The Global Cost Of India-Pak Nuclear War

September 29, 2016

If India and Pakistan fought a war detonating 100 nuclear warheads (around half of their combined arsenal), each equivalent to a 15-kiloton Hiroshima bomb, more than 21 million people will be directly killed, about half the world’s protective ozone layer would be destroyed, and a “nuclear winter” would cripple the monsoons and agriculture worldwide.

The Agni-V Missile in a dress rehearsal for the Republic Day Parade in January 2013. After a terrorist attack on an army garrison in the Kashmir town of Uri claimed the lives of 18 Indian soldiers, as the Indian Army considers armed options, and a member of Parliament of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party urges a nuclear attack, projections made by researchers from three US universities in 2007 are a reminder of the costs of nuclear war.

As the Indian Army considers armed options, and a member of Parliament (MP) of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) urges a nuclear attack and the Pakistan defence minister threatens to “annihilate” India in return, these projections, made by researchers from three US universities in 2007, are a reminder of the costs of nuclear war.

Visualisation by nucleardarkness.org based on study by researchers from Rutgers University, University of Colorado-Boulder and University of California, Los Angeles

BJP Rajya Sabha MP Subramanian Swamy said, on 23 September, 2016, that if 100 million Indians died in a Pakistani nuclear attack, India’s retaliation would wipe out Pakistan.

But the real costs would be higher and not just in India and Pakistan, where the first 21 million people–half the death toll of World War II–would perish within the first week from blast effects, burns and acute radiation, according to the 2007 study by researchers from Rutgers University, University of Colorado-Boulder and University of California, Los Angeles, all in the USA.

This death toll would be 2,221 times the number of civilians and security forces killed by terrorists in India over nine years to 2015, according to an IndiaSpend analysis of South Asia Terrorism Portal data.

Another two billion people worldwide would face risks of severe starvation due to the climatic effects of the nuclear-weapon use in the subcontinent, according to this 2013 assessment by the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, a global federation of physicians.

Pakistan has an estimated 110 to 130 nuclear warheads as of 2015–an increase from an estimated 90 to 110 warheads in 2011–according to this report from the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, a global disarmament advocacy. India is estimated to have 110 to 120 nuclear warheads.

Talk of war began after a terrorist attack on an army garrison in the Kashmir town of Uri claimed the lives of 18 Indian soldiers. The Indian Army said the attack was carried out by four terrorists from the Jaish-e-Mohammed (Army of Mohammed) group, based in Pakistan.

Pakistan’s defence minister Khawaja M Asif responded to threats from India by saying, “If Pakistan’s security is threatened, we will not hesitate in using tactical (nuclear) weapons.”

Pakistan’s nuclear weapons capability has previously deterred India from responding to previous attacks.

“At the end of the day, India has to ensure that the options it exercises–particularly the military ones–do not leave it worse off than before in terms of casualties and costs,” wrote analyst Manoj Joshi in The Wire.

It does not really matter if India has fewer nuclear weapons than Pakistan, IndiaSpend reported in April, 2015, primarily because of the doctrine of “mutually assured destruction”, or MAD, as it is commonly known (See this IndiaSpend report for more about India’s nuclear weapons program).

66% Pakistan’s nuclear weapons on ballistic missiles

As many as 66% Pakistani nuclear warheads are mounted on 86 land-based ballistic missiles, according to Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists data estimates.

Pakistan’s Hatf (named after the sword of Prophet Muhammad) series of ballistic missiles has been developed–and is still under development–keeping India in mind.

A major attack by Pakistan’s nuclear-tipped medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) would likely target India’s four major metropolitan cities–New Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru and Chennai (depending on where the missile is fired from), according to Sameer Patil, fellow, national security, ethnic conflict and terrorism at Gateway House, a think tank in Mumbai.

The MRBMs would also target “the major commands of the Indian Army”, Patil told IndiaSpend.

Nearly half (40) of Pakistan’s ballistic missile warheads could be mated to Ghauri (named after 12th-century Afghan king Shahbuddin Ghauri, also known as Muhammad of Ghauri) MRBMs. The missile has a claimed range of 1,300 km and can target Delhi, Jaipur, Ahmedabad, Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur, Bhopal and Lucknow, according to this 2006 report on Pakistan’s ballistic missile programme by the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru.

Pakistan has an estimated eight warheads which could be mated to the Shaheen (Falcon) II. This MRBM has a range of 2,500 km and can target most major Indian cities, including Kolkata on the east coast.

Source: Pakistani Nuclear Forces, 2015; Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

An estimated 16 warheads could be fired atop the short-range Ghaznavi (named after the 11th-century Afghan invader Mahmud Ghazni) ballistic missile. With a range of 270 km to 350 km, it can target Ludhiana, Ahmedabad and the outer perimeter of Delhi.

Pakistan has an estimated 16 nuclear-tipped Shaheen1 (falcon), short-range ballistic missiles (IRBM), having a 750 km range which can reach Ludhiana, Delhi, Jaipur and Ahmedabad.

Pakistan has an estimated six 60-km range Nasr missiles, which could be mated to nuclear weapons. These tactical nuclear missiles could target “advancing battle formations of the Indian Army”, according to Patil. These missiles could be what Asif referred to.

Pakistan also has eight nuclear-tipped 350-km Babur cruise missiles with nuclear warheads.

An estimated 36 nuclear warheads, accounting for 28% of Pakistan’s total, can be delivered using aircraft. US-made F-16 A/B aircraft can deliver 24 nuclear bombs while the French-made Mirage III/V can deliver 12.

India’s triad: Submarine, missile and aircraft

India has deployed 56 Prithvi (earth) and Agni (fire) series of surface-to-surface ballistic missiles, which carry 53% of India’s 106 estimated warheads, according to the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists.

This doesn’t take into account the estimated 12 warheads for the K-15 Sagarika submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), which India has possibly produced for the nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine INS Arihant.

Once commissioned, Arihant would give India a strategic nuclear triad and second strike capability, as this July 2015 IndiaSpend report notes.

“Given the smaller geographical size of Pakistan,” said Patil, India would likely target “Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Lahore and Karachi and the Pakistani Army Armed Corps headquarters at Nowshera”.

However, he cautioned: “The fallout of the nuclear attacks on Lahore and Karachi, for instance, would not just be restricted to the Pakistani territory, and depending on the wind directions, can affect both Indian and Afghan border territories.”

Source: Indian Nuclear Forces, 2015; Bulletin of Atomic Scientists

The 250 km-range Prithvi SRBM acts as a delivery system for 24 of India’s warheads. These are capable of hitting major Pakistani cities, such as Lahore, Sialkot, the capital Islamabad, and Rawalpindi, according to this May 2015 IndiaSpend analysis.

India has 20 nuclear-tipped Agni I SRBM and eight Agni II intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBMs), with ranges of 700 km and 2,000 km, respectively. These are capable of covering almost all Pakistani cities, including Lahore, Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Multan, Peshawar, Karachi, Quetta and Gwadar.

Agni III, IV and V, with their longer ranges, might be able to reach all of Pakistan, but it can be safely said that they are directed more towards China.

India also possesses an estimated two ship-launched 350-km range Dhanush SRBM, which could be fitted with nuclear warheads.

India’s aircraft can deliver an estimated 45% of 106 warheads. The Indian Air Force’s Jaguar fighter bombers can deliver about 16 nuclear warheads, while the French-built Mirage-2000 fleet can deliver 32.

(Sethi is a Mumbai-based freelance writer and defence analyst.)

Article was first published on India Spend

Get it Right: PM Modi Talked About ‘Purification’, Not ‘Empowerment’, of Muslims

September 29, 2016

And why did the Indian English & Hindi Media (except Telegraph and Tribune) conveniently change the word ‘parishkar’—that Modi used– which means ‘to purify’, to ‘empowerment’ & ‘sashaktikaran’?
He was also a leader of from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(RSS) who died a mysterious death

PM Modi is a senior seasoned swayamsevak of the RSS who describes himself as ‘a Hindu nationalist’ and, moreover, misses no opportunity to denigrate the minorities of India especially Muslims.

The latest such attempt was, when on September 25, 2016 while addressing a national level BJP conclave at Kozhikode, Kerala he did not forget to share his belief with his captive audience about Muslims being the ‘other’ or ‘different from ‘us’ borrowing directly from ideas buried deep with the archival reserves of the RSS.

For him Muslims were not like any other citizen of India but a problem and to put across his message with more clarity he quoted a senior ideologue of the RSS, Deendayal Upadhyaya (1916-1968).[i]

According to Modi:
“Fifty years ago, Pandit Upadhyaya said 'do not reward/appease (puraskrit) Muslims, do not shun (tiraskrit) them but purify (parishkar) them'. Do not treat Muslims like vote ki mandi ka maal (vote banks) or ghrina ki vastu (object of hatred). Unhe apna samjho (regard them as your own)"[ii]

This statement of Modi was widely reported by media.

But the most shocking aspect of this reportage was, how, that one Hindi word ‘parishkar’ which means ‘to purify’ was conveniently changed to ‘empowerment’ by India’s English media and ‘sashaktikaran’ by the Hindi media.

Even media houses which are, by and large, regarded as objective did it[iii]and same was with the print media[iv] except a few exceptions like The Tribune and The Telegraph.

Critically, in none of the Hindi/Sanskrit to English dictionaries is the word ‘parishkar’ translated as ‘empowerment’.

Why large sections of the media indulged in this creative mis-representation – in, actually, completely changing the meaning of a word actually spoken by the prime minister, Modi, is not difficult to explain. The media, within India, has set itself a unique project : present Modi as a great democrat despite his overt leanings towards a theocratic authoritanisam (Hindutva and anti-democratic).

What was the context within which Modi chose these words of wisdom specifically about Indian Muslims?

India’s defences are being breached by terrorists from Pakistan (Pathankot and Uri) in which dozens of brave India soldiers have laid down their lives, different parts of the country like Gujarat, Haryana and Maharashtra are witnessing Caste-wars; conflicts over water have caused unrest and violence in Karnataka and Tamilnadu. The Muslim minority and Dalits across the country are facing unparalleled persecution by viggilante groups that owe ideological affinity with the RSS; arguably, heinous crimes against women have been on a sharp increase, unemployment and rise in prices are at an all time high (if you look at the past five year index). In the midst of all of this, the prime minister Modi, instead of speaking on these critical issues chose the occasion of his party’s national executive, to speak about ‘Muslims’.

In quoting Deendayal Updhyaya, he made his view and that of his government on India’s largest minority, clear. Interestingly, Deendayal was not against minorities –esspecially Muslims and Christians– only. As a zealot of Hindutva (and wedded to the ideal of a Hindu theocratic nation), and ideologue he believed in the Caste System and Structure; espoused the centralization of powers and defended the non-participation of the Hindutva rightwing in anti-British freedom struggle. He propounded the theory of ‘Cultural nationalism’ which is nothing but Hindu nationalism, a crucial programmatic aspect of the Hindutva ideology.

Muslims as a ‘complex problem’
It is to be remembered that Deendayal throughout his life treated Muslims not as equal citizens and part of Indian polity but as a ‘complex problem’. According to him,
“after independence many important problems had to be faced by the government, the political parties and the people…But the Muslim problem is the oldest, the most complicated and it assumes ever-new forms. This problem has been facing us for the last twelve hundred years.”[v]
This hatred for Indian Muslims was, in fact, a continuation of Hindutva brigade’s inimical attitude towards Islam and Muslims. The most prominent ideologue of the RSS, MS Golwalkar who personally groomed Deendayal as a politician had earlier described Muslims as ‘Internal Threat No. 1’. Christians were declared to be ‘Internal Threat No. 2’.[vi]According to him these two communities could not be described as minorities.

Defence of Casteism
Deendayal was a votary of Casteism describing it as not only natural but also practical. He went to the extent of equating it with swadharma (one’s own religion). In fact, he declared inequality to be natural to human society, thus treating Casteism also as a natural institution. Defending Casteism he said:
“Even though slogans of equality are raised in the modern world, the concept of equality has to be accepted with discretion. Our actual experience is that from the practical and material point of view, no two men are alike… Considerable bitterness could be avoided if the idea of equality as conceived by Hindu thinkers is studied more carefully. The first and basic premise is that even if men have different qualities and different kinds of duties allotted to them according to their qualities or aptitudes, all duties are equally dignified. This is called swadharma, and there is an unequivocal assurance that to follow swadharma is itself equivalent to the worship of God. So, in any duties performed to fulfill swadharma, the question of high and low, dignified and undignified does not arise at all. If the duty is done without selfishness, no blame attaches itself to the doer.”[vii]

Questioning the Freedom Struggle
Deendayal joined RSS when he was 26 years old and India was facing one of the most brutal repressions unleashed by the British rulers. Like any other leader or cadre of the RSS, Deendayal too did not participate in the freedom struggle for the obvious reason that it was a united struggle of people of all religions for a democratic-secular India and not an exclusive Hindu project. He denigrated the glorious freedom struggle in the following words:
“we were obsessed by the misleading notion that freedom consisted merely in overthrowing foreign rule. Opposition to a foreign government does not necessarily imply genuine love of Motherland…During the struggle for independence great emphasis was laid on the opposition to British rule…It came to be believed that whoever opposed the British was a patriot. A regular campaign was launched in those days to create utter dissatisfaction against the British by holding them responsible for every problem and misery which the people in our country had to face.”[viii]

Only Hindus Form the Nation
Deendayal did not subscribe to the idea of Indian nationalism and stood for Hindu nationalism. He refused to accept Muslims and Christians as co-nationalists despite residing in India for hundreds of years. According to him only Hindus could be the flag-bearers of Indian nationalism as only they worshipped the Motherland. For them Motherland was like the goddess Durga wielding ten weapons. Hindus formed a stable nation as only they had common view of life. For him,
“Hindutva alone is the basis of nationalism in Bharat […] It is altogether wrong for the Hindus to prove their nationhood by European standards. It has been accepted as axiomatic for thousands of years.”[ix]

Harmful Federalism
Deendayal like KB Hedgewar, founder of RSS and Golwalkar loved centralization of power and hated federalism as an integral part of Indian Constitution. According to him,
“ethos of Bharat is such that a Unitary form of government would fit in and that in the very first article of the Constitution, a clear statement that ‘Bharat shall be a Unitary State’ was essential.”[x]

Mysterious Death of Deendayal Upadhyaya
On February 1, 1968, the dead body of Deendayal was found under mysterious circumstances at Mughalsarai railway station in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Late Balraj Madhok,
a senior RSS/Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS) leader who preceded Deendayal as president of Bhartiya JanaSangh, levelled serious allegations against a few of his old colleagues of RSS/Jana Sangh for conspiring to kill Deendayal. In his autobiography he had stated:

“He was killed by a hired assassin. But conspirators who sponsored this killing were
those self-seekers and leaders with criminal bent of mind of Sangh-Jan Sangh”[i]

He went on to the extent of pointing fingers towards former Indian PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee and late Nana Deshmukh, a senior RSS ideologue, as the main conspirators in the murder of Deendayal.

According to the autobiography, the murder of Deendayal was not undertaken by Communists or some robber but planned by those who were kept out of the leading positions of the BJS by Deendayal as president. It is to be noted here that Deendayal after taking over as president of BJS fromBalraj Madhok in December 1967, had kept out both Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Nana Deshmukh from important posts.

According to Madhok, Deendayal was murdered because,
“he was constantly ensuring that ill-reputed people should get no career advancement in BJS, so that the reputation of the organization is not tarnished. For this reason, some characterless selfish people were finding him a stumbling blockin their path of self-seekingfulfillment.”[i]

It is really unfortunate that present RSS/BJP regime in India led by prime minister Modi, instead of strengthening Indian democratic-secular polity are busy resurrecting Hindutva ghosts and ideologues from the past which have been inimical to a composite and egalitarian polity.

Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya’s Hindutva politics needs to be confined to the dustbin of the past.

[1]Deendayal Upadhyaya hailed from a Brahmin family of Mathura district in UP, came in contact with RSS in 1937, became swayamsevak in 1942 was a loyal follower of Golwalkar who became its Sarsanghchalak in 1940. Deendayalas a whole timer of the organization figured prominently in the RSS hierarchy and held crucial posts. He was editor of RSS Hindi organs like Panchajanya and Swadesh, and his services were lent to Bhartiya Jana Sangh, the political outfit created by RSS. He rose to be the presidency (December 1967) of it but died on 1 February 1968, under mysterious circumstances at Mughalsarai railway station in eastern Uttar Pradesh.¹²²

[1]The Telegraph, Calcutta, September 26, 2016.
[1]http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pm-narendra-modi-addresses-bjp-conclave-in-kozhikode-highlights-1466220

[1] http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/muslims-vote-bank-modi-bjp-pandit-deendayal-upadhyaya/
[1] BN Jog, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya: Ideology & Perception-Politics for Nation’s Sake, vol. vi, Suruchi Prakashan, Delhi, 73.
[1] MS Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts (chapter xvi), SS Prakashana, Bangalore, 177-195.
[1] C. P. Bhishikar, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya: Ideology and Perception: Concept of the Rashtra,vol. v, Suruchi, Delhi, 169.
[1] Ibid., 11.
[1]Ibid., 27.
[1] Ibid., 179.

Muslim Paralysis: Trapped Between Out-of-date Ulema and Literalist Islamists

September 29, 2016

The greatest need of the ‘Muslim world’ today is the reconstruction of Islamic thought so that Muslims can appropriately relate to contemporary socio-political demands.

Photo credit: AFP

Among the gravest threats facing humankind today is extremism resulting from erroneous interpretations of religious teachings. Almost every religion has some teachings or the other that if not understood and practiced in the right manner can have disastrous effects, at both the individual as well as collective level. For instance, many religions underscore the need to protect society from anti-social elements, call for eradicating injustice, advocate establishing justice, and sanction self-defence in exceptional circumstances.

All of these things are part of our basic human duties. But if ignorance and immorality leads some people to develop distorted and deviant perspectives about these issues, it can easily lead to violent conflict in society. If this happens, religious teachings that were meant for promoting goodness and human welfare come to be used as a means to foment violence and destruction.

In this regard, Islam is faced with a particular predicament—of being viewed through a distorted lens by both those who claim to follow it as well as others. That it is misunderstood by others is not as surprising as the fact that it is misunderstood by many of those who claim to be its adherents, who are themselves destroying the religious and cultural bases of the tradition that they say they follow. These people are projecting their own religious teachings as a grave threat to the world.

The source of this distorted understanding of Islam is the intellectual crisis that Muslims have fallen prey to over the last three or four centuries. Several factors are responsible for this crisis, and unless these are properly understood, no meaningful efforts can be made to help Muslims come out of the morass in which they find themselves and to turn Muslim thought back in the right direction.

In part, the intellectual crisis of present-day Muslims can be traced to the suppression of the movement of Islamic rationalism by the traditionalist, orthodox Ulema in the early centuries of Islam. In the conflict between reason (Aql) and text (Nass), the suppression of reason played a major role in the ensuing intellectual stagnation of Muslims.

In part, the intellectual crisis of present-day Muslims can be traced to the suppression of the movement of Islamic rationalism by the traditionalist, orthodox Ulema in the early centuries of Islam. In the conflict between reason (Aql) and text (Nass), the suppression of reason played a major role in the ensuing intellectual stagnation of Muslims.

A second factor for this intellectual crisis of Muslims was the supposed closing of the ‘doors’ of Ijtihad’, creative reflection on and application of Islamic teachings in new contexts, in the 4th century AH following the establishment of the various schools of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). Who closed these ‘doors’ and when is a separate issue, but the fact is that, for all practical purposes, meaningful Ijtihad did come an end and its ‘doors’ remain closed till this very day.

A third factor for the present-day intellectual crisis of Muslims is the inability of Muslim leaders to understand the social political challenges that have emerged as a result of various socio-cultural processes. This, and a desperate clinging to the past, meant that Muslims were unable to relate intellectually with the present. Related to this is the fact that in seeking to preserve their intellectual heritage in the face of modernity, they uncritically continued to hold fast on to even those aspects of that heritage that were not a part of Islam as such, but, rather, reflected the influence of particular historical and socio-cultural contexts in which that heritage emerged.
Because of all of these inter-related factors, Muslim thought has strayed far off from the straight path.

The greatest need of the ‘Muslim world’ today is the reconstruction of Islamic thought so that Muslims can appropriately relate to contemporary socio-political demands. The poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1938) attempted to do precisely this through his monumental work, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930), but the book failed to have any noticeable impact on the traditional ulema class, even though they counted themselves among Iqbal’s greatest admirers. While they were all praise for his poetry, they rebutted this serious academic work of his that raised many questions about traditional Muslim religious thought.

With regard to the renewal and reconstruction of Islamic thought, one dimension that needs particular attention is Muslim political theory. This urgently needs to be re-looked at. Aspects of this political theory that have now become irrelevant, and, more than this, have turned into a threat to the world of today, must be completely renounced so that the younger generation of Muslims can be protected from falling prey to deviant thinking and thus going astray.

Controversial and completely un-Islamic notions such as the global political hegemony of Islam, offensive jihad, considering other people’s lack of faith in Islam as a sufficient cause to wage war against them, and regarding war, not peace, to be the basis of relations with people of other faiths regrettably remain deeply entrenched in some Muslim quarters despite the fact that they can in no way be proven from the Quran and the practice of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).

These notions fuel conflictual relations with people of other faiths. Islamic scholars must clarify that these notions have actually no Islamic legitimacy at all, contrary to what radical extremists claim. The enormous confusion in Islamic circles about these issues has resulted, on the one hand, in great misunderstandings about Islam among non-Muslims, and, on the other hand, has facilitated the emergence and rapid spread of extremism and radicalism among a section of Muslims.

The major share of the blame for the enormous misunderstandings about Islam that abound today, particularly with regard to the issues mentioned above, lies with the traditionalist Ulema, and, more than them, the Islamists or votaries of a politics-centric interpretation of Islam, who dream of imposing and enforcing their particular interpretation or version of the Shariah and establishing global what they regard as Islamic political dominance—or, in other words, their own rule.

The traditionalist ulema are mired in stagnation, while the Islamists are a victim of literalism. These two classes seek to establish the political theology that emerged in the Middle Ages, when Muslims enjoyed political dominance in large parts of the world, word for word, without making any changes in it. The only difference between the two is that the former gives stress to ‘patience’ and ‘waiting’ as a means to realise its dream of establishing this political ideology, while the latter is driven by a frenzied zeal to revive the past political glory of Muslims at any cost and without any delay. Because of this, the image of Islam is being terribly stained and in such a way as has never happened before. All across the world, there is a rapid escalation of hate for Muslims, and, moreover, Muslims themselves are killing each other.

While much has been written on various other aspects of Muslim jurisprudence, very little work has been done on an issue of immense contemporary import—Islamic political jurisprudence. Because this issue has not received the attention that it deserves, there is a huge vacuum in Islamic political theology, which is being taken advantage of by radical Islamists, who falsely claim to speak for Islam.

In this regard, it is truly lamentable that the mindset of traditional ulema is such that they are not interested in taking up the task of addressing this vacuum, although this work of rethinking Islamic political theory is something that they would be more effective in doing because of the great influence that they have on general Muslim thinking. On the other hand, there are relatively few modernist Islamic scholars who can combine both traditional wisdom and modern perspectives and fill this enormous gap. One hopes that this issue will receive the attention that it so sorely deserves.

Today’s world is a closely interlinked ‘global village’. A saying of the Prophet Muhammad: “All God’s creatures are His family’’ reflects this reality, and we all, Muslims and everyone else, have to learn to live together in harmony, like members of one large, well-knit family. It is for each one of us to try to unite this family, through love, not to divide it, through hate. There is a very urgent need today for interfaith dialogue on a vast scale in order to promote mutual understanding, which is simply indispensable for peaceful coexistence at every level.

In this way, the external nearness between religious communities across the world that has come about through new communications technologies can evolve into an authentic, inner nearness. Today, this is the most urgent task for those who have true love for Islam to undertake and another major responsibility for Islamic scholars, besides other Muslims.

A graduate of the Dar ul-Ulum Deoband, Waris Mazhari did a PhD from the Department of Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, where he is currently teaching.

Jang Group’s Abid Abdullah Kidnapped in Peshawar

September 29, 2016

Early Morning of September 29, at about 3 a.m., Abid Abdullah, Director Coordination of the Jang Group, was seized and taken away by unidentified armed men from the Industrial Estate area near Hayatabad in the wee hours of Wednesday. Senior Pakistani journalists have also said that the abductors also threatened to do the same with Hamid Mir, Shah Zeb Khanzada and Najam Sethi, senior and independent journalists of Pakistan.

Sabrangindia appeals to journalists from all over South Asia to issue strong statements in solidarity with the abducted journalist and with compatriots in Pakistan who work independently, at great physical peril.

Reportedly, Abid Abdullah, along with his driver Zafar Hussain, left the Jang printing press in the Industrial Estate area at around 3:15am when armed men intercepted their car near the Umar Glass Factory. He had arrived only a day ago from Lahore in connection with office duties and was staying at the lone five-star hotel in the city.

“We were on our way back to the hotel after finishing work in the printing press when six to eight armed men seated in two vehicles intercepted us near the Umar Glass Factory. Three of them boarded our car, telling us that they know Abid Abdullah well,” the driver told the police in his written application in Urdu.

“The armed men told us they are going with us to the hotel to have a cup of tea,” Zafar Hussain recalled. “They became angry when Abid Abdullah told them he was ready to pay them any amount of money as if they were kidnapping him for ransom. They told him that they don’t work for money and soon more people of his (Jang) Group will be their guests,” the driver said in his complaint to the police.He added that when they reached near the hotel via the University Road, the armed men told him to drive straight towards the GT Road.

Zafar Hussain, who belongs to Lahore, said near the Government Higher Secondary School Number 1, the armed men ordered him to park the car and stay inside with head down for half an hour. “I was warned that their men would fire at me if I looked ahead, behind or around. Meanwhile, they took Abid Abdullah away and drove towards an unknown direction. They also took away my and Abid Abdullah’s mobile phones,” he recalled.

He said he waited in the car for about 15 minutes and was in fear. Later, he said he drove the car to the Hayatabad industrial estate again to reach the Jang printing press.Senior police officials said they are investigating the case.

Inspector General of Police, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Nasir Khan Durrani, told The News (Pakistan) that all his officers were on the job and other law-enforcement agencies had also been informed and were working on the case to locate and recover Abid Abdullah.

शंकर गुहा नियोगी : नई आर्थिक नीतियों का पहला शहीद

September 28, 2016

ठीक पच्चीस वर्ष पूर्व 28 सितंबर, 1991 को छत्तीसगढ़ के मशहूर मजदूर नेता शंकर गुहा नियोगी को दुर्ग स्थित उनके अस्थायी निवास पर तड़के चार बजे के करीब खिड़की से निशाना बनाकर गोली मारी गई थी। देर रात वह रायपुर से लौटे थे। महज 48 वर्ष के नियोगी सिर्फ एक ट्रेड यूनियन नेता भर नहीं थे, बल्कि एक चिंतक और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता भी थे। उनकी लड़ाई चौतरफा थी। एक ओर शराब से लेकर लोहे के धंधे से जुड़े बड़े उद्योगपतियों से वह आर्थिक समानता और श्रम की वाजिब कीमत की लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे, तो दूसरी ओर विचारधारा के स्तर पर मुख्यधारा के राजनीतिक दलों से। एक अन्य स्तर पर वह सामाजिक बुराइयों, जातिवाद और नशाखोरी से भी लड़ रहे थे। यह विडंबना ही है कि जब देश आर्थिक उदारीकरण की रजत जयंती मना रहा है, नियोगी की पच्चीसवीं बरसी है! क्या वह नई आर्थिक नीति के पहले शहीद थे?

नियोगी जानते थे कि उनकी लड़ाई बहुत ताकतवर लोगों से है, इसके बावजूद उस रात भी वह निहत्थे थे। जो लोग उन्हें मारना चाहते थे, वह भी जानते थे कि रात के अंधेरे में ही उन पर कायराना हमला कर गोली चलाई जा सकती है। उनकी लड़ाई बेहद खुली थी, किसी से छिपी नहीं थी। संभवतः 1970 के दशक की शुरुआत में नियोगी जलपाईगुड़ी से छत्तीसगढ़ पहुंचे थे। यह नक्सलबाड़ी के हिंसक आंदोलन के आसपास की बात है। शुरुआत में उन्होंने संभवतः भिलाई इस्पात संयंत्र में अस्थायी नौकरी भी की थी। लेकिन बाद में उन्होंने छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा बनाकर एक बड़ा मजदूर आंदोलन खड़ा कर दिया। आपातकाल के दौरान वह जेल में भी रहे।

दल्ली राजहरा माइंस को अपनी कर्मभूमि बनाने वाले नियोगी ने लोहे की खदान में मजदूर के रूप में काम भी किया। छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा के रूप में उन्होंने एक बड़ा श्रमिक संगठन बनाया। वह छत्तीसगढ़ की जमीनी हकीकत से वाकिफ थे, लिहाजा एक ओर तो वह औद्योगिक और खदान मजदूरों की लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे, तो दूसरी ओर उद्योगों और खदानों के कारण अपनी जमीन से बेदखल हो रहे किसानों के संघर्ष में साथ थे। छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा आदिवासियों, किसानों और मजदूरों का संगठन था। जिन लोगों ने नियोगी की मजदूर रैलियां देखी हैं, उन्हें याद होगा कि उनके आंदोलन में महिलाओं की भी बराबर की भागीदारी होती थी। उनके आंदोलन का दर्शन इस एक नारे में समझा जा सकता है, 'कमाने वाला खाएगा' यानी खेत में या उद्योगों में जो काम कर रहा है, हक उसी का है।

नियोगी थे तो कम्युनिस्ट और उनके आंदोलन के दौरान गोलीकांड भी हुए, लेकिन उन्होंने एक साक्षात्कार में स्वीकार किया था कि गांधीवादी रास्ता ही विकल्प है। उन्होंने छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा को श्रमिक संगठन के साथ ही एक सामाजिक आंदोलन में भी बदलने का प्रयास किया। जिसमें नशाबंदी को लेकर चलाई गई उनकी मुहिम का असर भी देखा गया।

नियोगी ने खुद कभी चुनाव नहीं लड़ा, लेकिन छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा को राजनीतिक तौर पर खड़ा करने की कोशिश की। हालांकि छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा सिर्फ दो बार ही अपना एक विधायक विधानसभा तक पहुंचा सका। 1989 के लोकसभा चुनाव में छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा ने छत्तीसगढ़ के जाने माने कवि हरि ठाकुर को राजनांदगांव से उम्मीदवार बनाया था। उनके नामांकन दाखिल करने के समय नियोगी भी जिला कार्यालय में मौजूद थे। मैंने और मेरे दिवंगत चचेरे भाई और मित्र अक्षय ने नियोगी से पूछा था, दादा आप चुनाव नहीं लड़ते? नियोगी का जवाब था, नहीं रे बाबा, बड़े लोगों का काम है। पता नहीं वह खुद क्यों चुनाव नहीं लड़ना चाहते थे। बहुत संभव है कि यदि वे छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा को एक राजनीतिक दल में बदल पाते और खुद भी चुनावी राजनीति में आते तो शायद स्थिति कुछ और होती। राज्य सत्ता और उद्योगपतियों के लिए चुनौती बन गए नियोगी की लोकप्रियता को कोई खारिज नहीं कर सकता था।

उनसे हुई कुछ गिनी चुनी मुलाकातों में एक बार नियोगी ने अक्षय और मुझसे से कहा था, तुम लोगों को आंदोलन से जुड़ना चाहिए।

उनसे आखिरी मुलाकात 28 सितंबर, 1991 को हुई थी, जब वह दुनिया को छोड़ चुके थे। उस रात मैं अक्षय के साथ ही उसके घर पर था। तड़के लैंडलाइन पर छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा के राजनांदगांव के नेता प्रेमनारायण बाबू का फोन आया, बोले, नियोगी ला मार दिस ( नियोगी को मार दिया)! डेढ़ घंटे के भीतर ही हम तीनों दुर्ग के उनके निवास पर थे, तब तक वहां काफी लोग जमा हो चुके थे। उन दिनों अक्षय कृषक युग नामक टेबलायट अखबार निकालते थे, जिसे मेरे चाचा विद्याभूषण ठाकुर ने शुरू किया था। हमने खबर लिखी… नियोगी को मार डाला…।

दल्ली राजहरा में उनकी अंतिम यात्रा में हजारों का हुजूम था। चारों और नारे लग रहे थे, लाल हरा झंडा जिंदाबाद, नियोगी भैया जिंदाबाद…मैंने आज तक कोई इतनी विशाल अंतिम यात्रा नहीं देखी है..
कॉमरेड नियोगी लाल जोहार….

(सुदीप ठाकुर के फेसबुक वाल से)

As #SaveBHU trends on Twitter; Government Belongs to RSS, says VC Girish Tripathi

September 28, 2016

If there was any doubt at all, the Vice Chancellor (VC) of the Banaras Hindu University(BHU) Girish Tripathi has set them to rest

The Financial Express reports that after the series of controversies around the Banaras Hindu University –reported extensively by Sabrangindia over the past months the Vice Chancellor has unashamedly made this claim. BHU joined over a dozen premier institutions being targeted by the Modi Regime’s Ministry of Human Resources Development (MHRD) even as #SaveBHUfromRSS started trending on social media.

BHU VC Girish Tripathi has the ignominious record of summarily and illegally expelling Sandeep Pandey, winner of the Ramon Magsaysay award and renowned social activist. When objections surfaced as to his use of the university as an RSS unit, he openly said that there was nothing wrong in establishing an RSS shakha in BHU, since the Indian government itself belonged to the RSS.”Girls who study at night are immoral”, is one of the infamous statements of the Banaras Hindu University VC Girish Tripathi

The university that houses about 40,000 students making it one of the largest residential campuses in India, is facing accusations of rampant sexism by its students. reports suggest that with the appointment of Girish Chandra Tripathi as the Vice Chancellor, the democratic representation of students, teachers and another staff has taken a back seat. Tripathi has been accused of openly endorsing the RSS ideology. Happenings at the bHU have received surprisingly lukewarm coverage in the ‘national’ (read commercial media) raising queries and eyebrows related to whether this soft glove treatment is on account of this university being in prime minister Narendra Modi’s constituency.

Sabrangindia has reported how the college administration has banned the use of mobile phones by girls after 10pm at night. As ridiculous as this may sound, the VC topped it with banning girls to study after 10 pm. His reason for such a rule was that girls who study at night are immoral. This has resulted in the 24×7 library being shut down for girl students at night. the prospectus of the BHU states that bus service can be availed by all the students of the university. Although, it has come to light that the female students have been banned from using it. Female students are also being made to sign affidavits stating that they would not participate or indulge in any protest or agitation. There is also pressure on the guardians and parents of the schools. This is a direct choking off the fundamental rights of an Indian citizen. Female students are also banned for any sort of participation in socio-cultural activities outside the campus.

This discrimination on the basis of gender also exists in the hostels as women are not allowed to consume meat as compared to their male counterparts. VC Girish Tripathi believes that the consumption of non-vegetarian food makes women “impure” in accordance with the Malviya rules. While male students have no curfew time, women have been asked to come back to the campus as early as 8 pm. women wearing short dresses and skirts are reported to have been reprimanded by the administration.

Protests cannot legally be organised by women as they were made to sign a lawful affidavit stating otherwise by the university administration. VC Tripathi has also been seen moral policing around the campus saying that it is aginst Indian culture for boys and girls to hang out together!. The university has repeatedly warned the students that nay such acts would lead to a “category-A punishment”, which can be safely assumed to be a suspension.

A few months ago, the university administration had denied the students’ demand for a cyber library stating the students ‘would’ use it to tune into pornography. The university, it seems remains ignorant about simple security software enabling them to ban porn sites. Although, under current circumstances, if the software is made available, the administration might us it to ban a lot more than just porn. The university administration solely consists of upper cast members of the Hindu community.

Students, though have been reported to have joined hands to form a joint action committee to stop the slow decay of saffronisation from spreading over the university. The committee is to spread information about the wrongs happening inside the walls of BHU to the world.

Tags like #SaveBHUfromRSS and #StopCampusSexism were seen trending on social media with many prominent personalities all over the country were seen criticising the university for its enforcement of draconian traditions.
The BJP led Indian government has often been criticised for its age old views based on the Hindu books of mythology. While the Narendra Modi government has actively avoided any such controversies, it is high time that they step in to understand these issues and stop such rampant violations of fundamental rights of students.

मुस्लिमों पर मोदी के बयान के मायने

September 28, 2016

जब मोदी दीनदयाल उपाध्याय के लेख का हवाला देकर उन्हें अपनाने और परिस्कृत करने की अपील करते हैं तो इसके कुछ खास मायने निकलते हैं। इन्हें समझना बेहद जरूरी है।

पीएम नरेंद्र मोदी ने भाजपा के कोझिकोड सम्मेलन में जब भारतीय जनसंघ के अध्यक्ष रहे दीनदयाल के लेख का हवाला देकर मुसलमानों को अपनाने और उनके परिष्कार की अपील की तो यह समझना जरूरी है कि संघ और भाजपा के इस विचार पुरुष के इस मत के मायने क्या थे। दीनदयाल के जिस विचार का मोदी ने हवाला दिया है उसका सीधा मतलब यह निकलता है कि मुस्लिमों को हिंदू बनाओ। पाकिस्तान को खत्म कर दो और एक अखंड हिंदू भारत की स्थापना में लग जाओ।

दीनदयाल के लिए हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद ही भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद है। भारतीय संस्कृति का मतलब सिर्फ हिंदू संस्कृति है। मुस्लिम या तो हिंदू बन जाएं या भारत छोड़ दें।

उन मीडिया घरानों को शर्म आनी चाहिए जिन्होंने मोदी के इस बयान की तह में जाने की बजाय तथ्यों तोड़-मरोड़ कर बनाई गई सुर्खियां पेश की। उन्होंने यह प्रचार करना शुरू कर दिया कि मुस्लिमों को अपनाने की अपील कर मोदी ने यह दिखा दिया कि बीजेपी एक राष्ट्रीय पार्टी के रूप में तेजी से परिपक्व होती जा रही है।

“अखंड भारत के मार्ग में सबसे बड़ी बाधा मुसलिम संप्रदाय की पृथकतावादी एवं अराष्ट्रीय मनोवृत्ति रही है। पाकिस्तान की सृष्टि उस मनोवृत्ति की विजय है। अखंड भारत के संबंध में शंकाशील यह मानकर चलते हैं कि मुसलमान अपनी नीति में परिवर्तन नहीं करेगा। यदि उनकी धारणा सत्य है तो फिर भारत में चार करोड़ मुसलमानों को बनाए रखना राष्ट्रहित के लिए बड़ा संकट होगा। क्या कोई कांग्रेसी यह कहेगा कि मुसलमानों को भारत से खदेड़ दिया जाए? यदि नहीं तो उन्हें भारतीय जीवन के साथ समरस करना होगा। यदि भौगोलिक दृष्टि से खंडित भारत में यह अनुभूति संभव है तो शेष भू-भाग को मिलते देर नहीं लगेगी।…

“किंतु मुसलमानों को भारतीय बनाने के अलावा हमें अपनी तीस साल पुरानी नीति बदलनी पड़ेगी। कांग्रेस ने हिंदू मुसलिम एक्य के प्रयत्न गलत आधार पर किए।…

“यदि हम एकता चाहते हैं तो भारतीय राष्ट्रीयता जो हिंदू राष्ट्रीयता है तथा भारतीय संस्कृति जो हिंदू संस्कृति है उसका दर्शन करें।.. – – दीनदयाल उपाध्याय
(पांचजन्य, अगस्त 24, 1953)

दादरी केस: पुलिस ने कहा,अखलाक के परिवार द्वारा गौहत्या करने का अभी तक नहीं मिला कोई ठोस सबूत

September 28, 2016

पुलिस ने मंगलवार को कहा कि उन्हें अभी तक मोहम्मद अखलाक के परिवार द्वारा गोकशी करने का कोई प्रामाणिक सबूत नहीं मिला है। पुलिस ने क्लोजर रिपोर्ट जल्द दाखिल किये जाने के दावों को खारिज कर दिया।

Image: Indian Express

दादरी के क्षेत्राधिकारी अनुराग सिंह ने कहा, ‘‘मैं तबादले में था और आज मैंने आगरा में ज्वॉइन किया है। मैंने मीडिया को बताया था कि अभी तक अखलाक के भाई द्वारा गोकशी का कोई प्रामाणिक सबूत नहीं है, इसलिए हम अभी उन्हें गिरफ्तार नहीं कर सकते। क्लोजर रिपोर्ट दाखिल करने के संबंध में मैंने केवल इतना कहा था कि अगर हमें कोई सबूत नहीं मिलता तो यह अंतिम कदम उठाना होगा।’

भाषा की खबर के अनुसार,उन्होंने कहा, ‘‘अंतिम क्षण तक जांच जारी रहेगी और जब हमें कोई सबूत मिलेगा तो हम आरोपियों को गिरफ्तार करेंगे। इस मामले में जांच चल रही है और हमने क्लोजर रिपोर्ट की कोई योजना नहीं बनाई है। अब एक नये अधिकारी मामले में फैसला करेंगे।’

पुलिस द्वारा क्लोजर रिपोर्ट जमा करने की योजना की खबरों से बिसाहड़ा गांव में तनाव पसर गया था जहां अखलाक को इसलिए भीड़ ने मार दिया था क्योंकि उसके परिवार द्वारा गोमांस खाने की अफवाह उड़ गयी थी। एक आरोपी के पिता और भाजपा नेता संजय राणा ने आरोप लगाया था कि पुलिस मामले को बंद करने की जल्दबाजी में है।

Courtesy: Janta ka Reporter

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