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‘My mother is dying in a detention camp because of being labelled a Bangladeshi. How can this be allowed?’

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It is impossible to not hear the term ‘Bangladeshi’ when you are in Assam. It is a term that divides Assam; a region where human migration precedes national boundaries by centuries. No one ever says that there are no Bangladeshis in Assam; the questions seem far more focused on “what to do with them”. It is also pretty clear that no one exactly knows who a “Bangladeshi” is: Assamese Muslims, Bengali Muslims, Bengali Hindus and sometimes even Assamese Hindus, along with even Nepalis and Bodos, have all been signalled out as Bangladeshis. When human lives are reduced to statistics and government policies put one religion against the other, it is the marginalised who suffer the most.


Mumtaz Dewan, the daughter of Kamala Begum, and her father.
 

The Idea Of a ‘Foreigner’:
The Assam Accord, signed in 1985, has played an extremely important role in this regard. The issue of ‘foreigner’ was central to this Accord. Contested migrations after two partitions (1947 and 1971) along with a subsequent surge in Assamese nationalism resulted in a policing of “foreigners”. As a result, the Assam accord enlisted a series of measures to be taken as part of a Memorandum of Understanding between the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the All Assam Students Union along with Assam Gana Sangram Parishad. One of the most important points of the Accord was that all ‘foreigners’ who had arrived after March 1971 be expelled from the state.

The Creation of a D voter:
Following the Accord, it was in July 1997 that the Election Commission of India (ECI) asked the state government to segregate its citizens and non-citizens. Following this, the ECI prepared a list of voters in the state and mark ‘D’ (doubtful) next to the names of people who were suspected to be non-citizens. In 1997, this list included 3.5 lakh names. As of February 2017 according to Assam Parliamentary Affairs minister Chandra Mohan Patowary, the Assam Border Police were conducting investigations into 6,21,688 cases related to foreigners till October 2016. Of these, 4,44,189 were referred to the 100 Tribunals established in the state, where about 2,01,928 cases are still pending.

Detentions:
Among the cases that have been ‘resolved’ however, are the stories of about 1,800 persons who have been detained across Assam on charges of being a Bangladeshi. Even the most cursory conversations with the families of the detained people show that almost all the detainees belong to poor families who could barely afford any lawyers or appeal against the judgement issued by the Foreigners’ Tribunal. Since this issue comes under the Foreigners Act, 1946 and Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964, a lot of times the lawyers are unaware of how to approach the case but nevertheless take it for easy money.

In this three-part series, TwoCircles.net looks at how detention camps are wreaking havoc with the lives of people, especially Muslims, across the state. In the second of a three-part series, we tell the story of Kamala Begum, a middle-aged Bengali woman who was born and brought up in Barpeta. However, due to a mix of legal complications and incompetent lawyers, Begum has been in detention for nearly three years now with no hopes of coming out. After her arrest, her daughter’s dreams were crushed and her husband remains bedridden, dependent on well-wishers to survive.

Read Part One Here

The month was September, the year 2015. Mumtaz Dewan, then 19, was in her fourth semester at the Kayakuchi College located in the Kayakuchi village of Sarthebari Tehsil of Barpeta district. During one of her classes, her mobile rang. It was her mother, Kamala Begum, calling. This was not something unexpected, Mumtaz thought. She called her back after the end of her class, only to be stunned by what her mother said on the phone. “I am in the SP office…my appeal was dismissed in the Gauhati High Court. They are going to take me to the detention camp,” was all she could say before she burst into tears on the phone. In just a few minutes, the lives of Mumtaz and Kamala changed forever.

Nearly three years later, Mumtaz says she remembers the entire day like it happened yesterday as she welcomes us to her father’s house. It is an extremely overcast day and as there is no electricity, we sit in near darkness until Mumtaz opens a side-door. The house was allotted to the family as part of the Indira Awas Yojana in the early 70s. As we sit on plastic chairs, she begins telling us about the tragic story of Kamala Begum, her mother and an ‘illegal Bangladeshi’ residing in Assam.

“My mother was declared a D voter in 2014…that time, she used to work in the Barpeta office of a Guwahati-based NGO, cleaning dishes and making tea,” Mumtaz says in the beginning. With a salary of Rs 3,000, she took care of her ailing husband but more importantly enrolled her daughter in college so that she could study and make a career. “That was her biggest dream,” Mumtaz says, as her voice begins to quiver. “She did not have a son and my elder sister had already got married, so she wanted to do everything to ensure that I can become something and take care of them,” Mumtaz says, now in tears.


Kamala Begum.

When her name was listed as a Doubtful voter in 2014, Kamala Begum was incensed. Usually, after a person is deemed D Voter, he/she receives a summons from the Foreigners’ Tribunal asking him/her to appear before the Tribunal and prove their citizenship. But Kamala did not have the patience to wait. “She went to the Tribunal on her own accord…for her, this was a matter of disrespect and extremely insulting. She would say ‘How can I be called a Bangladeshi when I have lived all my life here’? She wanted to do everything in her power to get rid of that label,” Mumtaz recalls. However, once in the Tribunal, things began to go downhill for Kamala.

Kamala might have been passionate about her case, but, as Mumtaz points out, she was illiterate and could not understand the legal proceedings. She was born about 20 km away from her home in Kayakuchi in the same district but had never voted in her native village. “There is every chance that in some documents, her name’s spelling might have been misspelt or that her name appeared on another electoral roll. It could also be that her father’s name might have been spelt wrong which put her legacy in question,” Mumtaz says. The family was not helped by the fact that their lawyer in the Barpeta Foreigners’ Tribunal was incompetent.

Saiful Islam, Kamala’s nephew and the only member of the family who can manage to visit her regularly, explains. “When she lost her case in the FT towards the end of 2014, we were shocked. The lawyer, who I do not wish to name, took a lot of money but clearly did not do his job well. So, we approached the High Court hoping that the ruling will be overturned.” he says.

Until the Gauhati High Court passed a verdict, she was mandated to appear in the Barpeta SP office every month. “I do not know how or why, but the case in High Court also fell apart,” says Mumtaz. “In September 2016, when my mom went to appear before the SP, she was told that her case had been dismissed in the HC also and that she was under arrest. Our lawyer, who was arranged by a political leader following our pleas, was so uninterested in the case that he did not even bother to inform the family,” she adds.

The arrest of Kamala brought Mumtaz and her father’s life to a complete standstill. Left without the only breadwinner in the family, Mumtaz and her father had to depend on their extended family to meet even the basic needs. With only two semesters left, Mumtaz had no choice but to drop out of college. “Who would pay my fees in the absence of my mother?” she says, her voice still shaking from the traumatic memories of the period. “I went from the chances of building my career to being married to my uncle’s son within months. Now, I was just another housewife with no independence and with no one to take care of my father,” she says. By now, tears are rolling down her cheeks as her father, who is sitting next to her, stares at us dead silent. Even though it is March, he is wrapped in two old shawls and on days he is feeling better, he can barely manage to go the toilet.

“After marriage, you are a member of that family. You have to do things the way they want you to do…my in-laws are much more considerate than my sister’s in-laws but they also don’t want me to be visiting my mother every week or month. In fact, last year I met her after a gap of nearly 12 months and haven’t been able to meet her since,” she says. Given that she has no money of her own, she cannot ask her in-laws to pay for the travel and give her money so that she can give some to her mother, Mumtaz says.

But the bad news did not end for the family here. After the HC, the court managed to go to the Supreme Court also, only for her case to be rejected there also. “Till date, we do not know why our case has been rejected…the HC and SC refused to overturn the FT order but even now we do not know what exactly did the FT find so fishy about her case,” Mustafa Ali, Kamala’s brother, says. Sitting next to him is the mother of Kamala Begum, Rashida Begum who is in her early 90s. Barely able to walk and partially deaf, Rashida starts crying the moment she hears her daughter’s name. “I haven’t seen my daughter in three years now…my family says she has a tumour and diabetes…I want to see her before I die. How can they do this to my daughter,” Rashida says in a tearful voice. “People around me ask: why don’t you go to see her? I tell them how can I? I can barely walk and will not be able to sit on a bus for so long…it hurts me so much every time I think of her. She was born in this house,” she adds.

It is a question that still brings tears to all the family members. “We are all Indian citizens until now at least…then how can she be a Bangladeshi? How does this even happen and what can we do about this? Will they send her to Bangladesh? No. They just want her to die in the detention camp,” says Mumtaz. “To be honest, even deportation would be better than the condition in which she is being kept right now. No human deserves to be treated like this, least of all an Indian citizen in her own state,” says Saiful.

Courtesy: Two circles

In Mangalore, Protests Seeking Justice for Kathua and Unnao Rape Victims are Also a Fight for Sowjanya

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On 16 April, 2018, Mangalore saw protesters gather in front of the District Commissioner’s office seeking justice for the Kathua and Unnao rapes. It began with Sowjanya Gowda’s mother lighting the first candle to lead the march. The protest was one among several others that broke out in multiple cities across India after news of marches in favour of the accused were reported in Kathua, Jammu.

In Mangalore, the case instantly reminded the marchers of Sowjanya Gowda, a student who was brutally raped and murdered on 9 October, 2012. Six years later, the family is still looking for justice. According to Daijiworld’s report, Gowda’s mother said at the protest, “Five years ago, my daughter was brutally raped and killed. Even today, I am fighting for justice and I will continue until I get justice. I do not have any affiliation to any party, religion, caste — for me, all are equal. I request you to support me and stand with me.”  

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had arrested Santosh Rao, a contract labourer from Kumdapura. He was the sole person accused in the chargesheet. But, on 13 April, 2017, he was released by the CBI court. The three persons accused by Sowjanya’s father — Uday Jain, Malllik Jain, and Asrith Jain of Dharmasthala, the place where Sowjanya was murdered — were not probed by the CBI at all. Bangalore Mirror quoted Judge B S Rekha, saying, in an order passed on 10 February 2017, “Even in my opinion there are serious lapses on the part of the CBI in not conducting proper investigation.” The court further added, “The witnesses have categorically stated the names of the persons who committed the crime, but the CBI has not properly probed that particular aspect.”

At the protest site yesterday, Narendra Nayak, President of the Federation of Indian Rationalist Associations (FIRA), recalled Sowjanya’s fight for justice.  He was quoted saying, “First and foremost, a son should be taught to respect women and not treat them as objects. He should be taught to treat men and women equally. Five years ago, Sowjanya was raped and murdered in Dharmasthala, but still justice has not been done. The mindset towards women needs to change. We should never hesitate when it comes to raising our voice. When thousands of voices are raised, there will be a sense of fear among guilty politicians and perverts”.

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum
 

Yashwant Sinha takes Modi to task, criticises government’s failed policies

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In a damning indictment of Modinomics and the present government’s modus operandi, former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha, a stalwart of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has penned a scathing, wide-ranging editorial seemingly addresed to current BJP members of Parliament (MPs). In the editorial that appeared in The Indian Express, Sinha systematically outlines the various failings of the current central government and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, painting a picture of the government as “helpless,” and seemingly out of time.  

Yashwant Sinha

Sinha recalls the optimism with which he and others worked for the BJP’s 2014 Lok Sabha victory, saying that after nearly four years in office and five budgets having been presented, Sinha says, “…we seem to have lost our way and the confidence of the voters.” 

 
In his frank letter, he roundly criticises the government’s seemingly toothless foreign policy, saying “The sum total of our foreign policy seems to consist of frequent foreign visits by the prime minister and his hugging foreign dignitaries, whether they like it or not. It is completely devoid of substance and has failed miserably even in our immediate neighbourhood, where China is trampling all over our interests.” 
 
He also calls out the government’s failing economic policies, and what can be construed as its indifference to crimes committed against women, minorities, and marginalised sections of society.

Sinha who has considerable experience steering India’s economy, underscores the “grim” economic condition of the country, “despite tall claims to the contrary by the government that we are the world’s fastest growing economy.” As Sinha says, “A fast growing economy does not accumulate the kind of non-performing assets in its banks, as we have done over the last four years. In a fast growing economy the farmers are not in distress, the youth are not without jobs, small businesses do not stand destroyed and savings and investment do not fall as drastically as they have done over the last four years. What is worse, corruption has raised its ugly head again and banking scams are tumbling out of the closet one after another. The scamsters also manage to run away from the country somehow, as the government watches helplessly.” 

Sinha further rakes the Modi government over the coals for failing to ensure a safe environment for women in the country. He writes, “Women are more unsafe today than ever before. Rapes have become the order of the day and instead of acting strictly against the rapists we have become their apologists. In many cases, our own people are involved in these heinous crimes.” He also laments the situations of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who he says “have been exposed to atrocities and inequities as never before,” with constitutional guarantees given to them under threat.

Sinha pulls no punches when he criticises the inner workings of the BJP, saying “MPs do not get an opportunity, as in the past, to air their views. In the other party meetings, also, the communication is always one-way. They speak and you listen. The prime minister has no time for you. The party headquarter has become a corporate office where it is impossible to meet the CEO.” 

Significantly, Sinha highlights the threat to democracy as the “most important” one that “has emerged over the last four years,” saying that democratic institutions “have been demeaned and denigrated,” adding that Parliament “has been reduced to the level of a joke.” He criticises Modi for not bothering to discuss the disrupted Budget Session with Opposition leaders, saying that Modi then “fasted to shift the blame to others.” In contrast, Sinha says, during Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure, they were “under strict instructions to accommodate the Opposition and ensure that Parliament functioned.” 

 

Sinha also recalls January’s press conference by four senior Supreme Court justices, calling it “unprecedented” and indicative of “the rot that has been allowed to afflict the highest judicial institution of our country.” Even the judges have repeatedly noted that democracy is being threatened, Sinha notes.

Sinha says that it seems as though party’s only objective has become “winning elections by controlling the means of communication, specially the media and social media”. In a dire prediction, he says that “previous experience” indicates that half the current BJP MPs will not get the ticket for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in 2019, noting that in 2014, 69% “polled against” the BJP. “So, if the opposition unites, you will be nowhere,” Sinha notes, darkly.

Sinha urges other BJP MPs to follow the lead of the Scheduled Caste MPs who have spoken about their disappointment with the government for failing to come through on its pledges to their community. He reminds them of the fact that the interests of country take precedence over the party, just as the party takes precedence over the individual.

Which Way Will CPI (M) Choose to Go, 1977 or 1989?

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The year, 2019, like 1989 will be a watershed moment for the Indian Left, particularly the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Already there arewidespread discussions on the political tactical line that will be adopted by the upcoming 22nd Congress of the Party. Unlike earlier, discussions in the social media have also added new angle to these in-party discussions, focusing on several unconventional aspects of the tactical line. Often, historical parallels provide a better understanding of situations, allowing us to grasp their implications and fallouts, better. This is the time for the CPI (M) to look for historical parallels while it works towards finalising the political and tactical line,at Hyderabad.

CPI

‘To be or Not to Be’, is the key question that hangs over the heads of CPI (M) Polit Bureau like a Damocles’ sword when it comes to the question of having any kind of understanding with Congress in order to oust the present dispensation under the leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supported by its multi headed behemoth, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS). Those who have piloted the ‘Not to Be’ stand have argued that the Congress is no less a class enemy than the BJP whereas the rest have made an attempt to distinguish the dangers posed by the Congress vis a vis and BJP.

It is a matter of historical fact that, it was under Congress rule that the Left in India gained some traction among the public and youth as an alternative political option and even galvanized considerable sections of the Indian people which, among other things, helped them to form governments in Tripura, West Bengal and Kerala and also win more than a handful of seats in various state assemblies. For example in Rajasthan, it was under the alliance with the Congress, that the CPI (M) managed to obtain its highest ever assembly presence in 2008. The same is applicable in case of undivided Andhra Pradesh as well.

Significantly, it is also important not to forget that it was the struggles epitomized by the wider Left in India, that shaped real agenda when it came to key questions, be it the slogan for complete independence during the freedom movement, bringing the agenda of land reforms to mainstream policy framework in early 1950s, rallying forces against Indira Gandhi’s authoritarianism in late 1970s, or fighting for national unity and integrity in late 1980s. Even for that matter, championing the cause of the downtrodden burdened by neoliberal economic policies.  The question now before India is, whether the CPI (M), a vocal contingent of the wider Left in India will play the same role in awakening the nation against impending danger to its secular democratic fabric posed by the BJP-RSS.

The Draft Political Resolution released for discussion for the upcoming Congress, has stated that the four years of Modi government, has built the architecture of authoritarianism by curbing parliamentary democracy, subverting constitutional institutions and democratic rights. It has also recorded the attempts by the RSS and its affiliates attempts to advance their communal agenda, which is a step prior to complete authoritarianism.

The architecture of authoritarianism that the BJP under Modi ‘s stewardship exemplifies, is in clear contrast to the authoritarian tendencies adopted by the then Indira Gandhi which culminated in clamping of the Emergency. Unlike now under the hegemonic and majoritarian RSS,  the authoritarian tendencies then took shape under a small coterie of Indira Gandhi’s inner circle. It did not have awide-rangingorganisational architecture with a clear-cut chain of command. It functioned, malevolently, in fits and starts. The architecture of authoritarianism under the present dispensation, with its troll armies that use all means –foul and malignant—to shape public perception and also implement vigorously the mandates that comes either from 7 Race Course Road or from Nagpurare equipped with a far better structured (or semi-structured) organizational mechanism than the one before.

To substantiate my argument: according to documented sources, more than three crore people visits fake news pages created and run through the social media outfits of the RSS – BJP and they are also running Facebook pages with a reach of hundreds of thousands. The statement by the RSS chief on the preparedness of its cadres (to take an army like position) must be seen and understood in this light. Hence, this authoritarianism, even if we agree with the CPI (M) document, which states, is ‘under construction’has the dangerous ‘flesh and blood’ potential to fuel direct action through its multi layered cadres of visceral Kar Sevaks. A manifestation of this we witness now in the tiny state of Tripura where the demolition squads were out on the streets the day after counting of votes came to a close.

Another important difference between two shades of authoritarianism is the vengeance wedded to an ideology instead of simply personal loyalty. The authoritarianism, which gives birth to vengeance wedded to an ideology akin to that of RSS, is far more dangerous than the one wedded to personal loyalty. The authoritarianism of the 1975-76 variety imposed a temporary emergency and is nothing when compared to its 21st century variant under the present Modi regime that has created the situation of a permanent, undeclared emergency.

The authoritarianism of the earlier phase was rightly termed as a danger to constitutional democracy. Such an understanding paved the way for the widest possible rainbow alliance within which the Left played a crucial role against Indira’s declared emergency. Will the upcoming 22nd Congress of CPI (M) have a similar appreciation of the ground-situation remains to be seen?Whatever, the outcome, discussions must reflection a historicity and not become self-defeating as they tended to be, before the release of Draft Political Resolution. A look at the historical parallels could provide an insight to overcome the confusion over the strategic goals set forth.

TheNinth Party Congress has already pointed out, “ The Party of ruling classes itself was rapidly and systematically moving towards authoritarianism and a one person rule”. Against this threat to democracy, the Ninth Party Congress, in 1972, called for a united resistance,through the unity of Left and Democratic forces. The Party also critically examined its own approach towards the growing resistance to the authoritarian rule. In its 10th Congress resolution, the Party recognized its failure to realise the possibilities of the growing resistance to the authoritarian rule of the Congress from the other parties from within the ruling classes themselves. Until then we had this simplistic understanding, which held that in the wake of any developing economic crisis, a resistance to authoritarianism would come only through and from a unity of Left and democratic forces.
 
During the elections of 1977, that were announced after the lifting of the emergency, the CPI(M) did not hesitate to join hands with the Janata Party to put an end to the authoritarian rule of the Congress, headed by Indira Gandhi. The move was aimed towards a dismantling of the authoritarian framework and a restoration of democracy. There was no illusion on the part of the then leadership that the Janata Party represented any class interest that was different from that of the bourgeoisie and landlords as represented by the Congress, today.In it’s Review Report, the party document, stated: “The PB and the CC instead of noting the changing moods of these bourgeois opposition parties continued to emphasise the fundamental class character of these parties and their right reactionary and counter-revolutionary nature as was described in our Party Programme and further explained during the 1969-72 period when these parties were holding the banner of the so-called “grand alliance”.
 
However, despite this historical understanding and the stand that the party then took, when it comes to a response to the current situation, a section of the party has piloted a majority resolution arguing that, since, it is the Congress that has initiated economic reforms, there is no question of allying with it for defeatingthe BJP and its unique brand of authoritarianism. It would not be inappropriate to draw the attention of so called purists to the opening of remarks of B.T. Ranadive, who, whilepiloting the draft political resolution at its 13th Congress, Trivandrum, said that left parties would have to support the secular bourgeois opposition parties despite their shortcomings and vacillations so that a combination of secular and left parties was able to defeat the Congress (I).

Until the 13th Congress, the CPI (M) has had theluxury to delineate BJP as only a ‘secondary threat; to Indian democracy and hence all its might was focused against Congress (I). Until 1988, the Party vehemently opposed the Congress (I) and even sailed with all vacillating secular bourgeois opposition parties despite their shortcomings, so that their main enemy could be unseated from power. Today, the draft resolution released on the eve of the party’s 22nd Congress, such a pragmaticapproach is lacking.

The political tactical line released for discussion is filled with more confusion than clarity. When the DPR says that no alliances will be entertained with Congress but at some times also suggests that it will workout a strategy to ensure that the anti BJP vote pool will be maximized, there is one level of confusion. At another place in the DPR, there is a reference to flexible electoral tactics. This playing around with vocabulary is not going to help the Party in devising a clear-cut strategy to fight its enemy.

Dithering in its fight to oust BJP will also go against the spirit of the Party programme, which clearly states, “The threat to the secular foundations has become menacing with the rise of the communal and fascistic RSS-led combine and its assuming power at the Centre.
Systematic efforts are on to communalise the institutions of the State, the administration, the educational system and the media. The growth of majority communalism will strengthen the forces of minority communalism and endanger national unity. The support of sections of the big bourgeoisie for the BJP and its communal platform is fraught with serious consequences for democracy and secularism in the country.” While the DPR pledges to wage an compromising fight against all forms of intrusion of religion in the economic, political and administrative life of the nation and uphold secular and democratic values in culture, education and society, the strategy if not clear-cut but confused. The danger of fascist trends gaining ground, based on religious communalism must be firmly fought at all levels.

There is more. If it wants to rally all the Left Secular and Democratic forces behind it, CPI (M) will need to survive the ongoing onslaught on its foundations as well as the foundations of Indian constitutional democracy. This is the time to rekindle the examples and experiences of its struggle against the authoritarian framework of Indira Gandhi and learn lessons from that struggle. If it wants to learn lessons from its earlier struggles against authoritarianism, it should opt for a tactical line similar to that of 1977. With clarity and without confusion
 
(The author is an advocate with the high court of Andhra Pradesh and a close sympathizer of the CPI-M)
 

Three BJP-ruled states begin implementing controversial new SC/ST law

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UPDATE
On Tuesday, April 17, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh said that the police’s formal order currently stands cancelled, and that the state government would appeal the Supreme Court’s decision. “We have always been sensitive towards SCs & STs. The state government, just like Centre, will appeal against the decision of Supreme Court. Till then the order (to strictly implement the Supreme Court order) by Police headquarters stands cancelled,” Singh said.

Even as the central government is reportedly mulling passing an ordinance “to restore the original provisions” of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, at least three BJP-ruled states have begun enforcing the new law as per the recent Supreme Court order. On March 20, the SC ruled that, arrests cannot be made under the law without obtaining prior permission, along with a host of other stipulations.

Dalit Protest
Image: The Tribune
 
Dalits and civil rights activists fear that the Supreme Court’s ruling weakens the law. Another potential option for the central government is reportedly a bill that may come up in the Parliament’s monsoon session to amend the SC/ST Act. The Centre, which has filed a review petition over the court’s order, has reportedly said that state governments “should not do anything by which the SC/ST Act is weakened or whittled down“. 
 
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh have handed out formal orders, directing police chiefs to act upon the Supreme Court’s order. Himachal Pradesh has informally disseminated the order to police officers, with DGP S. R. Mardi curiously saying he has only “circulated” the order on WhatsApp to senior police officers, but “no formal instructions have been issued.” Haryana is seeking legal advice.
 
Rajasthan’s ADGP (Civil Rights), M. L. Lather, said that his office sent out a circular to all district police and commissionerates to implement the new guidelines in relevant cases a few days after the Supreme Court’s order. 
 
In Madhya Pradesh, ADGP (Scheduled Castes) Pragya Richa Shrivastava notified officials in charge of SC/ST police stations, districts, ranges, as well as government railway police regarding the Supreme Court order and directed them to comply with the guidelines. According to a senior officer, the guidelines did not require a notification as once the order was passed, it became law. The police headquarters was compelled to send out a circular as a case was reported in the state’s Damoh district following the Supreme Court order. Local police were not aware of the new order, and so adhered to the prevailing guidelines; however, the accused pointed to the new guidelines. 
 
In Chhattisgarh, Additional Director General of Police R. K. Vij, who sent out a circular to all SPs, refused to comment on Monday, April 16. However, a senior police officer said, “Once the Supreme Court issues directives, it is routine practice for the administration to issue orders to the lower rank and file to apprise them of what the Supreme Court has said. This has happened in changes of law of juvenile justice, rape and so on. The police are duty-bound to follow Supreme Court directives. If the Supreme Court were to review the changes, then of course the police would do so too.” Chhattisgarh police issued a circular on April 6. 
 
Haryana’s DGP B. S. Sandhu said, “Although there is a Supreme Court verdict on the case, the Centre has also filed a review petition. Thus, I have forwarded the issue to ACS (Home), requesting him to seek legal opinion on the matter and advise us accordingly. So far, we have not implemented any change. As per standard practice, we do conduct a thorough probe in all such cases before arresting any accused.” 
 
In Punjab, ruled by the Congress, the state welfare department has reportedly advanced the order’s file to Chief Minister Amarinder Singh, who hadn’t responded. On April 1, the Chief Minister’s office said in a statement that the government was “committed to the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes” and that Punjab’s Assembly “had sought the Centre’s intervention to legally pursue the case.” In Congress-ruled Karnataka, where elections will be held next month, the order has been informally disseminated. Kerala, ruled by the CPI(M), has filed a separate review petition over the Supreme Court order, making it the only state to thus far challenge it. There, the police chief has just forwarded the order.

How Hate for Muslims and Rohingyas Sells and Spreads on Social Media

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Insidious attempts to demonise the minority community using incendiary posts and inflammatory tweets

Fake News
 
‘Whataboutery’ and ‘fake news’ have become such a staple of our times that every time a news story involving the minority community is reported, it is accompanied by ‘conspiracy theories’ and attempts to draw ‘false equivalence’. The Kathua rape and murder case was no different. What was disturbing though was how the willful campaign of spreading misinformation and fomenting hate also managed to somehow blame Rohingya refugees for the crime.

Ever since the body of a little girl was discovered in the forest on the outskirts of Kathua, and the complicity of influential and powerful right wing functionaries and local cops came to light, several websites and social media accounts of known right wing sympathisers went into an overdrive to spin a parallel narrative.

CJP believes that Fake News is a dangerous weapon against democracy and peace. To learn more about how to spot and stop fake news and hate speech, join CJP. Become a Member.For example this tweet by Madhu Kishwar blames Rohingyas for raping the little girl in Kathua:

This new narrative not only attempts to absolve the accused of their crimes, but also blames it on Muslims, especially members of the Rohingya community who had been recently resettled in the region. This was evident at the rally held in favour of the accused where supporters of the alleged rapists were seen carrying the national flag and claiming that the accused were actually innocent and had been framed.


Rally by Hindu Ekta Manch in support of key accused Deepak Khajuria

There were also several attempts to draw false equivalence between the Kathua rape and murder and other cases where victims were non-Muslim. Many also accused ‘liberals’ of selective outrage:

However, what they failed to take into account was that it was in the Kathua case that there were demonstrations and rallies held in support of the accused. In fact, members of the ruling party, Industries and Commerce Minister Chander Prakash Ganga and Forest Minister Lal Singh, were present at this rally. They subsequently resigned following national outrage and due to mounting pressure.

Shankhnaad, a website (that is no longer accessible) popular among right wing supporters published the following conspiracy theory that quickly went viral on social media:

The claims were promptly fact checked and shot down by The Quint, which in turn elicited this response from Shankhnaad. But the manner in which the Rohingya thread was woven into the narrative was particularly interesting given how it was subsequently also played up at multiple protests in Jammu.

“The Rohingya are living in Jammu illegally and want to criminalize our society,” said Paviter Singh, a leader of Jammu Province People’s Forum that supported the shutdown protests. “We will keep protesting” until the government deport Rohingya from the state, he told UCA News.
 

Why are Rohingyas being targeted

Nearly 10,000 Rohingya refugees have been settled in Jammu. These families have been targeted by local politicians such as those from the Jammu and Kashmir National Panthers Party using posters and banners as well as during the recent ‘bandh call’ in the state, allegedly for the purpose of striking fear in their hearts. Infact, the campaign to evict Rohingyas began in 2017 with right wing groups demanding their ouster.

Ever since the Rohingya exodus first began, refugees started arriving in Cox Bazaar and other refugee camps in Bangladesh. Many of them gradually started migrating to India by allegedly crossing the Bangladesh border along Poschim Bongo or Assam after paying huge sums of money to human traffickers. As it is these regions have seen an influx of (mostly Hindu) Bangladeshi migrants post the Bangladesh war in 1971.

But when Muslim migrants started entering the country Saffron groups raised concerns about the Islamisation of Bengal. These fears were fanned further when fake news stories of Muslims targeting Hindus spread during the recent communal clashes in Malda and Bashirhat. Similarly viral and often fake news stories of brutal rapes of local women and girls by perpetrators with clearly Muslim names also help foment hate. As it is difficult to tell if the alleged perpetrator is Indian, Bangladeshi or Rohingya, right wing sympathisers, websites and trolls have a field day playing the blame game.

For instance take a look at this tweet by Shankhnaad on April 12, where they spin a narrative around ‘Rape Jihad’:

This once again draws attention to the religion of the alleged rapists and also makes a case against Rohingyas. Other widely shared social media posts about minors murdered in Assam and Bihar were debunked by Boom Live as either outright wrong information, fake stories or for using images not connected with the crimes.
 

Despicable Lows

Even as the conspiracy theories and fake news reports kept appearing on social media in the Kathua case, most people had the decency to not speak ill of the dead child. However, one Kochi man, sank to a new low when he posted on social media allegedly saying,
 

good that she was killed at this age itself. Else, she would have grown up and returned throwing bombs in India”

He was promptly fired from his job after enraged twitter users demanded his ouster.

Meanwhile, senior advocate Prashant Bhushan has filed a criminal complaint against Madhu Kishwar under sections 153A, 295A and 505 of the IPC for inciting hate and violence with her tweets.
 

The Wider Demonisation of Muslims on Social Media

There are several other instances of demonisation of Muslims on social media. The community is routinely shown as a threat to cows, women and Hinduism, which is why there has been an increase in cases of Gautankwad or cow vigilantism and Anti-Romeo squads unleashing terror on unsuspecting youngsters.

Recently the Editor of Post Card News was arrested for spreading a fake story about attack on a Jain monk by Muslims. Similarly there are viral fake news stories of Hindu women being brutally sexually assaulted by Muslim men, Love Jihad, people eating beef, Muslims refusing to hoist the tricolour or sing the national anthem, forced conversion of Dalits to Islam, are all directed towards building hate for the minority community.

First Published on https://cjp.org.in
 

Withdraw FIR against journalist/cartoonist Swathi Vadlamudi”: NWMI

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The Network of Women in the Media (NWMI), a forum for women media professionals in the country, has issued a statement condemning the filing of an FIR against journalist and cartoonist Swathi Vadlamudi. According to the statement, the FIR was filed at Hyderabad’s Saidabad police station under Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code (“deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs”). The statement says the FIR was filed by Hindu Sanghatan, an off-shoot of the right-wing Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). 

Kathua

Vadlamudi’s cartoon, which was published on her Facebook and Twitter pages on April 10 and 11, shows the Hindu gods Ram and Sita discussing “the issue of abduction and violence against women in India. The message in the cartoon does not in any way insult Sita or Ram; instead it poses a question to the public,” the statement says. 

The NWMI has noted that since April 10, Vadlamudi has been targeted with “online abuse by Hindutva groups, where some users have threatened that she will meet the same fate as Gauri Lankesh and the murdered cartoonists of the Charlie Hebdo magazine in France,” adding that the Hindu Sanghatan has also filed charges against Times NOW Chennai Deputy Editor Shabbir Ahmed, who shared Vadlamudi’s cartoon on Twitter. According to the NWMI, another cartoonist, Satish Acharya, has also received abuse and death threats. 

The statement has highlighted that Vadlamudi’s cartoon has been shared at least 8,000 times on Facebook, and received several thousand ‘likes’, a clearly indication that it “touched a chord among the Indian public which in the recent past has seen abductions, brutal gang-rapes and murders of women and children in different parts of the country, from Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir to Unnao in Uttar Pradesh, Surat in Gujarat and elsewhere.” NWMI has stressed the significance of cartoons in the news media, saying they “hold a mirror to the current world in a particularly effective manner that goes beyond what is captured by words (spoken or written), photographs or videos. In a vibrant democracy such an art and the artists who create it should be encouraged to thrive instead of being stifled by hate groups.” 

The NWMI has demanded that the Hyderabad Police should immediately drop all charges against Vadlamudi, Ahmed, and any other individuals against whom cases have been filed in this context. Moreover, it has called on the police to take “prompt action” against anyone abusing Vadlamudi, Ahmed, Acharya, and others. The organisation has also urged the Editors’ Guild of India and the Press Council of India to take suo moto cognisance of such attacks on media professionals, particularly women, and called on them to “come out strongly” to support and defend anyone being attacked. 

People who live in diverse neighbourhoods are more helpful – here’s how we know

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Whether or not diversity is a good thing is still a topic of much debate. Though many businesses tout the benefits of diversity, American political scientist Robert Putnam holds that diversity causes people to hunker down, creating mistrust in communities.


Shutterstock.

Empirical investigations into how diversity affects communities are too few and far between to provide any definitive answer to the question. So, together with colleagues in Singapore and the US, we set out to examine this very question in a series of studies – the results of which were recently published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

There is indeed evidence that diversity creates mistrust in communities. But diverse communities also provide an opportunity for people from different racial and ethnic backgrounds to come into contact with each other, and we thought that these experiences would create a positive effect on people’s identities: specifically, the extent to which they identify with humanity, as a whole.

A human connection

This is one of the biggest and broadest forms of identity, which a human being can comprehend. A number of spiritual and philosophical traditions have upheld that believing you share a fundamental connection with other human beings – regardless of race, religion, sexuality or gender – is the sign of a mature mind.

My colleagues and I thought that living in diverse neighbourhoods might create opportunities to come into contact with different people again and again, thereby expanding a person’s sense of identity. As a result, people living in diverse neighbourhoods should be more helpful towards others. We examined this possibility in five empirical studies.


Lending a hand. Wonderwoman0731/Flickr, CC BY

In the first study, we took to Twitter to analyse the sentiments of tweets across the 200 largest metropolitan areas in the US. This was a somewhat basic, exploratory test of our hypothesis, using a large sample of data. In this study, we found that the likelihood that a tweet mentions words which suggest positivity, friendliness, helpfulness, or social acceptance was higher in a more diverse city.
 

Opening up

Encouraged by our findings, we then sought to examine how diversity of a zip code where people lived might affect people’s likelihood to offer help in the aftermath of a disaster, such as a terrorist attack. We used data from a website that the Boston Globe set up, where people could offer help to those stranded after the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings.

After accounting for factors such as distance from the bombings, political diversity, religious diversity and the mean household income of these zip codes, we found that people who lived in more racially diverse zip codes were more likely to offer help to those in need after the bombings.

To take our investigation even further, we examined whether people living in more diverse countries would report that they had helped someone in the recent past. We used data from the Gallup World Poll in 2012, which asked more than 155,000 individuals in 146 countries to report whether they had helped a stranger in the recent past. Again, we found that people in more diverse countries were more likely to report that they had helped a stranger in the past month.
 

Expanding identities

These three studies seemed to provide converging evidence for our ideas, but we needed to understand whether this was because diversity expands people’s identities. From a scientific standpoint, this presented a big challenge. It would almost be impossible to conduct a real experiment where we allocate people to live in different neighbourhoods and then check whether this had an effect on their level of helpfulness.


A friendly face. blue.bone/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND

So instead we borrowed a technique routinely used by social psychologist, called priming. Priming is a psychological method, used to activate a state of mind for people in an experiment. We primed people to think about neighbourhoods that were either diverse, or not. We made this allocation randomly, then examined how this affected their willingness to help.

We also measured whether this simple procedure of priming also altered their identities. We used a survey measure developed by other psychologists, which measures how much someone identifies with all of humanity. In two studies, we found that imagining living in a diverse neighbourhood expanded people’s identities, which in turn made them more willing to help a stranger.

These results don’t prove definitively that diversity is always a good thing. But they do offer an encouraging view of some of the benefits which diversity might bring to communities, given the way that people’s identities shift when they often encounter those who are different to them.

Some governments are already putting policies in place to make the most of these potential benefits. For example, in Singapore, each public housing apartment block maintains the same ratio of Chinese, Malay and Indian residents as exists in the wider population. This has prevented segregation and created diversity in neighbourhoods, which has led to a better society for everyone.

In ancient Indian texts, sages exhort people to view the whole world as one family. Our studies show that this isn’t a pipe dream – it’s a real possibility.

Jayanth Narayanan, Professor of Organisational Behaviour & Leadership, IMD Business School
 

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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