How Sharad Pawar and PM Modi diluted green laws to benefit a builder

May 16, 2019

One of the suggested amendments to the NGT Act made in an attached document to Pawar’s letter was to remove the residential building construction projects from the need to get consent to operate and consent to establish —both provisions found in air and water pollution laws.

Mumbai: Veteran Maharashtra politician Sharad Pawar lobbied Prime Minister Narendra Modi to defang the National Green Tribunal (NGT) after the tribunal-imposed damages of at least Rs 105 crore on Goel Ganga Developers (India) Pvt. Ltd, a Pune-based real estate company, Huffington Post in its exclusive story reported.

The damages were imposed for violating environmental laws, and to undo the environmental destruction caused when the company expanded the scope of a residential and commercial construction project beyond what was allowed in its environmental clearance, official documents accessed by HuffPost India reveal.

The documents show Pawar’s efforts began in October 2016, and the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) took his lobbying efforts seriously.

The PMO told the Environment Ministry and the Finance Ministry to gather inputs and prepare comments within five days, the documents show. The environment ministry’s internal communication shows its officials treated the matter as a “priority.”

The following year, in March 2017, the Modi government gave itself wide-ranging powers to appoint and dismiss members of the NGT by making changes to the NGT Act. These legally questionable changes were subsequently stayed by the Supreme Court in mid-2018.

HuffPost India has previously reported how the PMO overturned a decade’s worth of environmental law to aid the real estate lobby and improve India’s rank on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index —only to be halted in its tracks by the NGT. One of the particular provisions detailed in this investigation was how the government sought to remove the real estate sector from the purview of the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981 and Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974.

One of the suggested amendments to the NGT Act made in an attached document to Pawar’s letter was to remove the residential building construction projects from the need to get consent to operate and consent to establish —both provisions found in air and water pollution laws. A demand which CREDAI had lobbied for as well, HuffPost reported.

But it is not only the real estate sector. A closer look shows the pattern of dilution of legal safeguards for the environment is much more broad-based in terms of sectors. And as HuffPost India reported in March, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is personally overseeing this process. This may well be the reason why Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar felt confident enough to lobby against the NGT and in favour of a builder with the Prime Minister himself.

Read the full article on HuffPost here.

Religious Symbolism, Slogans at Amit Shah’s Roadshow Election Code of Conduct Violation?

May 16, 2019

Amidst the violent clashes during BJP president Amit Shah’s roadshow in Kolkata that led to the Election Commission curtailing campaign time, one thing appears to have slipped everyone’s notice… how activities at Shah’s roadshow may have violated provisions of the Model Code of Conduct.

Amit Shah

Have a look at the following video uploaded on BJP’s own Youtube channel which clearly shows that people at the rally were repeatedly chanting “Jai Shree Ram” and also many participants were dressed as deities like Hanuman and Ram.

The chanting of Jai Shree Ram by BJP workers and deity costumes have also been reported widely by different media houses. It is noteworthy that the controversial roadshow took place just days after Amit Shah openly dared West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to arrest him for chanting Jai Shree Ram. Addressing a rally at Joynagar, Shah had reportedly said, “Mamata Didi, I am saying Jai Shree Ram. I am going to Kolkata. If you have guts, arrest me!”

Now, according to the Election Model Code of Conduct, General Rules, Para 3, “There shall be no appeal to caste or communal feelings for securing votes.”

But the presence of roadshow participants dressed as deities of one particular faith appears to be a violation of this provision as do the chants of Jai Shree Ram. It doesn’t matter even if the people who were dressed as deities or chanting the religious slogans were or weren’t BJP workers or members. The fact that the party allowed them to participate in the rally despite violating the code of conduct and did nothing to stop them appears to make them at least partly complicit. It remains to be seen if the EC will take cognisance of this violation and hold the BJP accountable.

Dalits in Lhor Village Allege Social Boycott After They Stopped Disposing Animal Carcasses, Gujarat

May 16, 2019

In a valiant move, Dalits from the Lhor village in Gujarat, decided to stop disposing animal carcasses, citing that it is a filthy and an unpaid job which leads to their discrimination. However, they have alleged that their decision to stop performing such a demeaning work has led to their social boycott by the upper caste people of the village, as called on May 8.

Image Courtesy: Javed Raja / Indian Express

As reported in the Indian Express, Dalits in Lhor decided to stop disposing animal carcasses as part of their “customary” service saying it was a “filthy and unpaid for” job that was thrust upon them. Dalits have alleged that they have been socially boycotted since May 8, after a Dalit groom took out the first wedding procession in Lhor on a horse.

Reportedly, based on a complaint, police have registered an FIR against five upper caste men, including the sarpanch and deputy sarpanch of the village, for ordering the social boycott.

Bhikhabhai Parmar (81), the grandfather of Mehul, after whose wedding procession Dalits allegedly faced a social boycott, said, “We used to do it (dispose carcasses) out of social compulsion and to avoid friction. I have lifted dead animals. When we did the work, the non-Dalits treated us with disgust,” he said.

Mukesh Shrimali, a young dalit, said, “Our old generation used to lift the carcasses of animals and the tradition has continued for hundreds of years. We (the Dalits) were not getting any remuneration for it and the service was imposed on us as a custom for long. They think Dalits have to do it.”

The talati-cum-mantri (revenue clerk) of Lhor, Varsha Thakor said, “During one meeting to strike a compromise (after five men were arrested for the social boycott), one of the major grudges of the non-Dalits was that the Dalits do not lift carcasses of their animals.”
Predictably, Thakors have denied allegations of any link between the social boycott of the Dalits and their refusal to dispose the carcasses. An upper caste villager, Prahlad Thakor, said, “Their (Dalits) refusal to lift dead animals is their choice. Nobody can force them to do it. And as far as the matter of social boycott is concerned, it is not true.”

Notably, at least two Thakor community women indicated that the community does hold a grudge. “They say that we should sit with them and dine together. How can we allow that?” said one woman requesting anonymity. Another woman said, “…we have to lift dead animals or make arrangements to dispose of it. If they (Dalits) don’t do their work, what are we supposed to do?”

Social activist Martin Macwan said Lhor was not the only village in Gujarat where the Dalits have stopped lifting carcasses. “After Una (public flogging of Dalits by self-styled cow vigilantes in 2016), I did a study and discovered that there were around 30 villages in Gujarat where Dalits had stopped lifting the dead animals. It also indicates that the relationship is going to change further. The Dalit youths are clear that they will not compromise in any circumstance.”

Despite touting ourselves as the fastest growing economy in the world, we yet have an unjust and unfair system of caste-based profession. The vulnerable, the marginalized and the powerless continue to be victims of prejudices and discrimination at the hands of the upper-caste powerful people, even to the extent of losing their lives.

Amidst all this, such courageous decisions by the oppressed are much-needed so as to break the age-old stereotypical setup.

Related Articles:

EC asks Twitter to remove all tweets related to exit polls

May 16, 2019

ECI had received complaints against three media houses with respect to displaying poll surveys, predicting results of Lok Sabha elections. ECI had sought an explanation from these media houses as to why action should not be taken against them for the violation of the provision of Section 126A of Representation of People Act.

New Delhi: With the seven-phase Lok Sabha election coming to an end, the Election Commission of India on Wednesday ordered Twitter to remove all the tweets related to exit polls.

The exit polls will be announced on May 19, after the seventh phase of voting.

This comes a day after it was reported that the ECI has received complaints against three media houses with respect to displaying poll surveys, predicting results of Lok Sabha elections.

ECI had sought an explanation from these media houses as to why action should not be taken against them for the violation of the provision of Section 126A of Representation of People Act.

The Commission had also sought response within 48 hours from these media houses.

“Section 126 of the Representation of the People, 1951, prohibits displaying any election matter by means, inter alia, of television or similar apparatus, during a period of 48 hours before the hour fixed for conclusion of poll in a constituency,” the poll body said in a statement.

It also says that no person shall conduct any exit poll and publish or publicise by means of the print or electronic media or disseminate in any other manner, whatsoever, the result of an exit poll during such period, as may be notified by the Election Commission in this regard, the statement reads.

In the case of a general election, the period may commence from the beginning of the hours fixed for the poll on the first day of poll and continue till half an hour after the closing of the poll in all the States and Union Territories.

Earlier in the day, the EC, taking note of the violence during the roadshow of BJP president Amit Shah in Kolkata, cut short the campaigning by 19 hours in West Bengal.

Seven-phase Lok Sabha polls began on April 11 and will conclude on May 19. The counting of votes will be done on May 23.

With inputs from ANI.

Doctor Thrashed by Mob While on His Way to Buy Milk For Iftar, FIR Lodged

May 16, 2019

Gurugram: In an unfortunate incident, a 30-year old paediatrician, Dr. Nurul, was brutally beaten by a mob when he was returning in his car after buying milk for Iftar. The incident reportedly took place on Friday night near Ardee city.

According to Indiatimes, Dr. Nurul, in a complaint to the police, said, “I work as a paediatrician with a private hospital and at present preparing for DM-Cardiology exam. I was returning after buying milk for Iftar in my Baleno car. Suddenly, two men came in a white Fortuner and started abusing me without any reason. When I told them that they are on the wrong side of the road, they called 8-9 more men who brutally thrashed me with sticks. I tried calling police but due to injuries I fell unconscious on the road side. Later, the police reached on spot and rushed me to the Civil Hospital.”

He further said that the mob left after they came to know about his Muslim identity, fearing riots. He said, “They thrashed me brutally and I could not understand the reason. I heard two of them saying that I am a Muslim and they should leave otherwise riots will take place. They fled after leaving me on the road side. I don’t know any of them. I want strict action against the accused.”

Dr. Nurul has reportedly suffered severe injuries on his head, eyes, face and legs.

An FIR has been registered against unknown accused under sections 147 (rioting), 149 (unlawful assembly), 323 (causing hurt) and 506 (criminal intimidation) of IPC at Sector 53 police station. However, no arrests have been made so far.

“We have registered the case and begun the investigation. Soon those people who were involved in the act will be arrested,” said an official from the Gurugram police.

It is yet unclear whether the mob thrashed the doctor merely because he told them that they were coming in the wrong way or there was a communal angle to it. Only when the accused are caught and interrogated will the doubts be clarified.

A Punjab parliamentary seat of international significance

May 16, 2019

Bibi Paramjit Kaur Khalra

One broad generalisation which can be reasonably made about the 2019 General Election in India is that there is no wave of any kind countrywide unlike some of the previous parliamentary elections. Each state is witnessing a unique combination of forces and alliances that reflect the specific regional character of that state. We can safely stretch it further to argue that within each state, each seat while reflecting the specific regional political culture of the state is also witnessing its unique characteristics.

In Punjab, though the outcome of each seat will contribute to the numbers that will determine the nature of national government, some seats are of importance mainly for the regional politics of Punjab such as Ferozepur, Bathinda and Patiala. However, there is one seat in whose outcome, there is significantinternational interest. This seat is Khadoor Sahib due to Bibi Paramjit Kaur Khalra being one of the candidates there.

Bibi Khalra is the widow of Jaswant Singh Khalra who became internationally known for his work on tracing the identity and whereabouts of persons who had disappeared (translated appropriately in Punjabi as laapata) in the violent conflict between the Indian security forces and the armed Sikh opposition groups in the 1990s. His work in Punjab on abduction and elimination of anti-state activists, and their cremations being categorised as those of unclaimed persons was unique though he might have been inspired by similar human rights endeavours on enforced disappearances in other parts of the world.

In international human rights law, an enforced disappearance is a crime and is considered to have occurred when a person is secretly kidnapped by a government or non-government organisation, followed by a denial of such disappearance to place the victim outside the protection of the law. Many countries in the world which have witnessed human rights violations have gone through the phenomenon of enforced disappearances with some of the Latin American countries such as Guatemala, Argentina, Chile and Columbia which saw military dictatorships being the worst examples. The resistance against disappearances also developed most in Latin America. For example,in Argentina, where a very brutal military regime between 1976 and 1983 had secretly liquidated, in what came to be called Dirty War, a very large number of young opponents of the regime, a very powerful organisation called The Mothers of the Disappeared emerged in defiance of the military regime. This gave impetus to the emergence of another organisation called The Grandmothers of the Disappeared. Such organisations supported by other human rights organisations in Argentina and abroad contributed to the strengthening of the democratic forces and managed to get support even of US President Carter. This resistance eventually contributed critically to the downfall of the military regime and victory of a democrat Raul Alfonsin, a lawyer, to Argentinian presidency in 1983. Responding to the popular demand, Alfonsin instituted a National Commission for the Disappeared for a thorough probe into enforced disappearances.

Punjab’s Jaswant Singh Khalra did not have the success the Argentinian campaign for disappeared had. He was picked up from his home on September 6, 1995 and himself became a disappeared, a fate he shared with many other such activists in the world. The evidence unearthed by the CBI has emerged that he was tortured very brutally, killed on October 28, 1995 and his body was thrown in Harike canal.

Bibi Khalra has displayed an exemplary courage in carrying on the campaign her husband gave his life for. Her relentless legal battle to seek justice under the rubric of Khalra Mission Organisation formed shortly after his death in 1995, succeeded partially when six police officials were convicted and sentenced for seven years imprisonment in 2005 for her husband’s abduction and murder. For four of them-Satnam Singh, Surinder Pal Singh, Jasbir Singh (all former Sub Inspectors) and Prithipal Singh (former Head Constable)- the sentence was extended to life imprisonment in 2007 by Punjab and Haryana High Court which was subsequently upheld by the Supreme Court. One of the accused- Ajit Singh Sandhu SSP- had committed suicide by jumping before a train near Chandigarh on May 24, 1997. KPS Gill, the Punjab police chief, who was involved in interrogation of Jaswant Singh Khalra, died in 2017 before ever being put on trial..

I have never met Bibi Khalra but about a decade ago, the late Ram Narayan Kumar, one of the finest South Asian human rights campaigners, introduced her daughter to me at a human rights conference in Chandigarh. When I expressed my condolences to her at the loss of her father, she spoke in a mixture of pain and pride that though she missed him every day, she also remembered the great cause for which he gave his life. I could see that her parents had raised her to be a strong moral and ethical person.

The circumstances and the way Jaswant Singh Khalra died could have led Bibi Paramjit Kaur Khalra to depression and possibly self-harm but she seems to have drawn inspiration from his sacrifice for the higher cause of human rights. It is not easy for any widow in a deeply patriarchal society such as in Punjab to operate in the public field, but Bibi Khalra has defied those pressures in keeping up the campaign for human rights.

If she loses this election battle, it will signify that in Punjabi society, those who have money and organisational power even if they suffer from moral deficit can subdue those who are less resourceful even if the latter are higher on the moral ladder. However, if she wins, it will signify the strength of democratic and moral values in Punjabi society. The international human rights community and the organisations such as the International Coalition Against Enforced Disappearances would feel enormously strengthened- morally and institutionally- by her election victory. She will represent a new moral force in the Indian parliament. Paradoxically, it will improve the international human rights image of the Indian state by demonstrating that a human rights campaigner can also win a seat to India’s parliament even though her voice in defence of human rights may be an irritant for the establishment.At international arenas, India is viewed as a laggard in promoting human rights organisations and institutions. Though justifiably critical of the Indian establishment’s record on human rights; Bibi Khalra, if she wins, may contribute to rectifying the poor international image of India on human rights.

Professor Pritam Singh, Academic Visitor, Oxford School of Global and Area Studies, University of Oxford, UK.

Courtesy: Counter Current

Why Nifty, Sensex Rose After Every General Election Since 1999

May 16, 2019

Pune: India’s key stock market indices, the Nifty and Sensex, showed a rise six months after all the four Lok Sabha elections between 1999 and 2014, compared to the previous six months, according to an IndiaSpend analysis.

We analysed Nifty and Sensex levels on three key dates–six months before the first day of polling (pre-election), the first day of polling (during the election) and six months after the first day of polling (post-election), over the last four Lok Sabha elections.

The Nifty and Sensex showed an average rise of 40.8% six months after each of these general elections, as compared to the previous six months.

The Nifty, short for the National Stock Exchange (NSE) Fifty, was launched on April 1, 1996, and represents the weighted average of 50 major Indian companies across 12 sectors that are listed on the NSE. The Sensex, short for the S&P Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) Sensitive Index, which is an index of 30 major Indian companies listed on the BSE, was established in 1986.

Of the four Lok Sabha elections held after the establishment of the Nifty, two (2004 and 2009) saw the election of an Indian National Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. In 1999, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) formed the government, despite falling short of a majority. In 2014, the BJP won a simple majority and formed an NDA government along with allies. In all four cases, both the Nifty and the Sensex rose.

The Nifty saw the highest rise after the 2009 elections, when the UPA government was re-elected. The index was at 5,142 on October 16, 2009, compared to 3,269 on the same day a year before–a 57.3% increase.

The Sensex, too, saw its highest post-election rise after the 2009 elections, going from 10,581 on October 16, 2008, to 17,323 on October 16, 2009–a 63.7% increase.

Source: National Stock Exchange & Bombay Stock Exchange
Note: For 1999 data, the first day of the election is September 5, 1999. Six months pre-elections and post-elections were March 5, 1999, and March 5, 2000, respectively

That the Nifty always rises post-election as compared to before and during elections, was also highlighted in a December 2018 report by Mumbai-based wealth management and investment banking firm Anand Rathi Wealth Services.

A stable government is desirable, which means that a political party or its alliance needs to win majority for the markets to respond favourably, says the report. “People want a stable government, so if any political party or alliance crosses 272 [halfway mark in the 543-seat Lok Sabha], irrespective of who it is, then we will have a stable government. It is not about UPA or NDA winning a majority. If the market sees a stable government, it will build expectations of stable policies and the market will start rising.”

“Over every five year period, you will find that the Nifty has actually delivered 100% returns from election years. Hence if there are stable five year governments and stable policies, markets will rise,” a source at Anand Rathi told IndiaSpend.

Another reason for markets rising, irrespective of who wins, is that the election is a very big economic event in India’s consumption-driven economy, the source said. A lot of the money spent by political parties and governments around elections eventually goes to people in both rural and urban India. People will eventually spend this money and this drives consumption. Therefore, the earnings of listed companies are likely to go up, which is nothing but the mirror of their returns. “So, who is elected doesn’t really matter. This has happened historically and we believe strongly that this will continue to happen.”

“There is also [a positive sentiment of] hope [around elections] that something different is going to happen in the next five years,” said the source. “[There is an expectation that] the new elected government is going to come up with new policies and therefore you find that markets start going up,” he added.

The report, which also analysed 48 state assembly elections that took place between 2011 and 2018, found that the outcome of 43–or 90%–indicated that voters followed logical reasoning before voting for a party. Voters in India reward or punish incumbent governments by logically assessing the government’s report card, it says.

“We saw that people are ready to elect strong leaders. For instance in Punjab, we found that despite winning several other states at the time, the BJP lost here [in 2017] because there was a strong leader in [now Congress chief minister] Captain Amarinder Singh. So, people did not vote only for a particular party. People wanted someone who can take on this leadership role and deliver,” the source said.

The election results are more significant for markets if there is a “logical” or “favourable” outcome, according to the report. “There are three possible outcomes in the [current Lok Sabha] election. One is the same [BJP-led NDA] government returning, second is a Congress-led UPA and then a third-front government, with no single party winning a majority. We logically think that the BJP will win re-election,” explained the source. “We found that out of these three [options], the first one is the most logical for people. There is hope and expectation of having a strong leader.”

Should an alliance headed by either of the two key political parties, the BJP or the Congress, come to power, the markets will rise significantly, the source said, adding, “However, if a third front [mahagathbandhan] comes to power, then it will be a disaster [for the markets] because then you will not have strong leadership and there will be no stable policies as well. We have seen this historically.”

In the past, stock markets have rallied significantly six months before elections, and post a “favourable” result, the rally has continued further. For instance, in 2009 for a 12-month period during the election (six months before and six months after the start of polling), the market delivered almost 57% absolute returns. However, after the 2004 general elections, where the outcome was not as expected–the Congress party emerged as the single largest party and formed a UPA government, amid widespread expectations of another NDA government–for a 12-month period around the election, the market delivered 16% absolute return, the report says.

(Raibagi, a data analyst and a graduate of computational and data journalism at Cardiff University, is an intern with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar: An Icon of the Indian Right

May 16, 2019

Written by veteran journalist and author Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, The RSS: Icons of the Indian Right, lays bare the fascinating, unique and perhaps startling world of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh—or RSS—the largest cadre-based organisation in the world. Through individual stories of the organisation’s tallest leaders, Mukhopadhyay chronicles the personal and political journeys of the most important men (and a woman) of the Hindu Right-wing, digging up little-known but revealing facts about them.

The following is an excerpt from the chapter “Vinayak Damodar Savarkar” of the book.

Over the years, Savarkar’s hostility towards Muslims was amplified while he was in Cellular Jail, but it started to be overtly visible and acquired a virulent dimension after he shifted to Ratnagiri, and Yerawada jail. (The Moplah uprising of 1921 was one of main reasons for his antagonism.) His antipathy towards Muslims was at par with his loathing for the weak Hindu prototype. Once out of jail, and at home in Ratnagiri, Savarkar wrote his next book in 1925 titled, Hindu Pad-Padashahi, in which he presented the Maratha empire as the eventual avenger of Hindu honour.
He wrote that the ‘successful struggle of a military race against the powerful Moghul Empire’ was ‘a noble and inspiring ideal… (for) the establishment of an independent Hindu Empire.’ In the Foreword of the book, Savarkar warned the Hindus as follows:

Before you make out a case for unity (between Hindus and Muslims), you must make out a case for survival as a national or a social human unit. It was this fierce test that the Hindus were called upon to pass in their deadly struggle with the Muhammadan power. There could not be an honourable unity between a slave and his master.

He was often subsumed by the thought of Indians’ proclivity to be dominated by foreigners, and by the time he was released from jail, he concluded that the primary reason for Hindus’ repeated subjugation was a deep-seated psychological shortcoming. He believed that this anomaly could only be rectified by unifying Hindus under the aegis of a sangathan or organisation. Over time, this opinion reflected in his writings and played a decisive role in K.B. Hedgewar’s eventual decision to establish the RSS.

At the core of Savarkar’s argument was the postulation that Aryan settlers chose India and organically adapted to the superior Hindu religion, while the other communities who retained their original religion, or agreed to be converted to Islam or Christianity, remained foreigners.31 Even while campaigning amongst Sikhs in the Cellular Jail to enlist as Hindus, he had submitted that Hindutva was not identical to Hinduism and that followers of other faiths could also be termed as Hindus (later named as Indian Religionists or IRs). He further convinced his fellow-inmates that Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism could be treated as IRs because their sacred places (punyabhoomi) lay within the geographical boundaries of India.

Interestingly, as Savarkar was debarred from participating in any kind of political activity during his stay in Ratnagiri, he opted to write fiction—a kind of veneer to conceal its political content from law enforcers. His readers lost no time in inferring the real intent of their favourite author, but the British authorities took the book at its face value and did little else. In January 1927, he also launched a weekly called Shraddhanand and began writing about socio-political issues. The following extract from an article that he wrote on 27 January 1927 was cited in the judgement in the case filed in Bombay High Court by Gopal Godse, the brother of Gandhi’s assassin, Nathuram Godse, against an order of forfeiture of his book titled Gandhi Hatya Ani Mee (Gandhi’s Assassination And I):

The truth is that the majority of Muslims do not consider India as their own country and the existence of Hindus therein pricks them like a thorn. This feeling is at the root of the conflict. Except for some sensible Muslims, the others appear to be anxious that like Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan, Hindustan should also become an Islam nation and if that happens, they would love the country as their own.

The British did not act despite the obvious incendiary content of the piece. His 1926 novel titled, What Do I Care, or The Revolt of the Moplahs gave graphic details of Muslims attacking Hindus, including the ‘defilement of Hindu women.’33 Savarkar also took a shot at writing plays—for instance, Sangeet Unshraap (1927) which was a sharp critical social commentary around the issues of untouchability, conversion, and sexual violence against Hindu women. In one particular scene, a character called Bangash Khan delivers a monologue as follows:

The more I abduct Hindu girls and include them in my zenana, the more my respect among Muslims enhances…enjoyment of temporal pleasures clears the way to other worldly benefits. I have corrupted so many Hindu girls and made them my mistresses that hundreds of Muslims consider me a true missionary and preacher of Islam; this is because I have produced progeny through these women who are Muslims….

On closer inspection, it becomes evident that most of Savarkar’s fictional work was focussed on examining three kinds of relationships: between Hindu men and Muslim men; Hindu women and Muslim men; and finally, between Muslim men and Muslim women. He also alluded to the relationship between Hindu men and Hindu women, presented as equal, but with women being progenitors and carers of men. In Savarkar’s representation, the relationship between Muslim men and Hindu women was based on sexual violence against the latter, represented as ‘fields’ to wage a demographic battle. Finally, the relationship between Muslim men and Muslim women was seen as one where men were polygamous and exerted unquestionable authority over their women.

Savarkar’s use of sexual violence in his fictional works displayed a deep-seated misogyny coupled with communal hatred. It may be recalled that projecting Muslim men as sexual marauders with the objective of siring Muslim children from Hindu wombs and reverse the population ratio, was the motivating spirit behind sangh parivar’s ‘love jihad’ campaign in 2013–2014. The theory that Muslim men are polygamous and treat women unfairly is also the basis of the campaign against triple talaaq and nikah halala.

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum

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How Sharad Pawar and PM Modi diluted green laws to benefit a builder

One of the suggested amendments to the NGT Act made in an attached document to Pawar’s letter was to remove the residential building construction projects from the need to get consent to operate and consent to establish —both provisions found in air and water pollution laws.

Religious Symbolism, Slogans at Amit Shah’s Roadshow Election Code of Conduct Violation?

EC asks Twitter to remove all tweets related to exit polls

Doctor Thrashed by Mob While on His Way to Buy Milk For Iftar, FIR Lodged

A Punjab parliamentary seat of international significance

Why Nifty, Sensex Rose After Every General Election Since 1999

Pune: India’s key stock market indices, the Nifty and Sensex, showed a rise six months after all the four Lok Sabha elections between 1999 and 2014, compared to the previous six months, according to an IndiaSpend analysis.

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar: An Icon of the Indian Right

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