Bhopal: Failure of men to exchange and return little sums saved by their wives in demonetised bills has caused a spurt in domestic discord, says a study conducted by an NGO.
File Photo
“Women who had saved bills of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 denominations, which were scrapped on November 8 last year, handed those currency notes to their husbands to get them exchanged during the post note ban period.
“But in many of the cases, the men did not return the exchanged money to their wives, leading to quarrels between them,” said Sarika Sinha, president of Gauravi, a one-stop crisis centre (for helping women in distress), jointly run by NGO ActionAid and Madhya Pradesh Public Health and Family Welfare department.
“Gauravi centre has registered 200 cases of domestic violence, primarily fights between husband and wives from November last year to January end this year in Bhopal, which comes to around 67 such cases monthly. Earlier, an average of about 50 cases per month of domestic violence were reported from the state capital,” Gauravi’s co-ordinator Shivani Saini said.
The women, in their complaints put up before the Bhopal District Family Dispute Counselling Centre, said they had fights with their husbands after they failed to buy necessary household items like LPG cylinders and milk for want of the currency notes post demonetisation.
On the other hand, the husbands claimed that the money which their wives saved had been stolen from their pockets, Saini said.
नई दिल्ली। जम्मू-कश्मीर में बहुसंख्यक मुसलमानों द्वारा अल्पसंख्यकों के लिए निर्धारित लाभ उठाने का आरोप लगाने वाली एक जनहित याचिका पर सोमवार(6 फरवरी) को सुप्रीम कोर्ट में जवाब दाखिल नहीं करना मोदी सरकार को भारी पड़ गया।
जवाब नहीं देने पर शीर्ष अदालत ने केंद्र सरकार को कड़ी फटकार लगाते हुए 30,000 रुपए हर्जाना भरने का निर्देश दिया है। आपको बता दें कि इससे पहले भी इसी मामले में शीर्ष अदालत ने केंद्र सरकार और जम्मू-कश्मीर सरकार पर 15-15 हजार का जुर्माना लगाया था।
प्रधान न्यायाधीश जगदीश सिंह खेहर और न्यायमूर्ति एन वी रमण की पीठ ने दो सप्ताह के अंदर जुर्माना भरने का आदेश देते हुए केंद्र के अधिवक्ता को जवाब दाखिल करने की इजाजत दे दी। पीठ ने कहा कि यह मामला बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है और केंद्र को जवाब दायर करने का आखिरी मौका दिया जाता है।
दरअसल, जम्मू के याचिकाकर्ता वकील अंकुर शर्मा ने अपनी याचिका में आरोप लगाया है कि राज्य में अल्पसंख्यकों को दिए जाने वाले सरकारी योजनाओं का लाभ वे मुसलमान उठा रहे हैं जो जम्मू कश्मीर में ‘बहुसंख्यक’ हैं। शर्मा ने इस पर रोक लगाने की मांग की है।
Violence against the Rohingyas, an ethnic Muslim minority in Myanmar, has reached a new high according to a report published by the United Nations.
A member of Border Guard Bangladesh stands guard on a watchtower near the Bangladesh-Myanmar border to prevent Rohingya refugees from illegal border crossing. Mohammad Ponir Hossain/Reuters
Its release followed an investigation that took place on the Bangladeshi border with Myanmar in January, after the UN Human Rights Office team was denied access to the worst-affected areas of northern Rakhine State in Myanmar. Horrific testimonies of brutal killings of adults and children, including babies, as well as gang-rapes and disappearances have been detailed in the document.
Concern about Muslim minorities has been rising in this country since U Ko Ni, a prominent human rights lawyer close to Aung Saan Suu Kyi’s party, and a Muslim, was shot dead on January 29.
At least 87,000 Rohingyas have been displaced since the military launched a crackdown in western Rakhine state in early October 2016.
In Myanmar, most Rohingyas have been stripped of citizenship, and face serious violations of human rights including restriction of freedom of movement, marriage restriction, exclusion from education and health care, enforced birth control, arbitrary taxation and forced labour.
Rohingyas need to apply for travel pass to even visit a neighbouring village and are required to obtain permission for marriage by paying high fees and bribes which can take several years to get. Worse, they are beaten, tortured, killed and raped; their houses are burnt, and the survivors are forced to leave ancestral home for an uncertain future. It’s no surprise the Rohingyas are often called the most persecuted people on earth.
The government actually denies the existence of any ethnic group named “Rohingya”. It often considers this group to be “Bengali”, formed of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, despite the fact that Rohingya have lived in the Rakhine State for generations.
Under the 1982 Citizenship Law of Myanmar, the government created three classes of citizens: full, associate and naturalised, and subsequently provided colour-coded “scrutiny cards”. Pink cards were provided to full citizens, blue for associate citizens and green for naturalised. Most of Rohingyas were not provided a card at all. They are rather considered “Myanmar residents”, which means neither citizen nor foreigner.
In 1993, Rohingyas were given “white cards” which allowed them to vote. However, these cards were revoked because of protests by Buddhist nationalist and monks. This meant Rohingyas could not vote in the landmark 2015 general election which paved the way for Aung San Suu Kyi and her party to come to power.
Discrimination and violence against Rohingyas mainly lie in a false fear of Muslim power generated by Buddhist nationalists led by radical monks under the 969 movement and Ma Ba Tha (the Organisation for the Protection of Race and Religion).
Although Buddhist monks are usually portrayed as peace-preachers globally, many in Myanmar are involved in political activism. Ashin Wirathu, the charismatic leader of some of these radical movements, often called “Burmese bin Laden”, openly spreads anti-Muslim rumours and hatred.
No one dares challenge Wirathu in fear of retaliation, and major political parties have designed policies considering the likely reaction from Ma Ba Tha. Therefore, not only stateless Rohingyas but also non-Rohingya Muslim groups with Burmese citizenship such as the Kaman people, as well as Muslims in Meiktila and Mandalay, have all faced religious violence. Yanghee Lee, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights for Myanmar was herself labelled as a “whore” by Wirathu when she advocated for human rights of Rohingya in 2015.
Although the Ma Ba Tha has become weaker in recent months following a dispute with the Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, state councillor Aung San Suu Kyi and her party do not dare to challenge the already strong public sentiment against Muslims.
The celebrated transition to democracy in Myanmar has only increased populist pressure and majoritarian autocracy, ironically shutting up the voices of previously active human rights advocates.
Bangladesh’s defensive position
Dealing with the waves of Rohingya refugees has always been a dilemma for the bordering host community and the government of Bangladesh. Recently the government has even proposed to relocated the Rohingyas on a flood prone island off the Bangladesh coast. While there is a desire to help the refugees on humanitarian and religious grounds for Rohingyas, which I witnessed during my fieldwork, population pressure and security concerns have put the government in a defensive position.
However, many Rohingyas, including some repatriated ones, continued to cross the porous borders into Bangladesh. These post-1992 arrivals have not been registered officially, and they are living in unregistered camps and along with local communities near the border areas. The similarity in religion and language (Rohingya and Chittagonian dialect are largely similar) has allowed some to become informally integrated into the South-Eastern areas of Bangladesh.
During the fresh arrivals in 2012 after a communal riot in the Rakhine State, the government of Bangladesh took a tougher stance; border guards refused entry to the refugees, pushing them back to Myanmar. This violates the principle of non-refoulment which prohibits the return of refugees to persecution.
Since last October, the government has refused to offer any asylum to the refugees. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina told the Bangladeshi parliament, “We cannot just open our doors to people coming in waves”.
Political pressure
The government’s position can be explained by increasing economic growth of Bangladesh and subsequently less dependence on international aid. This has allowed the government to brush aside international diplomatic pressure. But Bangladesh is far from alone in trying to avoid responsibility amid a global refugee crisis.
Still, many refugees do manage to enter Bangladeshi territory. According to a UN estimate, 66,000 new refugees have taken shelter in Bangladesh in recent months. Before this, as per 2015, the number of unregistered Rohingyas in Bangladesh was estimated to be between 200,000 and 500,000.
Recent government actions seem to follow the directions of a strategy paper designed in 2014. Based on its recommendations, the government has conducted the first-ever census to count “undocumented Myanmar nationals” in Bangladesh. The census result has not been made public so far.
Rohingya policy is also dictated by diplomatic relations with Myanmar. The current government of Bangladesh has shown its serious willingness to improve relations with its neighbour. Dhaka wants to eventually repatriate Rohingyas to Myanmar, but it is happy to increase engagement on other issues such as business in the meantime.
Many Rohingyas have managed to find a way to border camps but are denied asylum by the Bangladesh government .DYKT Mohingan/Flickr, CC BY-SA
In the absence of any legal standard, a former UN representative in Bangladesh notes, the refugees are administered through an “ad hoc, arbitrary and discretionary system”. Although some Rohingyas have found a safer place to stay in Bangladesh, they are still suffering from fear and insecurity.
According to the Foreigners Act 1946 of Bangladesh, the large number of unregistered Rohingyas are considered “illegal foreigners”. Police may arrest them anytime if they wish. Though the police rarely do that, the possibility of arrest and indefinite detention keeps them in constant fear.
They are also not allowed to seek employment, register marriage, move freely and get higher education. Many of them live in overcrowded, unhygienic makeshift camps. In 2010, Physicians for Human Rights reported that the camps are like an “open air prison”.
The solution starts with Myanmar
The Rohingya crisis is, first of all, a political issue in Myanmar. The ultimate solution lies in the granting citizenship and ensuring equal rights in their ancestral home.
Unfortunately, the United Nations and influential states have done nothing more than criticise. For powerful neighbours such as India or China, but also for many global players, Myanmar is an untapped resource and investment hub waiting to be explored. It has become evident that the humanitarian intervention is reserved for strategic and business usefulness, not to protect the most vulnerable.
Until a permanent solution is found in Myanmar, it is the responsibility of refugee hosting countries, including Bangladesh, to ensure that Rohingya people can live with basic human rights and dignity. Rather than making administrative interventions, granting proper legal standards would serve both refugees and the national interest of Bangladesh.
This is the first of a two-part series on the plight of Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh.
New Delhi: Alleging political vendetta behind the disappearance of JNU student Najeeb Ahmed, Rajya Sabha member TMC member Vivek Gupta today asked the Centre to order a probe by CBI or any other appropriate agency in the matter.
Najeeb had gone missing on October 15 following an on-campus scuffle allegedly with ABVP members the night before.
Raising the issue during the Zero Hour in the House, Gupta asked the government whether any special measures have been initiated to trace the missing student.
Alleging that the JNU officials were insensitive in the matter, he wondered whether Najeeb will end up just as a statistics about missing persons.
Gupta said the ABVP students allegedly involved in the incident have not yet been questioned. He also claimed that the Vice Chancellor of the University had even refused to meet the mother of the missing student.
“This a clear case of political vendetta. We are witnessing that political vendetta is spreading like a cancer in the country,” he said and asked the Centre to order a CBI probe or any other appropriate enquiry to trace Najeeb.
He further said political vendetta is a “serious” matter and demanded a statement from the government on the issue.
Joy Abraham (KC-M) raised the issue of Father Tom Uzhunnalil, a priest from Kerala abducted by a terror group in war-torn Yemen last year, and sought the help of the entire House for his early release.
“It seems his life is in danger…It seems his health is deteriorating,” he said and sought speedy intervention by the government in the matter.
Commerce Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said that External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj had earlier spoken on the issue and the matter is being “definitely” being taken up. “Since he is an Indian citizen, we all have to be concerned about this,” she added.
Deputy Chairman P J Kurien asked Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi to convey the members’ concerns to the External Affairs Minister.
In his Zero Hour mention, Nadimul Haque (TMC) highlighted the poor financial condition of several ex-sportspersons who have made the country proud. He said many of them have to take up petty jobs to earn their livelihood. Prem Chand Gupta (RJD) sought a discussion on the issue.
Meanwhile, the Deputy Chairman said the business in the House was “productive and fruitful” compared to the days of disruption, in an apparent reference to the nearly washed out Winter Session. “Let’s do like this. It will be good for us,” he said.
Rajya Sabha has not witnessed any adjournment in the ongoing Budget Session so far.
Members in Rajya Sabha today expressed concern over India’s premier university BHU imposing restrictions on eating of non-vegetarian food and using internet in hostels, saying it reflected the “high- handed” attitude against students in central universities.
Raising the issue through a Zero Hour mention, Ali Anwar Ansari (JD-U) said nine students were suspended by BHU who had a year ago demanded round-the-clock access to cyber library and had sat on protest dharna.
FIRs were lodged against the students who had protested against the Vice Chanellor denying permission to cyber library when two group of students clashed on the university campus, he alleged.
While boys can eat non-vegetarian food in the hostels, girls were barred from doing so, he said listing out the restrictions placed on girls including returning to the hostel by 8 pm and banning the use of mobile phones after 9 pm.
Internet access is allowed for boys for 24 hours a day but girls are barred from the same, he alleged, saying the University’s orders were “Trump-like.”
He said similar high-handedness was being witnessed in JNU also where 15 students were suspended for protests.
Students at JNU are protesting against UGC notification of PHD admissions based on performance in interviews only, without giving weightage to written exams.
While Tapan Sen (CPI-M) said central universities are new grounds of “experiments”, Sharad Yadav (JD-U) said government should be seriously take note of the arbitrary rule changes.
Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said the government does not interfere in day-to-day functioning of universities and the issue should not be politicised.
He said if there were any specific incident, it can be brought to the notice of the government and the concerned minister will be intimated.
Deputy Chairman P J Kurien said the member has raised a specific issue and the HRD Minister should see if there is any discrimination.
Anand Sharma (Cong) said this was not a small matter and the concerns should be conveyed to the HRD Minister. Also, the autonomy of the central universities should be protected, he added.
दिल्ली। "बहुत हुई महँगाई की मार अबकी बार मोदी सरकार " जैसे नारे के साथ जब भाजपा चुनाव प्रचार कर रही थी , उस वक़्त युवाओं को लगा था की शायद अब उनके लिए रोजगार के दरवाजे खुल जाएंगे । पर हुआ उसके उलट प्रधानमन्त्री मोदी के दिखाए सपने की हवा निकल गयी। नोटबंदी ने तो हालात और भी बुरी कर दी है। हाल में आयी तमाम रिपोर्ट्स बताती हैं की रोजगार के अवसर लगातार काम होता जा रहा है और बेरोजगार युवाओं की फ़ौज लगातार बढ़ती जा रही है।
हाल ही में हुए एक सरकारी सर्वे में सामने आया है कि देश में वर्तमान में रोजगार वृद्धि की दर पिछले 7 सालों के मुकाबले सबसे निचले स्तर पर आ चुकी है। सर्वे का सबसेे चौंकाने वाला तथ्य यह है कि पिछले एक साल में ही देश में बेरोजगारों की संख्या में लगभग 2 करोड़ की बढ़ोतरी हुई। केंद्र की सत्ता में आने से पहले पीएम नरेंद्र मोदी ने देश में करोड़ों रोजगार पैदा करने का वादा जोर शोर किया था, लेकिन उनका यह वादा धरा ही नहीं रह गया बल्कि आज की स्थिति तो वादे से बिलकुल उलटी हो गई।
सर्वे यह भी कहता है कि बेरोजगारी की सबसे ज्यादा मार पढ़े-लिखे युवाओं पर पड़ी है। जिनको रोजगार के संकट का सामना करना पड़ रहा है उनमें 25 फीसदी युवा 20 से 24 वर्ष के हैं, तो 17 फीसदी 25 से 29 वर्ष के युवा हैं। बेरोजगारी के साथ साथ देश में महंगाई भी चरम पर है। दालें लोकसभा चुनाव से पहले 50-60 रुपये के आसपास थीं, दो साल होते-होते 150-200 के आसपास पहुंच गई हैं। राेजमर्रा के खाद़य उत्पादों के दामों में भी बेतरतीब बढ़ोतरी हो चुकी है
Villagers near Muzaffarnagar seem set to break all easy assumptions about caste and community in this election.
It started with a murder in August 2015. A dispute between Shias and Sunnis in the village of Khirwa Jalal, about 20 km from Meerut city in western Uttar Pradesh, led to the death of a man called Zahid. The police believe that the murder was the result of a political dispute between the two groups. After Zahid’s nephew filed a complaint, the police rounded up several people, including Mohammed Irfan, the man who was tipped to be the next village pradhan, or chief.
A few months later, when the panchayat elections were held, Irfan’s wife Begum Nayyer won the polls hands down. However, she is just a rubber-stamp authority. Irfan’s brother, Mohammed Irshad, is pradhan by proxy, and takes all the decisions, which his sister-in-law then signs off on.
Khirwa Jalal is a Muslim-dominated village in this part of western Uttar Pradesh. It is part of Siwalkhas Assembly constituency, which, in turn comes under Baghpat Lok Sabha constituency. Of the village population, while Sunnis have about 3,500 votes, Shias have 800 and Jats and Dalits have approximately 1,800 and 500 votes respectively.
The composition of this village is representative of the complexity of elections in the politically crucial Uttar Pradesh. This is especially apparent in the western part of the state, is considered to be a distinct political entity as compared to other parts. Jats are a distinct and numerically significant community in several districts this area – the Baghpat-Baraut-Muzaffarnagar-Shamli-Meerut belt. Most residents here are either landowning farmers, or work in farms.
This region goes to the polls on February 11, the first phase of the seven-phase Assembly elections.
Overcoming assumptions
Like elsewhere in India, each community in Khirwa Jalal village has certain assumptions about the other. For instance, Jats view Muslims as a single, homogenous entity. They believe Muslims will only vote for a Muslim candidate. However, it is not as simple as that.
The divide between Sunnis and Shias in this village because of the 2015 murder has meant that the Sunni community has decided to support Yashvir Singh, a Jat candidate of the Rashtriya Lok Dal candidate, who is also supported by the Jats of the village.
This is because Sunnis perceive the Shias to be close to sitting MLA Ghulam Mohammed of the Samajwadi Party who is up for reelection.
Thus both Jat and the majority of Muslim voters here are consolidating behind the Rashtriya Lok Dal candidate.
The Rashtriya Lok Dal was founded in 1996 by Ajit Singh, the political heir of Chaudhry Charan Singh, one of the tallest Jat leaders, who briefly served as prime minister between July 1979 and January 1980. The party had a strong presence in Jat-dominated districts of western Uttar Pradesh because of the loyalty of Jats towards Singh and his successors. In past elections, the Rashtriya Lok Dal was a strong contender in every constituency in this region, either winning the seat or emerging a close second.
But the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots changed things.
As the ruling Samajwadi Party scrambled to contain the riots and arrested several Jat leaders, Ajit Singh’s silence on the matter angered Jats. This, coupled with the “Modi wave” of the 2014 general elections, saw Jat-dominated areas in this region turn away from the Rashtriya Lok Dal and vote for the BJP en masse.
Anger at BJP
But things are no longer the same. The furious messages being sent across by BJP workers via WhatsApp to woo Jat voters in the region indicates that the party is aware that it is losing the community’s support.
In village after village in this region, the Jats are angry at the BJP.
“What has the BJP done for the farmers since it won the elections in 2014?” asked Rajendra Singh of Bijrol village on a cold February evening. “No one other than the RLD has ever thought about the farmers. Before 2014, we did not believe in any divisions between Jats and the Muslims. We were all farmers with the same problems. The BJP came and divided us and we are paying a heavy price for it.”
This statement is repeated in other Jat villages.
Nearer Muzaffarnagar, in the village of Sohram, Balyans, the dominant sub-caste of the Jats, are also keen to back the Rashtriya Lok Dal because they feel betrayed by the BJP.
“This village saw a lot of firing during the riots,” said Dariyo Singh Balyan, sitting under a giant photograph of the old farmer leader Mahindra Singh Tikait, who stormed and occupied Delhi’s Boat Club in the 1980s, seeking assurances for farmers from the Congress government at the Centre.
Dariyo Singh Balyan of Sohram. (Photo credit: Saikat Datta)
Farming costs up
The farmers here alternately grow sugarcane and wheat. With input costs for farming like fertilisers, electricity and seeds having escalated, most farmers here feel that the procurement price of sugarcane is no longer remunerative. At the same time, payments from sugar mills have been delayed due to demonetisation.
“Modi tells us that he has sent us money but Akhilesh [Yadav] is delaying the payments,” said an elderly Jat farmer in Sohram village, referring to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s claim during election rallies that the Samajwadi Party government was not delivering central grants to its beneficiaries. “But what stops Modi from sending the payments directly to our bank accounts? After all, if he can start Jan Dhan Bank accounts and send money directly, why can’t he send out money to us as well.”
The farmer added: “The BJP used the riots to gain ascendancy here, and now that our people are facing cases, they have pushed off and left us to our fate. We never fought the Muslims until 2013.”
The procurement price for sugarcane is a sore point.
Most Jat and Muslim farmers recollect that the only time the price went up was during Mayawati’s reign as chief minister from 2007 to 2012.
“She raised it by Rs 40 per quintal,” said Rajendra Singh. “No leader has ever done so much. That is why we must support the RLD [Rashtriya Lok Dal]. Ajit Singh may not become chief minister, but like his father [Charan Singh] he will speak for us and he is one of our own. We must ensure his people win.”
But in that case, why not support Mayawati instead?
The response is that the Dalit leader raises none of the issues important to them.
Remember Haryana
One of the WhatsApp messages being forwarded to the Jat community speaks about how the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Lok Dal abandoned them after the 2013 riots, and of how the BJP stood by them.
But that argument finds few takers.
The BJP’s radio jingles also holds up the Muzaffarnagar riots as an example of the abysmal law and order situation in the Samajwadi Party-ruled state.
But most people here smirk at such messages.
“We all know who created the riots,” said Amit N, a young Jat, who lives in Baraut, Baghpat, while preparing to head to the fields to tend to his crop. “In 2014, our fathers were very angry with us for abandoning the RLD, Some even stood with lathis [wooden sticks] at home, ready to hit us for voting for the BJP instead of RLD. But many of us won’t make that mistake any more.”
The other refrain among the old and the young is to forget Muzaffarnagar and remember BJP-ruled Haryana, which saw riots last year by Jats demanding that they be included in the Other Backward Classes category, and thus be eligible for reservations in government jobs.
A Jat mahapanchayat held in Kharad village in Muzaffarnagar district on January 8 decided that the community would not vote for the BJP this time, and the khaps, or village councils, have been entrusted with the task of ensuring that the message reaches all members of the community before the elections.
A video of a BJP leader asking all other Hindu castes to isolate Jats is also doing the rounds on WhatsApp. This counters all the forwards being sent by the BJP in one stroke.
The fact that the BJP has fielded complete outsiders like Avtar Singh Bhadana, a former Congress MP from Haryana, as a candidate in Mirapur constituency in Muzaffarnagar district, has led to further anger against the saffron party. “We will teach the BJP a lesson,” mutter many young Jats quietly in village after village.
Another refrain in the villages in this area is: “Where is Satyapal Singh [the MP from Baghpat]”. Many allege that Singh, former Mumbai police commissioner, has not been visible in the constituency.
All this is an indication that though different consolidations are taking place, none of them seem to favour the BJP right now.
Dalits divided
Back in Khirwa Jalal, these consolidations throw up more surprises. Take Dalits, the majority of whom belong to the chamar sub-caste in this village. Many were once dedicated supporters of the Bahujan Samaj Party. But this time, they are a divided lot.
“Look at our corner in the village,” said Sewa Ram, as he gathered around Jats sitting on a wooden cot discussing politics. “Mayawati has not managed to do anything for us. Instead, many of us are with the BJP.”
“Or with the RLD,” piped up Lal Sigh, also a Dalit, who has moved away from the Bahujan Samaj Party.
Back at the village chief’s house, Mohammed Irshad is using his position as as proxy pradhan to pick households that will be the next beneficiaries of the Union government’s ambitious toilet-construction programme under the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan. Under this scheme, the government has sanctioned Rs 12,000 per beneficiary to enable them to construct a toilet in their homes.
Irshad had a village voters list to guide him.
“Look at the list of people I am ensuring get toilets,” said Irshad. “They are not only Muslims but also harijans [Dalits].”
Ask him who he is supporting, and he mentions Yashvir Singh, the Rashtriya Lok Dal candidate. The defacto pradhan of Khirwa Jalal village, Mohammed Irshad. (Photo credit: Saikat Datta).
KS Dhatwalia, the Additional Director General of PIB in MHA, was once again in news on Sunday after his invitation to media persons for Home Minister Rajnath Singh’s election rally raised plenty of eyebrows.
The senior civil servant texted the media invite through mobile text, which read, “Shri Rajnath Singh will address meetings in Uttarakhand today, 05 February, at Badshahpur, Haridwar Rural at 3.30 PM at Bahadrabad. FYIP. KS Dhatwalia. ADG PIB.”
The invite left several media representatives stumped as they found it in violation of election code of conduct.
A serving bureaucrat is not expected to work to promote the election campaign of the ruling political party as the action severely undermines of integrity of fair election process thereby causing disadvantages for the rival parties.
When contacted, Dhatwalia, told Janta Ka Reporter that he had sent the media invite in his personal capacity after some journalists contacted him to inquire about Singh’s movement.
He said, “Few journalists contacted me to inquire about the programme to which I replied to in a personal group. It was not at all an official message. I am well aware of my responsibilities.”
This is not the first time Dhatwalia has been accused of throwing the service rules out of the window while allegedly serving as a political representative for the ruling party.
The function in question was the event organised by the Muslim Rashtriya Manch belonging to the RSS. The outfit, loosely termed as the Muslim wing of the RSS is headed by the senior Sangh functionary Indresh Kumar.
Promoting political event is not one of the core responsibilities of the PIB.
On its website, the PIB extensively dwells upon its roles and functions but nowhere does the website states promoting the events organised by either the ruling party or its ideological mentor as one of its defined duties.
The PIB’s website states, “…In any case, there is a crying need for an agency to inform and interpret the policies and actions of the Government to the people who are the ultimate masters. In the absence of a better agency, the Press Information Bureau (PIB), is the best suited to perform that task through the media. One cannot visualise a better link than the PIB between the Government and the media.”
