Advocate and young Maratha leader, Vishal Kadam speaks to Sabrangindia
They proudly claim to be descendants of Shivaji Maharaj, not the exclusionary sword wielding Hindu but the humane inclusive leader, whose governance not just had representation for all, but whose legacy can be seen in the policies that Shahu Maharaj brought in affirmative action for the first time towards the end of the 19th century, in Kolhapur state. Hence the emotive demand for one large statue in honour of Shivaji.
Presently, the Maratha Reservation Resolution is being circulated and scrutinised by large numbers of village panchayats in Maharashtra. This will form the basis for the demands to be put first before the collector and then the government. The young leaders of the Maratha Kranti morcha are busy in this task. (The resolutions apart from the demand for capital punishment in the Kopardi rape case and amendment to the atrocities act, speak of the implementation of Dr Swaminathan's report highlighting fair prices of grains, Shivaji Maharaj memorial in Arabian Sea project, etc. All these were unanimously approved in the general body meeting of the village panchayat.)
"The village panchayat resolutions can be used as the referential evidence in the court. The 73rd amendment in the Indian constitution has given the independent rights to the local bodies," said Advocate Vishal Kadam, activist of the Maratha Kranti morcha. Advocate Kadam is studying all aspects of the Maratha reservation and collecting all sort of evidence to support the demand. "It builds the pressure on the government," he added. "Critically, last Sunday (October 3, 2016) the village panchayat of Lok-Khed Akot Taluka in Akola district passed the resolution of Maratha reservation, punishment to Kopardi accused when across castes – Dalit, Vanjari, Dhangar and Muslim community unanimously approved the resolution at the general body meeting. Teesta Setalvad spoke to Vishal Kadam in Pune on the surging anger within the Marathas and its roots.
Vishal Kadam
Jati Madhye Arthik Prashnachya Ladha —it is a struggle for economic rights within a wider caste struggle; yes, we are talking about caste, the Marathas but also for Maati, the Land (earth).
It is an insult (apman) to interpret this as a narrow caste struggle. On the issue of Atrocities Act too, the way the law exists, it is not even benefitting Dalits. All we are saying amend it slightly to prevent its misuse: make the offences bailable but ensure stringent procedures through the special courts. If the complainant who made out the complaint, and the witness, on the basis of which the atrocities case is filed, does not stand by his initial version, let there be punishment. We know there are atrocities against Dalits and do not want to repeal simply an amendment. The media, particularly large sections of the corporate-driven media are trivialising the issue; at the ground level the reporter knows what we are saying has merit.
Do you know the kind of discussions afoot within Maratha WhatsApp groups? Serious questions affecting the people are being debated in these groups. Real life concerns. There is no glamour or ‘powerful backing’ as is being insinuated. The debates and the agitations reflect a ground reality which is not visible in the media speculation. The superficial interpretation that, because, after years, Maharashtra does not have a Maratha chief minister, that grievance is at the root of these agitations across towns and cities is one such trivialisation.
It is critical to reflect what is behind the current Maratha agitation. There is a section of the powerful Maratha caste(s), from the NCP or even the BJP who are trying to appropriate the current agitation for their own narrow, political benefits. But the root of this agitation goes far beyond that. There is economic backwardness. There is no societal respect and in the fancy super speciality courses there is no admission for the Marathas.
There have been no answers from the political establishment to the real life questions raised by Marathas.
The ghastly rape at Kopardi was the trigger. Even today, the state is not taking the case seriously: statements of the parents have not been recorded, there is no seriousness visible. But this trigger has now set off debates and demands – long pending – on the economic and cultural marginalisation of the Marathas.
Farmer Suicides, Landless Labourers Wows
Two lakh farmer suicides have been from among the Maratha caste. Twenty per cent of the Marathas, all in Maharashtra are landless labourers. The inability to pay loans for children’s education, a daughter’s marriage cause humiliation and have led to suicides. If there is a sudden sickness or accident in the family, there is no surplus saving for treatment. It is this hopelessness that has led to the suicides
Shetkari Apaghat Vima Yojana 2014 has done more damage than good. Deviously, or at least inexplicably, the payment for ‘accident’ deaths under the scheme is 2 lakhs and for ‘suicide’ it’s only 1 lakh! There is therefore an incentive to show deaths as accident not suicide! The suicide happens, after consumption of poison (vish prashan) and the victim is taken to a private hospital: either deliberately or otherwise the death is regarded as ‘taking poison by mistake.’ This has caused a drastic reduction in deaths by suicide (a poltical issue for the government) and led to a greater ‘accidental’ deaths so that more money can be claimed!
Education Loans
The Super Speciality Institutions have both glamour, image and name, like the IIMs, IITs and these institutions are generally dominated by Brahmins or Marwaris – the moneyed classes who have huge resources. This is a crucial source of angst for Maratha youth: access to higher education. Is this possible without a quota when fees are so high, sometimes as much as Rs 2 lakhs a year.
(In the IITs and IIMs, there are reservations of 15, 7 and 27 per cent for the Schedules Castes, Scheduled Tribes and OBCs respectively. Marathas do not fall under any category. Fees for the general and OBCs category are Rs 76,000 on an average per semester and with two semesters a year, the fee is about Rs. 1.5 lakh.)
Ninety per cent of Marathas earn Rs 50 per day. Fifty-sixty per cent of Marathas are daily wage earners. How will they compete and access higher education. Marathas are your Sugarcane workers, workers who access MGNREGA, domestic workers, small holdings landowners, rickshaw pullers/drivers, thelewalas (small daily business workers on carts).
Video Courtesy: Maharashtra1 TV
Marathas Do Not Qualify for Below Poverty Line (BPL) Cards
Despite this economic situation, and despite the fact that 60 per cent of those actually under the poverty line are Marathas (and as I said earlier 50-60 per cent being daily wage earners earning Rs 50 a day) being a ‘forward backward caste’, not an OBC, Marathas are not entitled to being included in the yellow card BPL list. That is another concrete demand since 1997 that has not been met: for Marathas to be included in the yellow BPL card category. Though 60 per cent of those actually under the poverty line are Marathas we do not have access to this economic benefit.[1]
Rest of the Thirty Per Cent
Thirty per cent of Marathas have two, three acres of land, a shop, (typically this will be a stationary or kirana/grocery shop), one family member will be a teacher: the income for the whole family will be Rs 30,000 income. Though educated they have no special training or skills cannot be entrepreneurs, have no access to capital nor bank loans as they have nothing to mortgage. Hence for several family members there is no means of livelihood.
There are vasts numbers of Maratha youths who are educated but not employed hence non-marriageable.
Hence Marathas had made the demand that for applicants to the public services (MPSC and UPSC ), the age-limit should be increased over thirty years and this has recently, just, been accepted. This however is not an answer. Typically Marathas have a rationing agency, they are thekedars on the Pune, Mumbai, Nashik highway bit their economic condition is in a crisis.
The High Powered Marathas
Only 5-7% of the Marathas are or have reached the higher/upper middle class. Two to three per cent of these are in power or very close to political power. Suddenly even for this section, the government policies of the present government are found to be a running interference: there is undue government influence in the cooperative sugar factories sector. Even that section is therefore disgruntled.
Agitation Pushed Government on Maratha Quota
Till this agitation gained ground, the Maharashtra government (under the Bharatiya Janata Party-BJP) had not moved against the stay order disallowing quota/reservations for the Marathas. There is a huge churning, need for affirmative action. But there is also confusion: what should be the constitutional provision? Should this be from the OBCs, Other OBCS, should it follow an economic criteria? This is what we are busy working out right now under the leadership of persons like Justice B G Kolse Patil and P B Sawant. Ninety per cent of the momentum for this agitation comes from there.
Agrarian Distress
The issue of mininum support price for farmers, loans for farmers, making agriculture a productive act: this is at the core of the present agitation. The Annasaheb Patil Arthik Vikas Mahamandal established 10-15 years back was not given capital. Why? There is a deliberate attempt to undermine and not allow the economic status of Marathas to be uplifted.
Casteist Influences
There were attempts, by sections, dominated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and other political outfits to narrow the broader demands of the Maratha youth agitating by trying to pit us against Dalits, against others. But that has not been and will not be the focus. Our focus is economic rights within the paradigms of a caste system that has left us behind in many ways – economic and cultural. Divisive forces won’t succeed, we will not let them succeed. Our demands are within the spheres of education and economic development, agriculture and others. We wish to take others along and not pit ourselves against them.
(As told to Teesta Setalvad)
In its Tenth Five-Year Plan BPL for urban areas was based on degree of deprivation in respect of seven parameters: roof, floor, water, sanitation, education level, type of employment, and status of children in a house. A total of 125,000 upper families were identified as BPL in urban area in 2004. It has been implemented since then.
