if they had better security and jobs for their children they would never leave. Not a single Pandit I talked to has any faith in the Kashmir police and Nadimarg has made them very jittery. They all demanded security, either from the CRPF or the BSF. When I mentioned this to some of my Muslim friends in Srinagar they countered, "Does anyone trust the local police? If they were efficient and alert would Kashmir have come to such a pass?" Therein lies, I believe, a very critical challenge regarding the Kashmir conflict. The police and the security agencies are far from restoring confidence in the local population.

——————————————————————————-

Today there are 1,765 Pandit families in the valley making up a population of around 8,000. Out of these, between 2–300 families spend six months in the valley and six months outside it. Not all of those who have stayed behind have land from which they make a living. Many of them have been in government jobs and are about to retire or have already retired. Their children, though qualified for certain posts, are having a tough time getting government jobs. According to some of those I met, there has not been a single fresh recruitment in government jobs from among the Kashmiri Pandit community over the past 14 years. There are 500 educated jobless youth in the community. About 150 among them are now over the stipulated age requirement necessary for government jobs.

A large number of those I met during our two day visits are determined to stay on and would not allow the gun to dictate their future. Says Sanjay, "Why should we leave? This is our home and we belong here. Those who ask for a separate homeland for the Kashmiri Pandits are doing a disservice to us. If one were to continue with this logic we would need to accept the demand of the majority community of Kashmir for the right to a separate homeland. Kashmiri Hindus and Muslims must build their future together as they are part of the same heritage."

He is also angry with Togadia and Bal Thackeray. He asked me, "You come from Bombay, where is this army of one lakh that Bal Thackeray talks about? If he or Togadia really have courage let them come and stay with us. I would like to meet them and have a public debate in front of the media. I do not like their politics. It is harmful."

There is also a lot of anger and bitterness against those who migrated in the ’90s. Both sides have their grievances. They have made allegations against one another from time to time. This does not help the cause of the migrant Pandits outside the valley nor those who have chosen to stay on. Those who have stayed in the valley want to know why the media does not ask those who have stayed behind for comments when incidents like Nadimarg happen. They feel unhappy that the Pandit migrants in Delhi or Jammu are asked to speak on behalf of those who live in the valley as if the valley Pandits have no voice. The media and those who work for peace and reconciliation need to understand the complexities in relations among the communities involved.

Some of the Pandits say that when Indian leaders talk about Kashmir as an ‘atut ang (indivisible part) of India’ they say so because of the Kashmiri Pandits still living in Kashmir. If the remaining ones leave the valley, would India have any moral position to hold on to that piece of land? Though we are so vital, for India to hold on to Kashmir, what has India done to safeguard our position? The Pandits in the valley are aware of the regional issues and feel trapped in the larger game. They feel ill–prepared to defend themselves and bitter that the government of India is not doing enough to help them apart from few well–meaning promises that have yet to materialise. One young man angrily told me, "Did the others in desperation not take up the gun? What option do we have before us? If we have to die in any case then it is better that we die fighting rather than be sitting ducks."

He reminded me of the solidarity shown by the Sikh community after the Chittisingpura massacre. Hindus and Indians are hardly bothered about the plight of this small minority. Hundreds of Sikhs from outside Kashmir came to be with the victims as well as others of their community. Aid and relief for the Chittisingpura victim families poured in from all over India and the world. Such gestures are missing for the Nadimarg victims or for the Pandit community who desperately need support from outside, according to the young man.

As the news of the Nadimarg massacre spread, villagers from surrounding areas poured into Nadimarg. They were angry and upset. In downtown Srinagar, hundreds of people poured out on to the streets to protest the carnage the same afternoon. No leader had prompted this demonstration. The protesters came from areas that were traditional strongholds of the Pandits. This was spontaneous. Apart from other national and local politicians, several Hurriyat leaders also went to Nadimarg on hearing the news and stayed until the victims were cremated. A total hartal was observed the next day, called by all the political parties, including Hurriyat.

Two Srinagar women (both Muslim) made a difficult journey to Nadimarg on the third day of the massacre. They pleaded with the survivors, like many others before and after them, not to leave. They were giving expression to the sentiments of scores of Kashmiris, that Kashmir would be incomplete without the Pandits. These women are part of a group that is working for peace. For nearly two years they have been engaged in a dialogue with their counterparts — the Kashmiri Pandit women — in a dialogue of understanding and trust building. It was these interactions that prompted Zubaida and Daisy to make their way to Nadimarg. One has to be in the valley and talk to the general public to realise how deeply the Nadimarg massacre has upset them. Kashmiri Muslims are dismayed and angry that once again peace may elude them.

A small group of Kashmiri Pandits met the Prime Minister and given him a memorandum during his visit to Srinagar in April. The Prime Minister is said to have admitted that many mistakes were made with regard to the Kashmiri Pandit community. Basically,the Pandits are asking for the assurance of physical and economic security, imperative to their survival. Although foolproof security may not be possible for every household, some other arrangements are possible and must be looked at on a priority basis.

Several suggestions regarding this are already before the government. The demand for jobs for the 500 unemployed youth is not impossible to fulfil. Many Kashmiri Muslims have personally told me that they would like the Mufti government to provide jobs for the Kashmiri Pandits just as they are being provided to members of victim families. Unless the government takes quick policy decisions and concrete steps, the trickle that is quietly leaving the valley may well turn into a large exodus before we know it.

As Nadimarg fades from public memory and new events overtake us, let us not forget this tiny minority hanging on to a slender thread in the complex conflict zone that is Kashmir today. As this minority’s future hangs in the balance, it may well decide the larger political future of India.

Archived from Communalism Combat, May 2003 Year 9 No. 87, Special Report 1

1...2,6592,6602,661...2,696 Page 2,660 of 2,696

Ahimsa, not arms

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‘Hindu India must be won over’

‘Space for scribes to speak without fear’

‘Impacting public discourse on communalism’

On the firing line

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