Acclaimed actors Joy Sengupta and Tannishtha Chatterjee read out the letters written by Savitribai Phule to Jyotiba Phule. These letters written over a period of 30 years give insights into the minds of the revolutionary couple and also about the socio-political situations of that period.
Representation Image
PTI reports that at least seven workers of a private hatchery died of asphyxiation inside a drain in Chittoor district of Andhra Pradesh on Friday morning. An investigation into the incident is under way, the police said, adding, according to their initial assessment, there was “serious negligence” on part of the hatchery management in ensuring adequate safety measures at the site.
Chittoor superintendent of police (SP) G Srinivas said the incident took place in Venkateshwara Hatchery in Moram village. Four workers fell unconscious after they entered the drain in Palamaneru for cleaning purpose. Three others, who entered the drain to rescue the four workers, also fell unconscious.
Residents rushed to the spot to rescue the workers, however, all of them had died by the time their bodies were pulled out. The two workers, who raised the alarm, entered the drain for rescue work and fell unconscious. The duo are currently undergoing treatment in a hospital.
Following the incident, police said, the manager and the administration at the hatchery fled their offices. A manhaunt is on to nab the officials. Police said an investigation into the incident is underway and added that according to their initial assessment, there was “serious negligence” on part of the hatchery management in ensuring adequate safety measures at the site.
[This article is in response to the essay, ‘Don’t Foist Fear Onto Nationalism’, by C.K Saji Narayan published in Outlook’s Republic Day special issue.]
Ideologues of the RSS clan are working overtime to create a narrative of latter’s participation in India’s anti-colonial, freedom struggle. This project has received an impetus after the electoral victory in 2014 of RSS/BJP which was celebrated as the return of ‘Hindu rule’ after 1000 years. While attempting this, there is little concern neither about documented contemporary history nor for the RSS’ own archival materials. The latest in this attempt is C. K. Saji Narayanan in Outlook (‘Don’t Foist Fear Onto Nationalism’ in Outlook, February 5, 2018). Narayanan has gone out on a limb, even resorted to factual manipulations, just ‘to prove’ that the RSS was in the thick of the freedom struggle.
Saji claims that founder of RSS, KB Hedgewar was a staunch nationalist, suffered imprisonment during the British rule and “directed all RSS shakhas to celebrate the Congress’s 1929 resolution on ‘total independence’ by hoisting the national flag on January 26, 1930, and spreading the message of freedom”. He also tells us that “during Quit India, RSS volunteers also gave their lives in the Chimur agitation in Vidarbha—while unfurling the freedom flag, and that an RSS volunteer was shot dead by the police…The fourth sarsanghchalak, Prof Rajendra Singh, too is known for having taken part in Quit India. Until independence, every swayamsevak had to take a pledge with the words “Desh ko swatantra kar” (free the country)”. According to Saji many of the socialist and Congress underground leaders took refuge in the homes of RSS leaders, “Aruna Asaf Ali and Jayaprakash Narayan were housed in Delhi sanghchalak Lala Hansraj Gupta’s residence; Achyut Patwardhan and Sane Guruji were sheltered at the residence of Pune sanghchalak Bhausaheb Deshmukh; and Krantiveer Nana Patil at Aundh sanghchalak Pt S.D. Satwalekar’s house”.
Before scrutinising RSS claims regarding the freedom struggle in the light of pre-Independence RSS documents, one may ask Saji how it was possible that RSS leaders like Hansraj Gupta, Bhausaheb Deshmukh and Satwalekar who offered their residences as ‘safe haven’ to the freedom fighters if these very RSS leaders (by their own claims) were ‘participating’ in the freedom struggle. Should they then also have been underground with their houses under close watch of the British police? Commonsensically, it would have been suicidal for leaders to take shelter there. This could have happened only if and when RSS leaders themselves were not participating in the struggle and their house were not under watch.
Hedgewar and Freedom Struggle: Twisting Truths
We are told that Hedgewar joined the call of the 1929 Lahore Congress which enjoined every Indian, on every January 26, to unfurl the National Flag; the Tricolour, publicly. The fact is that the RSS, under the command of Hedgewar, refused to follow this resolution of the 1929 Lahore Congress. Instead, he ordered all RSS shakhas, on January 21, 1930, to worship the “rashtriye dhwaj arthat bhagwa dhwaj (national flag i. e. saffron flag)”. This order is available in a collection of Hedgewar’s letters published by the RSS itself, titled Dr. Hedgewar: Patrroop Veyaktidarshan, published in 1981. In fact, the RSS’ hatred for the Tricolour (Tiranga), a symbol of the united freedom struggle of the Indian people is and was unambiguous. Just on the eve of Independence when the newly born, Indian nation was getting ready to watch its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, to unfurl the flag on the ramparts of Red Fort, for the first time in history, here is what the RSS had to say. The RSS organ Organizer, published in English, in its issue of August 14, 1947, actually denigrated the National Flag and wrote that it would “never be respected and owned by Hindus. The word three is in itself an evil, and a flag having three colours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to a country.” So much for the RSS’ claims to Indian nationalism.
Hedgewar Jailed ?
We are now being told that Hedgewar as a leader of the RSS, went to jail in 1921 and 1931 during Khilafat Movement and Salt Satyagrah launched by Gandhi. The fact is that both times he went to jail as a Congressman, something the RSS documents in the archives, have itself recorded.
According to the biography of Hedgewar penned by HV Seshadri, published by RSS in English (1981) he was jailed for delivering an inflammatory speech in favour of the Khilafat Movement. He was subsequently sentenced to one year’s rigorous imprisonment. There were two significant incidents regarding this jail term.
First, Hedgewar touted as strict disciplinarian hired a costly lawyer to defend him, thus openly violating the directive of Gandhi and the Congress that all those arrested would not offer any defence and would serve their jail term as both protest and sacrifice.
Secondly, despite being sentenced one year’s imprisonment with hard labour in the Ajani Jail, on the day of his release on July 12, 1922, the same biography tells us “when he removed the prison uniform and tried to wear his old cloths, his old shirt and coat felt too tight! He had gained 25 pounds (11+ kilograms) in weight, in spite of the rigours of the prison life”. It was the first and last time in the history of the jailed freedom fighters that a political prisoner gained weight of more than 11 kilograms while serving in a British jail.
How did this happen? A clue is provided in this biography itself. He was on friendly terms with the ferocious British jailor, Sir Jathar.
The second jail term was the outcome of a plot. The Hindi biography of Hegdewar, authored by C. P. Bhishikar and published by the RSS discloses that Hedgewar ordered that “Sangh will not participate in the [Salt] Satyagrah”. However, he joined the Satyagrah with an ulterior motive which was “that with a freedom loving, self-sacrificing and reputed group of people [of the Congress] inside with him there, he would discuss the Sangh with them and win them over for its work.” It is clear that Hedgewar chose to go to jail this time not because he had faith in the cause but in order to break the ranks of the Congress cadres!
Bhishikar admitted that after establishing RSS in 1925 Hedgewar “in his speeches. used to talk only of Hindu organisation. (any) Direct comment on the government used to be almost nil”.
RSS Confesses to Keeping Aloof from the Freedom Struggle
The Non-cooperation and Quit India Movements (QIM) were two great milestones in the history of the Indian freedom movement. How ‘nationalist’ Golwalkar hated these can be known by the following comments of his which are being reproduced from the collection of Golwalkar’s writings (Shri Guruji Samagr Darshan, vol. 4 published by RSS): “Definitely there are bound to be bad results of struggle. The boys became unruly after the 1920-21 movement…But these are inevitable products after the struggle…After 1942, people often started thinking that there was no need to think of the law.”
Admitting that the RSS did not participate in the QIM he said: “At that time, too, the routine work of Sangh continued. Sangh vowed not to do anything directly. However, upheaval (uthal-puthal) in the minds of Sangh volunteers continued. Sangh is an organisation of inactive persons, their talks are useless, not only outsiders but also many of our volunteers did talk like this. They were greatly disgusted too.” However, there is not a single publication or document of the Sangh which could throw some light on the great work the RSS did indirectly for the Quit India movement.
According to Savarkar’s collected works in Hindi (Samagr Savarkar Wangmaya published by Hindu Mahasabha in 1963) the fraternal organization of RSS, Hindu Mahasabha [HMS] led by the Hindutva icon, VD Savarkar went to the extent of running coalition governments with the Muslim League in Bengal, Sind and NWFP in 1942 when Congress was under ban and patriotic Indians were being shot dead for daring to carry the Tricolour. In Bengal Syama Prasad Mookerjee was deputy CM in the Muslim League ministry. Hindu Mahasabha also organized recruitment camps for the British army in India when Subhash Chander Bose was trying to liberate India militarily. RSS never expressed opposition to these anti-national activities of HMS.
Those Hindutva intellectuals who are busy re-constructing RSS role in the freedom struggle need to be honest to pre-Independence RSS documents and archives. Both Hedgewar (RSS chief 1925-40) and Golwalkar (1940-73), were opposed to the united freedom movement as its goal was an all-inclusive India. Golwalkar denounced the freedom struggle (Bunch of Thoughts, 1966, RSS publication) as “territorial nationalism” which “had deprived us of the positive and inspiring content of our real Hindu Nationhood and made many of the ‘freedom movements’virtually anti-British movements”. It was this ideological commitment to building Hindu rashtr in India that apart from Hedgewar, Golwalkar, Deendayal Upadhyaya (prominent RSS cadre since 1937) and LK Advani (RSS activist since 1942) never participated in the freedom struggle.
Related Articles:
1. Teesta Talks: The RSS Doublespeak, Bhagwa for Itself and Tiranga for Others
2. Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee the Hindutva Icon was a Collaborator, with the Muslim League as much as the British
Forget about the state honour during his last rites and absence of political leaders – including Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, even officials of the state government were not present at the ceremony.
Putting salt on the wound of the grieving family, the sub-divisional officer offered a cheque of Rs 5 lakh – which was turned down by Khan’s father, adding that “it’s an insult to the martyrdom” of his son.
Khan succumbed to injuries at a Srinagar hospital on February 12. The terror attack took place in the wee hours of that day and was thwarted by guards at the Karan Nagar CRPF camp but the militants managed to escape and holed up at a nearby building. Khan received bullet injuries in the ensuing gun battle that continued for more than 20 hours. Two militants allegedly associated with Lashkar-e-Taiba were killed.
When Khan’s body reached his village on February 14, a large crowd gathered there to have a last glimpse of the jawan who sacrificed his life for the nation. Their anger was palpable over the absence of the Central and state leaderships and state officials.
“My brother sacrificed his life for the country and see how he is being treated. No representative of the State or the Centre bothered to attend the funeral. This is how we treat our martyrs,” Khan’s brother Imtiaz told Newsclick.
Asked why they turned down the offer of Rs 5 lakh by the state government, he said, “Has he died consuming liquor? What will we do with this money?”
Khan’s father had last seen his son in November 2017 and had told him about marriage proposals which Khan turned down adding he wants to serve the country first.
“When he (Khan) was at home in November last year, I asked him to get married but he refused saying that he first wants to do something for the country,” said the wailing father.
Asked how they came to know about the operation being carried out, the bereaved said while struggling to speak, “He had sent a video of him fighting with the militants to one of his friends. I was praying for the successful operation and safety of all those who were involved in the gun battle. Few hours later, we got the news of his demise.”
Meanwhile, state Cabinet Minister of Building Construction Department (PWD) Maheshwar Hazari stirred controversy, adding that he does not know anyone from the state dying in Jammu and Kashmir.
Courtesy: Newsclick.in
The NWMI is shocked to read that the NIA has laid down what it considers to be the “moral duty of a journalist”, in its charge sheet against Kashmiri journalist Yusuf Kamran. The charge sheet says:
Image Courtesy: Indian Express
The Kundada Shiva temple in Chathangottupuram. Credits: Sanu Velayudan.
A Muslim at Kalikavu in the district has done his bit to promote communal harmony in the area. Nambiarthodi Ali, 45, has donated a pond situated in his land to a centuries-old temple. The committee of Kundada Shiva temple of Poroor panchayat near Wandoor had initially approached him to buy the pond and the bordering land area at market value. Instead, Ali, in the true spirit of communal harmony and co-existence, gifted the pond and land to the Hindu brethren, reports Deccan Chronicle.
“The pond is a must for the temple as per their custom. There is no pond in the temple land. Though they offered me a price, I decided to donate the pond which is meant for public use. There is nothing big in it,” says Ali. The temple committee felicitated Ali at a cultural event organised as part of Sivarathri celebrations at the temple on Tuesday. “The temple was in dire need of a pond to keep up the religious traditions. We are happy that besides giving a pond, a strong message has also been conveyed to society through Ali’s gesture,” V. Shiva Shankaran, a committee member, told DC.
“The land area of 4.7 cent was not decided by me. It was the temple authorities who surveyed the pond and adjoining land area as per my request and I told them to take what they wanted for the purpose of the pond,” Ali said. He has also given the temple authorities the right to use a pathway leading to the pond. The registration of the land will be done in the coming weeks, the temple authorities said.
In an audacious move, JNU students have reclaimed JNU’s famous Freedom Square by violating a High Court order. The order had prohibited any kind of the protests within 100 meters of JNU’s Ad- Block, which is popularly known as Azaadi Chowk or the Freedom Square. The spot has been a site for some of the most historic struggles at the university. It became common place during “9 February crisis” where open lectures were organized in defiance of claims of the university as being “anti – national”. However, since High Court’s order the site had fallen into disuse and no individual or political organization was willing to disobey the law.
But on the night of February 10, 2018, huge mass of students began their mission of reclaiming the Ad Block, by forming a human chain and marching in protest.
Initial Confusion
While the Students Union had given a call for a protest march from Ganga Dhaba, the venue of its culmination had not been planned. At first, students were asked to move to Chandrabhaga Hostel where most of the protests culminate in absence of privilege of accessing Ad Block. The chain was stuck in the middle of the road for quite some time as organizations began to deliberate on various possible venues where the march should end. A spontaneous decision of moving to Vice Chancellor’s house was taken and the human chain culminated near East Gate of JNU. But the logic of same has still not been clarified. It is a contradiction to see that on one hand the Union was shouting slogans like “VC humse darta hai, IIT mein rehta hai”. If this the case then, then one needs to ask why was mobilized crowd taken there and not at Ad Block at the very first instance?
Internal Disputes
As the human chain proceeded to VC’s house a ruckus was created as many students’ activists started fighting among themselves creating an impression of confusion and mistrust among the common students. A lot of time was simply wasted merely to solve internal disputes. The Union President said that “they have no problem in going to Ad Block even now or earlier” but in reality it was the immense pressure from common students that actually compelled them to lead everybody at Ad Block as the crowd could not be pacified easily this time.
Mission Accomplished, finally
In a historic move as thousands of the students registered their dissent, the Court order was breached and songs of Azaadi were raised in passion. It was clarified that JNU wants “Azaadi from VC, from protector and in general from this regime”. The Teachers’ Association of JNU also lent their support to the event.
It was decided on the spot that the flower pots that has been kept by VC so as to obstruct any use of the stairs of the Ad Block should be removed by the students. However, some of these were broken by angry students.
On the night of the February 11, Mashal Joollus was called from Ganga Dhaba that culminated at Ad Block. Students openly expressed their discontent with the administration. It was on this second day of a week-long protest that students wrote open letters to VC declaring him out of bounds of JNU calling him “Not my VC” which is now stuck on the walls of the Pink Palace. Poetry was recited and songs were sung in unity as students celebrated their reclaimed freedom. The Union has already declared this movement as a “Do or Die situation”. And the struggle in the campus is intensifying day by day.
Coming up, next
A plan of action has been charted out for the upcoming week which is the week of ultimatum given to VC to roll back attendance. A call for indefinite strike has been given for boycotting classes throughout the week. However, it was clarified that student’s will be allowed to do their official works such as those pertaining to registration etc. Further, certain cultural events are also on the list along with beginning of the famous lecture series of JNU which would be addressed by prominent speakers, however due to the contested site of event; it still requires some deliberations and final confirmation. In a statement brought out by JNU Teachers Association on 12 Feb, they have expressed their “solidarity with students”. Further, the statement, appealed to the teachers (on demand of JNUSU) to hold classes in open spaces and, if required, over weekends”.
A few pertinent questions
However, there are certain questions that still await response. This include how would this strike be implemented in the centers where attendance is being taken regularly and classes are also held? The Sanskrit Centre is an example of this. For how long would this mobilization continue as generally after few days the number of students starts to dwindle? Also, if the mood of campus was building towards an indefinite strike then when what stopped Union lending their support to NSUI which took the lead in launching one such strike. Can the internal differences within organizations (which are so evident in this movement) be easily ironed out? If nothing much happens in this one week then what?
Unity is the Key
While these questions remain, it is only and only the participation of the students’ community that is providing strength and endurance to it. So, even if calling it “Save JNU, Part -2” may lend some legitimacy to movement the driving force behind it are the common students and without their active support and participation the movement would just frizzle out.
As far as the Vice Chancellor and Co. are concerned, they seems to have already taken a back foot and have activated their defensive mode as the upcoming AC meeting, (which is the highest decision making body of JNU) that was supposed to be held on 23 February has been “indefinitely postponed”. In their statement, Students’ Union maintained that “The VC has shamelessly tried to threaten them by stopping scholarship, hostel facilities, and student registration. But even such threats have failed to browbeat the students of JNU and huge mobilization in last few days have been a clear evidence of that”. Further, on the 15th of this month the Union has also given a call for March to Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) where they would take their proposal of removing the VC from his current position.
(The author is a student of JNU and pursuing her masters in Ancient History)
Due to the callousness of the Patan District administration, Ambedkarite, Bhanubhai Vankar self immolated himself over a piece of land he was deprived of in Unjha taluka, alleged Jignesh Mevani in press release. Recently elected, MLA has called for the resignation of the chief minister of Gujarat, Vijay Rupani. The desperation if a voiceless, poor Dalit is not heard in today’s Gujarat, he says.
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