Gujarat: The Azadi Kooch March and Land Reform

August 9, 2016

Dalits taking a pledge to end the caste-based practice of disposing dead cattle in Dholka block, Ahmedabad district, Gujarat. Image Courtesy: Jignesh Mevani

A historic movement of Dalits is unfolding in the State of Gujarat in India. This movement, led by young Dalit leaders like Jignesh Mevani, emerged after the incident at Una in Gir Somnath district, where seven Dalit men were assaulted with iron rods for allegedly skinning a dead cow. These men suffered serious injuries, and four of them were further humiliated by parading them in the town.

The Una incident initiated a state-wide protest movement of Dalits. A long march – the Azadi Kooch March – is being planned by the movement in August 2016 from Ahmedabad to Una. A marked feature of this movement is also the wide-ranging nature of its demands. Justice to the victims of Una is one of the demands, of course, but the movement has also demanded the urgent implementation of land reforms. Speaking to SabrangIndia and Newsclick, Mevani said:

In Gujarat, the Gujarat Land Ceilings Act and the Government’s agricultural policy have provisions to apportion 5 acres each of land to Gujarat’s Dalit families. This must be done. Immediately. Brooking no further delay. A government that can grant land, virtually free or gratis to the Adanis, Ambanis, and Essar can surely grant land to Gujarat’s Dalits? This is a social revolution for Dalit’s economic upliftment.

Mevani also said: “We appeal to all Indians, democratic and secular, be they Gandhian, Communist, feminists, or from non-governmental organizations, to join this movement for upliftment and emancipation.”

In this context, it is useful to examine how successive Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) governments in Gujarat have weakened land reform laws and gifted away thousands of acres of surplus and waste land, to be redistributed to the landless, including Dalits, to private firms close to the ruling class. A more detailed analysis is in a paper I wrote for ‘The Marxist’ in 2014, but here are some salient points from the article.

Until the late 1980s, land reform in Gujarat was guided by a set of laws enacted from the 1940s onwards. Outside the Saurashtra region, which had its own land reform legislation, the rest of the State was governed by the Bombay Tenancy and Agricultural Land Act, 1948. A number of changes were made to the existing legislation by Congress and BJP governments in order to free up land markets and facilitate the private takeover of large tracts of land (see Sud, 2014).

Dalits taking a pledge to end the caste-based practice of disposing dead cattle in Dholka block, Ahmedabad district, Gujarat. This image is taken from Jignesh Mevani’s Facebook page.

First, in 1987, the Congress government withdrew Section 2(6) of the Bombay Tenancy and Agricultural Land Rules. Section 2(6) disallowed any person from buying or or selling agricultural land beyond 8 km from one’s residence. The clause was intended to discourage absentee landlordism. Under the amended law, any person could buy agricultural land anywhere in the State. Initially, this was applicable only to drought-affected regions; in 1995, the amended law was implemented across the State. The Congress government justified the amendment and stated that it would “facilitate mobility and entrepreneurship” (Sud, 2014, p. 238).

Secondly, in 1995, the BJP government introduced an amendment to Section 65 of the Bombay Land Revenue Act. This amendment removed all restrictions on the conversion of agricultural land to non-agricultural land. Suresh Mehta, the Industries Minister, called this move “revolutionary” (Sud, 2014, p. 238). However, within Gujarat, the move was criticised immediately (see Ramachandran and Ramakumar, 2000). A former Commissioner of Land Reforms in the State was reported to have said that it was an attempt by the BJP Government to bring back the Zamindari system, “depriving poor farmers of their land holdings and reducing them to the level of landless labourers” (Dasgupta, 1995). He said that the measure “would not only reduce the cultivable land area, but would also affect the rural economy seriously and increase the number of people living below the poverty line” (ibid.).

A Gujarat correspondent of The Hindu wrote that:

Politicians and experts are surprised at the speed with which the BJP intends to rush through a measure to abolish all restrictions on land sharks and big industrial houses from grabbing agricultural land… [From] the way the draft bill was circulated among members, it is clear that the exercise was taken up by the BJP from day one after the swearing-in ceremony of the new Cabinet, apparently under heavy political pressure from influential land sharks and business houses. It is learnt that the party has been promised liberal financial assistance towards its election funds for the coming parliamentary elections if the restrictions on land purchase were withdrawn promptly by the State Government (cited in Ramachandran and Ramakumar, 2000).

Thirdly, a New Land Policy was approved by the BJP government in 1996 (Sud, 2014). All beneficiaries of land reforms in the 1960s and 1970s and beneficiaries of waste land development schemes were provided with “new tenure” (navi sharat), under which land was not saleable. The new policy allowed people holding navi sharat over land for 15 years to convert it to the old form of tenure (juni sharat) and become eligible to sell it. The change of tenurial status allowed industry to buy land freely from navi sharat holders and use it for non-agricultural purposes. Nikita Sud writes that in 2003, after Narendra Modi became Chief Minister, land policy was further liberalised and all navi sharatlands were automatically and immediately converted to juni sharat lands. All requirements to obtain permission to sell land were waived.

Fourthly, in 2005, the government allowed gauchar land or village common land and all wasteland to be sold to industry for non-agricultural uses. According to Sud (2014), the 2005 amendment transferred about 46 lakh hectares of state-controlled wasteland to industrial houses to establish industries or introduce corporate farming. Wherever wastelands were suitable for cultivation, a private individual or entity was provided up to 2000 acres of land for 20 years, of which the first five years were rent-free; for the remaining period, the rent was fixed at Rs 40-100 per acre.

Thus, in the 1990s and 2000s, the Congress and BJP governments in Gujarat facilitated the transfer of lakhs of hectares of agricultural and public land to industrial houses at cheap rates. In 2014, there were around 60 Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Gujarat, covering an area of approximately 27,125 hectares of land acquired under the new land regulations. This had two consequences. First, such policies significantly reduced the extent of land that could have been allotted to landless agricultural workers and small peasants as part of a continuing land reform programme. Secondly, hundreds of crores worth of public assets were gifted away to private corporate aggrandisement. Writing on such social bribery through land transfers, Sud wrote:

…land has been deregulated in Gujarat in order to facilitate an open market. However, in the face of continued imperfections and power imbalances, the state quite openly takes sides in the land market and in the process continues to be a key player in the economy of a liberalized resource…Institutions of the state, ranging from government departments to local councils, are involved in deft manoeuvring between market- and business-friendly practices, both legal and extra-legal. (Sud, 2014, p. 239)

It is in this context that the Una agitation has to be seen. Will the movement lead to a convergence of all forces that can reignite the movement for land reform in Gujarat? Only time will tell, but the signs are promising.

References
Dasgupta, Manas (1995), “Gujarat Land Reform Bill under Fire”, The Hindu, Chennai, Mar 30.
Ramachandran, V. K. and Ramakumar, R. (2000), “Agrarian Reforms and Rural Development Policies in India: A Note”, Paper presented at the International Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, Government of the Philippines and the Philippines Development Academy, Tagaytay City, Philippines, December 5 to 8.
Sud, Nikita (2014), “The State in the Era of India’s Sub-national Regions: Liberalization and Land in Gujarat”,Geoforum, 51, pp. 233-242.

Courtesy: Foundation of Agrarian Studies, Original published date:08 Aug 2016

A Holy Grail Called Sanjeevani

August 9, 2016

Image Via Historical Rama

Announcements about locating a life-enhancing medicinal herb will kindle extraordinary emotions and hopes among people. So, the news that the present Uttarakhand government has announced a budget of INR 25 crore to locate the mythical Sanjivani Booti in Uttarakhand, went viral. This plant is referred to in the Valmiki Ramayana, when Ram was battling the forces of Ravana in the far off lands of Sri lanka. When his brother Lakshman was fatally wounded during the battle Rama sent for Sushena Vaidya to help revive him. Sushena Vaidya, it is said, ordered Ram’s main attendant, Hanuman to fly to the greatest among the mountains, the Himalayas (Nag Sreshta Himavant) and bring him the Mrit Sanjivani (literally an infuser of life) plant so that he could revive the comatose young warrior. The plant grows in the Drongiri range, he tells Hanuman, and because it gives off a strange light, it can be spotted in the dark. Hanuman left without losing time but when he arrived among the mountains, he was confused and did not know where to look. Finally, the epic says, rather than delay matters any further, this son of the Wind God excised an entire hillside that was said to contain the plant, and took off. Lakshmana was revived and the rest, as they say, is history.

Today the Sanjivani Booti for scientists remains a mythical plant with little or no scientific proof of its existence. But the locals claim it can still be located if the government mounts an aggressive search in the remote region bordering Tibet. In 2009, the BJP government led by the poet CM Ramesh Pokhariyal “Nihshank”, had similarly announced a budget of some INR 6 lakh for the search and applied to the (then Congress-led) Central Government for an additional grant. Unfortunately the grant never came after which the plan fizzled out. But the present (Congress-led) State Government has announced a more ambitious budget of INR 25 crore, so things may pan out better. But this time there is a BJP-led government at the Centre, which has predictably turned down the request for an additional grant. The State Minister in charge of alternative medicine, Surendra Singh Negi, who controls Ayush, the department that will be carrying out the search, is expected to lead it.

In case they do locate the magical glowing plant, it will be the silver bullet Harish Rawat, the present Chief Minister, needs to fill the coffers of his government and win next year’s Assembly Elections. It is also notable that according to some reports Om Prakash, Secretary of the department concerned, has gone on record to say that there never was any move to make a proposal for seeking Central funding.

If naturopathy is the name of the game, can Baba Ramdev’s Ashram stay behind? Recently, Baba’s disciple and business associate in chief, Balkrishna, asserted that he has located two Sanjivani plants. He has, however, not revealed anything more thereafter.

Be that as it may, let’s go back to the various names and description of Sanjivani Booti, from ancient myths that have travelled to lands as far off as Indonesia, Cambodia and of course Sri Lanka where Hanuman had carried half a mountain containing this plant. The name Sanjivani occurs not only in the Ramayana, but also in Mahabharata where the Asura Guru Shukracharya is said to have used it to bring back Asuras to life after they had been killed by the Devas. The same herb is also said have helped king Yayati to reverse the ageing of his body and regain male vigour. Ancient dictionaries like the Marathi Sanskrit Geervan Laghu kosh and the Sanskrit Shabd Kalpdrum, call it Rudanti or Rudantika, meaning a plant that oozes a liquid. Shabd Kalpadrum also calls it Romanchika, a nerve stimulator that can arouse a patient from Coma.

But history has continued beyond Ramayana in the Drongiri village from where Hanuman had brought the miracle plant, and in the process destroyed the right side of the holy mountain (Parvat Dev). This hard to access village (the 45 kms long bus ride from Joshimath to Jumma, has to be followed by a tedious trek for 8 kms) is home to some 400 Bhotiya families who migrate during the severe winters to villages at lower altitudes. This area measuring 5.5 kms has at least 500 glaciers like Bagini, Changbang and Neeti, and attracts a host of poeple from outside during the summers: mostly gatherers of rare herbs and hunters looking (illegally) to hunt the musk deer and Himalayan bear. The Kidi herb, a kind of natural Viagra, that the locals collect from the grassy areas (Bugyal) fetch a most handsome price in the plains from where it is smuggled into China and other South East Asian countries for a fortune. Nothing much can be grown at this altitude (3610 metres) so the villagers live by breeding sheep and gathering herbs for selling in the city.

In this ecologically sensitive zone, Hanuman still remains unforgiven though. For the villagers of the Dronagiri village he is the destroyer of the right flank of a holy mountain they worship. It is said that during the Treta Yug when Hanuman flew in to carry away the Sanjivani Booti for reviving his lord’s younger brother, the villagers did not allow him passage. Since time was running out, Hanuman dressed as a bedraggled Sadhu and begged an elderly woman in the village to help him locate the magic mountain where the herb grew. The matriarch was sufficiently moved by his plea and pointed out the carefully covered up area to the intruder who then proceeded to disfigure the mountain and carry away the magic plant. The old woman was then banished from the village and all women were then barred from the ritual worship of the mountain. Ecological preservation has been a way of life in the Himalayan villages ever since human families settled there. And any deliberate degradation of the local topography, flora or fauna brings up extraordinary emotions. Since Hanuman had dared destroy a hillside, even today, temples in the area refuse to house an idol of Hanuman. At the formal celebration of Jagar in the village, when the spirit of the Dev Parbat appears in the body of a medium (known as Pashuwa) amid chanting of prayers, the right arm (symbolic of the right flank of the Drongiri hill) hangs limp and lifeless till the soul of the Parbat Devta departs.

At the annual staging of a three day Ramlila too, all references to Hanuman have been expunged for centuries. Even today, when the state being dubbed Dev Bhumi or abode of gods is enjoying a period of accelerated growth of temples and attracting vast crowds of the faithful, the Ramlila in this village will still begin with Ram’s childhood, move on to his wedding following a Swayamvar to Sita and ends with his coronation.

If Hanuman is still not forgiven by the guardians of the holy mountain and of the life enhancing herb that glows in the dark, does a government of mere mortals stand a chance?

Courtesy: indianculturalforum.in

10,932 Companies Default On Provident Funds

August 9, 2016

The law prescribes 30 days as the limit to pay provident funds, an employee’s rainy day or retirement stash. Sanjaya Kumar has been waiting more than 1,800 days–five years–for the Rs 40,000 that an Odisha company owes his dead father. Numerous emails and complaints to the government organisation responsible for collecting and forwarding provident-fund dues have got no response. Like Kumar, thousands are in a similar predicament nationwide.

It should have taken 30 days for Sanjaya Kumar (27) from Odisha to withdraw his father’s provident fund of Rs 40,000, the post-employment, rainy day ore retirement stash that companies must compulsorily deduct from salaries.

Instead, more than 1,825 days have passed since Kumar’s father Krushna Chandra (53) died in 2011. “Please help me withdraw PF money, my mother is worried about losing it,” said Sanjaya, in a complaint posted on an online forum.

Five years and three written complaints later, Kumar, has received no replies from theEmployees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO), a government body that receives provident-fund deductions from companies and administers 50 million provident fund accounts nationwide.

Chandra worked in a company called Target Allied Securities Private Limited in Bhubaneswar, Odisha, and though his colleagues got their provident fund, his family did not. Kumar, settled in Hyderabad, said that he has sent “numerous emails”–he’s lost count–to his father’s employer and the EPFO.

Target Allied Securities Private Limited told IndiaSpend in an email that they have deposited Chandra’s provident fund with the EPFO. Chandra’s kin, according to the company, has not submitted “the required documents” and that may be causing the delay.

“They’re not helping us, how can I go back and forth to Odisha from here?” asked Kumar. “My mother tells about it some times, but I have almost stopped chasing them.”

More than 10,000 companies–including 1,195 state-owned–nationwide have defaulted on provident-fund payments: 2,200 companies owe at least Rs 2,200 crore–to the EPFO, the portion of employee salaries they should have deposited.

List of Defaulting Companies

The numbers of defaulting companies and institutions is growing. There were 10,091 defaulters in 2014-15, rising to 10,932 by December 2015.

Online consumer forums are flooded with complaints like those of Kumar’s, as hundreds of employees who have quit or retired from a company are deprived of their provident fund.

“We have received more than 2,000 RTIs (right-to-information request) in the last one-and-a-half years, seeking status of provident-fund refunds and reasons thereof,” said Vinoth R, co-founder of OnlineRTI.com, a Bangalore-based advocacy that helps people question the EPFO.

“We get lots of complaints from workers who have been denied their provident fund and also complaints of collusion between EPFO officials and employers,” said All-India Trade Union Congress secretary and EPFO trustee D.L. Sachdev.

A detailed questionnaire sent on June 29, 2016, to the Central Provident Fund Commissioner and the Central Vigilance Officer of EPFO and reminders on August 1 went unanswered.

In Budget 2015-16, the government decided to tax a part of provident fund. But widespread nationwide protests–some violent, especially in Bangalore–forced the government torescind the decision.

The rainy day solution, hobbled by defaulting companies

Provident funds are meant to provide financial security to salaried employees, who must contribute 12% of their monthly salary with the employer contributing 13.6%.

Companies or institutions with more than 19 employees deposit the provident fund of each with the EPFO, which in turn deposits the money in an employee account that earns 8.8% interest from the government, which invests her provident fund in government securities and corporate bonds.

While employees can withdraw the entire amount after retirement or two months after resigning from a job, the EPFO allows partial withdrawals to pay for a home, education, marriage or an illness.

Establishments that deduct contributions from employees’ salaries, but do not deposit it with EPFO are termed defaulters.

Tamil Nadu, including Pondicherry, has India’s largest number of defaulting companies (2,644), followed by Maharashtra (1,692) and Kerala, including Lakshadweep (1,118).

NOTE: Figures for 2015-16* are up to December 2015

The Airports Authority of India tops the list of defaulting institutions with a Rs-192-crore default, followed by HBL GLOBAL, Mumbai, and Ahluwalia Contracts India Limited, Delhi, with Rs 64.5 crore and 54.5 crore, respectively.

NOTE: Figures in Rs. lakhs

“AAI started remitting the monthly contribution from September 2007. For the retrospective period i.e. from April 1, 1995 (date of formation of AAI) to August 22, 2007, AAI has remitted the pension contribution in respect of employees along with the interest thereon,” Rajesh Bhandari, executive director (finance), AAI, told IndiaSpend.

“The regional provident fund office, Delhi considered this period as a default period and levied the charges of Rs 192 crore for the period from April, 1995 to February 2006. The matter was taken up with central office and regional office stating that these charges are not payable by AAI as it pertains to pre-discovery period. However, CPFC/RPFC did not accept the argument of AAI and did not waive off those charges. Left with no other choice, AAI filed a case in High Court of Delhi to obtain a stay order. The next date of hearing in the case is September 30, 2016.”

By region, Thiruvananthapuram leads with 247 defaulters, followed by Kolkata with 173 and Bhubaneswar with 115.

Companies that form their own provident-fund trusts for employees are exempt from signing up with the EPFO. In such cases, trustees are selected from company workers.

Defaulting companies must pay a penalty with an interest rate of between 17% and 37%, depending on the period of default.

EPFO set for a Rs 33-crore image makeover, but problems are deeper

The EPFO is set for a Rs 33-crore image makeover, which includes professional social-media management and advertisement in print and broadcast media, Mint reported on July 5, 2016.

But the EPFO’S role as a custodian of employee savings faces deeper problems: it does not tell employees that companies are defaulting until they come to settle; cases waiting for settlement are rising; and corruption with the organisation endures.

The number of EPF cases pending settlement in 2015-16 increased 23% over the previous year. Although 228 police cases were registered, 14,000 inquiries started against defaulting establishments and Rs 3,240 crore was recovered in 2014-15 from defaulters, the EPFO was short of 6,000 employees on March 31, 2015. Fewer employees affect the organisation’s ability to enforce provident-fund rules.

EPFO trustee Sachdev said the organisaton was “very slow” dealing with complaints. “When an employee goes to settle his account with the EPFO, only then does he come to know that the company hasn’t deposited the amount,” he said.

There has been a four-fold increase in cases filed by EPFO to prosecute defaulting employers over the four years ending 2015, from 317 in 2012-13 to 1491 in 2014-15.

NOTE: Figures for 2015-2016* are up to September 2015

As many as 322 corruption cases were ongoing or concluded against erring EPFO officials between 2012–February 2015. Since then, corruption cases have dropped: 167 in 2012, 75 in 2013, 72 in 2014 and 8 till February 2015.

One reason could be that an EPFO executive officer was previously given charge of an area to ensure employers within that jurisdiction did not default.

“Now notices to defaulters are sent from the Head Office, and there is no officer who can be held responsible if the company defaults in payment,” said Vivek Kumar, a former EPFO director of vigilance.

Back in Hyderabad, the reasoning makes no difference to Kumar.

The Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO)

The EPFO, run by the union ministry for labour, handles three social security schemes:

Provident Fund, Pension and Employee Insurance. These schemes are administered through the Employees’ Provident Fund Scheme, 1952 (EPF), Employees’ Pension Scheme (EPS), 1995, and Employees’ Deposit Linked Insurance Scheme, 1976 (EDLI), under which a worker’s family can cash in on benefits, if the employee was a member of the scheme at the time of death.

(Babu is a Delhi-based independent journalist and a member of 101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.)

Courtesy: IndiaSpend.com

जाओ और खेलो ! सिर्फ खेलो ! – इतनी ही उम्मीद

August 8, 2016

(Deepa Karmakar)

अच्छा…जब ये ओलम्पिक नहीं खेल रही होती हैं…तब आपकी उम्मीदें कहां होती हैं…जब ये घर चलाने के लिए चाय बेचती हैं, सब्ज़ी बेचती हैं…सरकारी नौकरी के लिए दर-दर पर गिड़गिड़ा रही होती हैं…कोच से साई के अधिकारियों तक के शोषण का शिकार हो रही होती हैं…लेकिन फिर भी खेल छोड़ना नहीं चाहती…

(Srabani Nanda)

तब क्या आप उनकी उम्मीदें जोड़ और संवार रहे होते हैं?

(Laxmi Rani Majhi)

क्या आपको एक समाज के तौर पर उनसे कोई भी उम्मीद रखने का हक़ है? आप उम्मीद रखिए क्रिकेटर्स से…इन जांबाज़ लड़कियों की जवाबदेही आपके प्रति नहीं है…आप ने जिनको कभी सम्मान और समाज में जगह तो जाने दीजिए. काम और रोटी तक नहीं दिए.वो आपकी उम्मीदों के बारे में सोच भी रही हैं, तो अपने आप से अन्याय ही कर रही हैं.

(Lalita Babar)

सुनो बहादुर लड़कियों, तुम हार रही हो…लेकिन ज़िंदगी की जंग जीत रही हो…इस स्वार्थी समाज के लिए खेल मत खेलो…देश के लिए मत खेलो…अपने लिए खेलो…अपने सम्मान और अपने फायदे के लिए खेलो…क्योंकि तुम खेल नहीं रही होती…तो ये ही लोग, जो आज ओलम्पिक में तुमको अपने सम्मान और उम्मीदों से जोड़ रहे हैं…वो तुमको सड़कों पर छेड़ते…तुमको घर में नौकरानी बना देते…तुमको अपने से तो जाने दो…घर से आगे नहीं बढ़ने देते…

कुछ भी करो…मेडल भी जीतो…वरना सिर्फ अपनी खुशी के लिए खेलो…इन लोगों को तुमसे उम्मीद रखने और जवाब मांगने का कोई हक़ नहीं है, बस इतना याद रखो…हां, जीतो, लड़ो…सिर्फ अपने लिए…

(Dutee Chand)

Deepa karmakar Laxmi Rani Majhi Dutee Chand Srabani Nanda Lalita Babar और बाकी सब के लिए भी…जाओ और खेलो…सिर्फ खेलो…अपने आप से उम्मीद रखो कि तुम लड़कियों के लिए बनाई गई समाज की हर बाधा तोड़ोगी…मर्ज़ी से जियोगी…

बस सिर्फ इतनी ही उम्मीद!

आखिर मोदी ने भी माना !

August 8, 2016

हत्यारों के गिरोह का
एक सदस्य हत्या करता है
दूसरा उसे दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण बताता है
तीसरा मारे गए आदमी के दोष गिनाता है
चौथा हत्या का औचित्य ठहराता है
पाँचवाँ समर्थन में सिर हिलाता है
और अन्त में सब मिलकर
बैठक करते हैं
अगली हत्या की योजना के सम्बन्ध में ।
– राजेन्द्र राजन .

हाय! नरेंद्र मोदी जी की RSS ने क्या हालत कर दी है. बाल बिखरे. चेहरे पर भयंकर तनाव. लड़खड़ाती जुबान…मैं कसम खाता हूं कि एक हफ्ते तक मोदी जी के खिलाफ कुछ नहीं लिखूंगा. उन्हें घर के बाहर के किसी विरोधी की जरूरत ही नहीं है.. 🙁

गुजरात में 88.57% हिंदू हैं. इसमें से 8% से कम SC हैं. ये हिंदू बन कर रहें या जाएं, बहुमत हिंदुओं का ही रहेगा. ये लोग बीजेपी के परंपरागत वोटर भी नहीं हैं.
फिर प्रधानमंत्री दलितों के सामने घुटने पर बैठकर गिड़गिड़ा क्यों रहे हैं कि मुझे मारो मेरे दलित भाइयों को नहीं.
इसलिए कि हिंदू जाति व्यवस्था से अगर सबसे नीचे की ईंट खिसक गई तो हिंदू धर्म खत्म.
जब कोई नीच नहीं रह जाएगा, तो ऊंचा कौन रहेगा? ऊंच और नीच के बिना हिंदू धर्म क्या?
हिंदू धर्म बचा रहे इसके लिए जरूरी है कि दलित मरे जानवर उठाएं और गंदगी साफ करें. वे नहीं करेंगे तो कौन करेगा?

फेसबुक पर लाखों गोरक्षक हैं. हजारों गोरक्षक पेज हैं. मैंने तो यही पाया है कि सारे गोरक्षक आरक्षण विरोधी हैं.

क्या आपने एक भी ऐसा गोरक्षक देखा है, जो SC, ST, OBC आरक्षण का विरोधी न हो? मुझे उनसे मिलवाइए. मैं उनकी वाल के दर्शन करना चाहूंगा, जिन्होंने आरक्षण के पक्ष में एक भी स्टेटस लिखा हो.

ये है देश के नेता प्रतिपक्ष का जोरदार बयान.
भारत ने ऐसा लाचार प्रधानमंत्री कभी नहीं देखा. जो कह रहे हैं कि वे गुंडों के बारे में जानते हैं, पर कार्रवाई नहीं कर पा रहे हैं.
कानून बनाकर गोरक्षा समितियों पर पाबंदी लगाने से कौन रोक रहा है. जबकि आपको पता है कि 70 से 80% गोरक्षक रात में असामाजिक गतिविधि करते हैं.

आप हमारे हैं कौन?

गुजरात में आज SC संकट में है, तो मुसलमान उसके साथ कंधे से कंधा मिलाकर खड़ा है.

अहमदाबाद से ऊना की आजादी कूच में न सिर्फ मुसलमान शामिल हैं, बल्कि मुसलमान बस्तियों में यात्रा पर फूल बरसाए जा रहे हैं. अगर यही इंसानियत 2002 में दलितों ने दिखाई होती और दंगाइयों के सामने दीवार बन कर खड़े हो गए होते… तो भारत का राजनीतिक इतिहास कुछ और होता.

मुसलमान यह नहीं पूछ रहा है कि 2002 में आप हमारे साथ क्यों नहीं थे. मुसलमान मजलूमों के साथ खड़ा है, इसलिए आपके साथ है. दरअसल वह आपके नहीं, न्याय और इंसानियत के पक्ष में फूलमाला लेकर आपका स्वागत कर रहा है. वह बीजेपी राज में, जोखिम उठाकर आपकी यात्रा पर फूल बरसा रहा है.

लेकिन याद रहे. एकता और दोस्ती एकतरफा नहीं होती. गुजरात के दलितों को 2002 की गलती के लिए प्रायश्चित करना चाहिए.

यूपी में मुसलमानों का वोट चाहिए और गुंडे मुजफ्फरनगर कांड करते रहें, ये दोनों एक साथ नहीं हो पाएगा. दंगा रोकना दलितों की जिम्मेदारी है.

दलितों को भी मुसलमानों का साथ देने की अलग से कोई जरूरत नहीं है. वे न्याय और इंसानियत के पक्ष में खड़े हो जाएं. वे अपने आप को दंगाइयों के खिलाफ खड़ा पाएंगे.

न्याय के साथ खड़ा होना क्या इतना मुश्किल है?

"रात में अगर कोई असामाजिक गतिविधि" करता दिखे तो आप उससे पूछ सकते हैं कि "दिन में गोरक्षा का गोरखधंधा" करते हो क्या?
70 से 80% जवाब मिलेगा हां.

नरेंद्र दामोदरदास मोदी के भाषण से मिला ज्ञान.
प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी – "70 से 80 प्रतिशत गोरक्षक रात में अवैध गतिविधियां करते हैं."
देश के तमाम थानों की पुलिस को गोरक्षकों के पीछे कुत्ता छोड़ देना चाहिए कि वे रात में कौन कौन से अपराध करते हैं. देश में बलात्कार की घटनाओ में आई तेजी के जिम्मेदार कहीं ये लोग ही तो नहीं? रेलवे यार्ड से कोच के नल कौन खोल ले जाता है. और सिनेमाघरों में टिकट कौन ब्लैक कर रहा है? रात की बसें कौन लूट रहे हैं? रात में ड्रग्स की पुड़िया कौन बेचता है? वेश्यालय के बाहर दलाल बन कर कौन खड़े रहते हैं?

Citizens Condemn RSS’ Hounding of Outlook, Attack on Press Freedom

August 8, 2016

Photo Credit: Outlook
Statement against RSS attack on journalist Neha Dixit and press freedom

August 7, 2016

We, the undersigned journalists, activists and academics, condemn in the strongest terms, the brazen attack launched by RSS organizations and individuals on journalist Neha Dixit and Outlook magazine for a thorough investigative report by Dixit based on three months of field work. This report revealed how different Sangh outfits trafficked 31 tribal girls, some as young as three years, from tribal areas of Assam, to Punjab and Gujarat.

Orders were issued to these organizations by the Assam State Commission for the Protection of Child Rights, the Child Welfare Committee (Kokrajhar), the State Child Protection Society, and Childline (Delhi and Patiala), to return the children to Assam. These orders were violated with impunity by Sangh-run institutions with the help of the Gujarat and Punjab governments.

On the publication of this report in Outlook, a police complaint was lodged at Latasil Police Station on grounds of inciting communal hatred, and the police registered an FIR against Indranil Roy (Publisher), Krishna Prasad (Editor) of Outlook and Neha Dixit, writer of the story. The complainants are Bijon Mahajan (BJP spokesperson and Gauhati High Court advocate), Mominul Awwal (BJP Minority Cell) and Subhash Chandra Kayal (Assistant Solicitor General).

Instead of launching an investigation into the trafficking, the police have chosen to act on a frivolous and motivated complaint against those who exposed the crime. We demand that the police immediately file charges against those who conduct child trafficking.

In addition, RSS organizations have started a campaign targeting Neha Dixit and Outlook in social media, claiming “defamation”, and we can expect more trumped up police complaints and legal interventions. We are also aware that these Hindutva brigades often take the law into their own hands, unleashing violence with impunity, emboldened by the current regime.

RSS organizations and individuals have long used the law and police machinery to hound artists and intellectuals from MF Hussain to Ashis Nandy, invoking the legal section of “inciting communal hatred” to stifle freedom of expression, using it whenever their own communally violent and hate-inducing tactics and actions are revealed and made public. Journalists are particularly vulnerable, as their investigative reports that reveal RSS organizations’ strategies to attack minorities, Hinduise tribals and created hatred between communities, are themselves targeted as “inciting communal hatred”.

We condemn these familiar and reprehensible tactics of the RSS machinery and appeal to our legal justice system to be alert to the misuse of courts and legal machinery by these forces.

We also demand that all criminal action against Neha Dixit and Outlook be dropped, as this is an intolerable attack on freedom of the press to publish thoroughly researched articles in the public interest.

Pamela Philipose
Siddharth Varadarajan
Vidya Subrahmaniam
Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal
Om Thanvi
Manoj Joshi
Jyoti Malhotra
Monobina Gupta
Akshaya Mukul
Ajoy Ashirwad
Vikhar Ahmed Sayeed
Abhimanyu Kumar
Pheroze L Vincent
Venkitesh Ramakrishnan
Ritwik Sharma
Sarthak Ray
Sevanti Ninan
Geeta Seshu
Swati Bhattacharjee
Mannika Chopra
Shuma Raha
Shruti Ganpatye
Raksha Kumar
Anam Mittra
Vinaya Deshpande
Indira Jaising
Shabnam Hashmi
Ilina Sen
Harsh Mander
Lalita Ramdas
Kavita Krishnan
Vrinda Grover
Kavita Srivastava
Deepti Sharma
Aditya Shrivastava
Mihira Sood
Pyoli Swatija
Achin Vanaik
Susie Tharu
Jayati Ghosh
J Devika
Apoorvanand
Gautam Bhan
Sunalini Kumar
Jyotirmaya Sharma
Janaki Nair
Rohini Hensman
Radhika Singha
Ritu Dewan
Bishnupriya Paul
V Sujatha
Kumkum Roy
Supriya Varma
Karthik Bittu
Anita Ghai
Sujata Patel
Satish Deshpande
Nivedita Menon
Baidik Bhattacharya
Aditya Nigam
Virginia Saldanha
Shilpa Phadke
Mary John
Urvashi Butalia
Ritu Menon
Aniket Alam
Shipra Nigam
Kalyani Menon-Sen
Ankita Anand
Amrita Nandy
Anuradha Banerji
Vineeta Bal
Japleen Pasricha
Meena Saraswati Seshu
Arundhati Duru
Sandhya Srinivasan
Monisha Behal
Abha Bhaiya
Aruna Burte
Jeevika
Jhuma Sen
Papori Bora
Dipa Sinha
G Arunima
Lata Singh
Ranjani Mazumdar
Rachana Johri
Kamayani Bali Mahabal
Rimple Mehta
Pramada Menon
Geetha Nambisan
Aarthi Pai
Virginia Saldanha
Vidya Reddy
Pushpa
Vasudha Mohanka
Urvashi Sarkar
Sarojini NB
Soma KP
Kavitha Muralidharan
Veena Poonacha
Deepa Venkatachalam
Ranjana Padhi
Shambhavi Prakash
Guneet Ahuja
Meena Menon
Moushumi Basu
T K Rajalakshmi
Javed Anand
Teesta Setalvad

१९४२ भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन और हिंदुत्व टोली: एक गद्दारी-भरी दास्तान

August 8, 2016

इस ८ अगस्त २०१६ को भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के एक अहम मील के पत्थर, ऐतिहासिक 'भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन’ को ७४ साल पुरे हो जायेंगे। ७ अगस्त १९४२ को अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस समिति ने बम्बई में अपनी बैठक में एक क्रांतिकारी प्रस्ताव पारित किया जिसमें अंग्रेज़ शासकों से तुरंत भारत छोड़ने की मांग की गयी थी। कांग्रेस का यह मानना था कि अंग्रेज़ सरकार को भारत की जनता को विश्वास में लिए बिना किसी भी जंग में भारत को झोंकने का नैतिक और कानूनी अधिकार नहीं हैं। अंग्रेज़ों से भारत तुरंत छोड़ने का यह प्रस्ताव कांग्रेस द्वारा एक ऐसे नाजुक समय में लाया गया था जब दूसरे विश्वयुद्ध के चलते जापानी सेनाएं भारत के पूर्वी तट तक पहुँच चुकी थी और कांग्रेस ने अंग्रेज़ शासकों द्वारा सुझाई 'क्रिप्स योजना' को खारिज कर दिया था। 'अंग्रेज़ो भारत छोड़ो' प्रस्ताव के साथ-साथ कांग्रेस ने गांधी जी को इस आंदोलन का सर्वेसर्वा नियुक्त किया और देश के आम लोगों से आहवान किया कि वे हिंदू-मुसलमान का भेद त्याग कर सिर्फ हिंदुस्तानी के तौर पर अंग्रेजी साम्राज्यवाद से लड़ने के लिए एक हो जाएं। अंग्रेज़ शासन से लोहा लेने के लिए स्वयं गांधीजी ने 'करो या मरो' ब्रह्म वाक्य सुझाया और सरकार एवं सत्ता से पूर्ण असहयोग करने का आहवान किया।

भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन की घोषणा के साथ ही पुरे देश में क्रांति की एक लहर दौड़ गयी। अगले कुछ महीनों में देश के लगभग हर भाग में अंग्रेज़ सरकार के विरुद्ध आम लोगों ने जिस तरह लोहा लिया उससे १८५७ के भारतीय जनता के पहले मुक्ति संग्राम की यादें ताजा हो गई। १९४२ के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन ने इस सच्चाई को एक बार फिर रेखांकित किया कि भारत की आम जनता किसी भी कुर्बानी से पीछे नहीं हटती है। अंग्रेज़ शासकों ने दमन करने में कोई कसर नहीं छोड़ी। ९ अगस्त की सुबह से ही पूरा देश एक फौजी छावनी में बदल दिया गया। गांधीजी समेत कांग्रेस के बड़े नेताओं को तो गिरफ्तार किया ही गया दूरदराज के इलाकों में भी कांग्रेसी कार्यकर्ताओं को भयानक यातनाएं दी गई।

सरकारी दमन और हिंसा का ऐसा तांडव देश के लोगों ने झेला जिसके उदहारण कम ही मिलते हैं। स्वयं सरकारी आंकड़ों के अनुसार पुलिस और सेना द्वारा सात सौ से भी ज्यादा जगह गोलाबारी की गई जिसमें ग्यारह सौ से भी ज्यादा लोग शहीद हो गए। पुलिस और सेना ने आतंक मचाने के लिए बलात्कार और कोड़े लगाने का बड़े पैमाने पर प्रयोग किया। भारत में किसी भी सरकार द्वारा इन कथकंड़ो का इस तरह का संयोजित प्रयोग १८५७ के बाद शायद पहली बार ही किया गया था। १९४२ के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन को 'अगस्त क्रांति' भी कहा जाता है। अंग्रेज़ सरकार के भयानक बर्बर और अमानवीय दमन के बावजूद देश के आम हिंदू मुसलमानों और अन्य धर्म के लोगों ने हौसला नहीं खोया और सरकार को मुंहतोड़ जवाब दिया। यह आंदोलन 'अगस्त क्रांति' क्यों कहलाता है इसका अंदाजा उन सरकारी आंकड़ों को जानकर लगाया जा सकता है जो जनता की इस आंदोलन में कार्यवाहियों का ब्योरा देते है। सरकारी आंकड़ों के अनुसार २०८ पुलिस थानों, १२७५ सरकारी दफ्तरों, ३८२ रेलवे स्टेशनों और ९४५ डाकघरों को जनता द्वारा नष्ट कर दिया गया। जनता द्वारा हिंसा बेकाबू होने के पीछे मुख्य कारण यह था कि पुरे देश में कांग्रेसी नेतृत्व को जेलों में डाल दिया गया था और कांग्रेस संगठन को हर स्तर पर गैर कानूनी घोषित कर दिया गया था। कांग्रेसी नेतृत्व के अभाव में अराजकता का होना बहुत गैर स्वाभाविक नहीं था। यह सच है कि नेतृत्व का एक बहुत छोटा हिस्सा गुप्त रूप से काम कर रहा था परंतु आमतौर पर इस आंदोलन का स्वरुप स्वतः स्फूर्त बना रहा।

यह जानकर किसी को भी आश्चर्य नहीं होना चाहिए कि दमनकारी अंग्रेज़ सरकार का इस आंदोलन के दरम्यान जिन तत्वों और संगठनों ने प्यादों के तौर पर काम किया वे हिंदू और इस्लामी राष्ट्र के झंडे उठाए हुए थे। ये सच है कि भारतीय कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी ने भी भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन से अलग रहने का निर्णय लिया था। इसके बारे में सबको जानकारी है। लेकिन आज के देशभक्तों के नेताओं ने किस तरह से न केवल इस आंदोलन से अलग रहने का फैसला किया था बल्कि इसको दबाने में गोरी सरकार की सीधी सहायता की थी जिस बारे में बहुत काम जानकारी है।

मुस्लिम लीग के नेता मोहम्मद अली जिन्नाह ने कांग्रेसी घोषणा की प्रतिक्रिया में अंग्रेज सरकार को आश्वासन देते हुए कहा, 'कांग्रेस की असहयोग की धमकी दरअसल श्री गांधी और उनकी हिंदू कांग्रेस सरकार अंग्रेज़ सरकार को ब्लैकमेल करने की है। सरकार को इन गीदड़भमकीयों में नहीं आना चाहिए।' मुस्लिम लीग और उनके नेता अंग्रेजी सरकार के बर्बर दमन पर ने केवल पूर्णरूप से खामोश रहे बल्कि प्रत्यक्ष और अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से अंग्रेज़ सरकार का सहयोग करते रहे। मुस्लिम लीग इससे कुछ भिन्न करे इसकी उम्मीद भी नहीं की जा सकती थी क्योंकि वह सरकार और कांग्रेस के बीच इस भिड़त के चलते अपना उल्लू सीध करना चाहती थी। उसे उम्मीद थी कि उसकी सेवाओं के चलते अंग्रेज़ शासक उसे पाकिस्तान का तोहफा जरूर दिला देंगे।

लेकिन सबसे शर्मनाक भूमिका हिंदू महासभा और राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ की रही जो भारत माता और हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद का बखान करते नहीं थकते थे। भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन पर अंग्रेजी शासकों के दमन का कहर बरपा था और देशभक्त लोग सरकारी संस्थाओं को छोड़कर बाहर आ रहे थे; इनमें बड़ी संख्या उन नौजवान छात्र-छात्राओं की थी जो कांग्रेस के आहवान पर सरकारी शिक्षा संस्थानों को त्याग कर यानी अपनी पढ़ाई बीच में ही छोड़कर बाहर आ गए थे। लेकिन यह हिंदू महासभा ही थी जिसने अंग्रेज़ सरकार के साथ खुले सहयोग की घोषणा की। हिंदू महासभा के सर्वेसर्वा वीर सावरकर ने १९४२ में कानपुर में अपनी इस नीति का खुलासा करते हुए कहा,

'सरकारी प्रतिबंध के तहत जैसे ही कांग्रेस एक खुले संगठन के तौर पर राजनीतिक मैदान से हटा दी गयी है तो अब राष्ट्रीय कार्यवाहियों के संचालन के लिए केवल हिंदू महासभा ही मैदान में रह गयी है… हिंदू महासभा के मतानुसार व्यावहारिक राजनीती का मुख्य सिद्धांत अंग्रेज़ सरकार के साथ संवेदनपूर्ण सहयोग की नीति है। जिसके अंतर्गत बिना किसी शर्त के अंग्रेज़ों के साथ सहयोग जिसमें हथियार बंद प्रतिरोध भी शामिल है।'

कांग्रेस का भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन दरअसल सरकार और मुस्लिम लीग के बीच देश के बंटवारे के लिए चल रही बातचीत को भी चेतावनी देना था। इस उद्देश्य से कांग्रेस ने सरकार और मुस्लिम लीग के साथ किसी भी तरह के सहयोग का बहिष्कार किया हुआ था। लेकिन इसी समय हिंदू महासभा ने मुस्लिम लीग के साथ किसी भी तरह के सहयोग का बहिष्कार किया हुआ था। लेकिन इसी समय हिंदू महासभा ने मुस्लिम लीग के साथ सरकारें चलाने का निर्णय लिया। 'वीर' सावरकर जो अंग्रेज़ सरकार की खिदमत में ५ माफी-नामे लिखने के बाद दी गयी सजा का केवल एक तिहाई हिस्सा भोगने के बाद हिंदू महासभा के सर्वोच्च नेता थे, ने इस शर्मनाक रिश्ते के बारे में सफाई देते हुए १९४२ में कहा,

'व्यावहारिक राजनीती में भी हिंदू महासभा जानती है कि बुद्धिसम्मत समझौतों के जरिए आगे बढ़ना चाहिए। यहां सिंध हिंदू महासभा ने निमंत्रण के बाद मुस्लिम लीग के साथ मिली जुली सरकार चलाने की जिम्मेदारी ली। बंगाल का उदहारण भी सबको पता है। उद्दंड लीगी जिन्हें कांग्रेस अपनी तमाम आत्मसमर्पणशीलता के बावजूद खुश नहीं रख सकी, हिंदू महासभा के साथ संपर्क में आने के बाद काफी तर्कसंगत समझौतों और सामाजिक व्यवहार के लिए तैयार हो गये। और वहां की मिली-जुली सरकार मिस्टर फजलुल हक को प्रधानमंत्रित्व और महासभा के काबिल या मान्य नेता श्यामा प्रसाद मुखर्जी के नेतृत्व में दोनों समुदाय के फायदे के लिए एक साल तक सफलतापूर्वक चली।'

यहाँ यह याद रखना जरुरी है कि बंगाल और सिंध के अलावा NWFP में भी हिंदू महासभा और मुस्लिम लीग की गांठ-बंधन सरकार १९१२ में सत्तासीन हुई।
अगर राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का रवैया १९४२ के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के प्रति जानना हो तो इसके दार्शनिक एम.एस. गोलवलकर के इस शर्मनाक वक्तव्य को पढ़ना काफी होगा – '१९४२ में भी अनेकों के मन में तीव्र आंदोलन था। इस समय भी संघ का नित्य कार्य चलता रहा। प्रत्यक्ष रूप से संघ ने कुछ न करने का संकल्प लिया।' इस तरह स्वयं गोलवलकर, जिन्हें गुरूजी भी कहा जाता है, से हमें यह तो पता चल जाता है कि संघ ने आंदोलन के पक्ष में परोक्ष रूप से किसी भी तरह की हिस्सेदारी नहीं की। लेकिन राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के किसी भी प्रकाशन या दस्तावेज या स्वयं गुरूजी के किसी तरह की हिस्सेदारी की थी। गुरूजी का यह कहना कि भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के दौरान राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का रोजमर्रा का काम ज्यों का त्यों चलता रहा, बहुत अर्थपूर्ण है। यह रोजमर्रा का काम क्या था इसे समझना जरा भी मुश्किल नहीं है। यह काम था मुस्लिम लीग के कंधे से कंधा मिलाकर हिंदू और मुसलमान के बीच खाई को गहराते जाना।

अंग्रेज़ी राज के खिलाफ संघर्ष में जो भारतीय शहीद हुए उनके बारे में गुरूजी क्या राय रखते थे वह इस वक्तव्य से बहुत स्पष्ट है – 'हमने बलिदान को महानता का सर्वोच्च बिंदु, जिसकी मनुष्य आकांक्षा करे नहीं माना है क्योंकि अंततः वह अपना उद्देश्य प्राप्त करने में असफल हुए और असफलता का अर्थ है कि उनमें कोई गंभीर त्रुटि थी।' शायद यही कारण है कि भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का एक भी कार्यकर्ता अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ संघर्ष करते हुए शहीद नहीं हुआ।

भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के ७४ साल गुजरने के बाद भी कई महत्वपूर्ण सच्चाईयों से पर्दा उठना बाकी है। दमनकारी अंग्रेज़ शासक और उनके मुस्लिम लीगी प्यादों के बारे में तो सच्चाईयों जगजाहिर है लेकिन अगस्त क्रांति के वे गुनहगार जो अंग्रेज़ी सरकारी द्वारा चलाए गए दमन चक्र में प्रत्यक्ष या अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से शामिल थे अभी भी कठघरे में खड़े नहीं किए जा सके हैं। सबसे शर्मनाक बात तो यह है कि वे भारत पर राज कर रहे हैं। हिंदू राष्ट्रवादियों की इस भूमिका को जानना इसलिए भी जरुरी है ताकि आज उनके द्वारा एक प्रजातांत्रिक, धर्मनिरपेक्ष भारत के साथ जो खिलवाड़ किया जा रहा है उसके आने वाले गंभीर परिणामों को समझा जा सके।

For some of S. Islam’s writings in English, Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu & Gujarati see the following link:
http://du-in.academia.edu/ShamsulIslam
Facebook: shams shamsul
Twitter: @shamsforjustice
Email: notoinjustice@gmail.com

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Tit for Tat: Chapra’s Muslims Made to Pay for Inciteful Video by Bajrang Dal in Bihar

August 8, 2016

A hateful video that went viral on social media –allegedly showing a Muslim youth urinating on Hindu deities –gives local Bajrang Dalis to unleash violence, unchecked on Chapra’s Muslims and now on Ekma and Daudpur. Victim Survivors allege state silence and complicity till IG Kundan Krishnan was brought in

The nasty face of communal hatred was unveiled in Chapra town on Saturday afternoon (August 6) when scores of Bajrang Dal activists following the dictum of "hit them where it hurts the most" allegedly looted, vandalised and burnt shops, all belonging to Muslims, crippling many in the community economically. The total damage of goods in the establishment alone is estimated to be at about Rs 1.5-2 crores. Four of the shops attacked belonged to Balaghul Mobin, chairman of the RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal) from Chapra.

While sections of the affected communities, talking to Sabrangindia have put the damage by arson loot and burning to have affected 54 establishments, SP, Saran, Pankaj Kumar Raj speaking to Sabrangindia said that only about 15 shops were attacked and destroyed. He added that 15 FIRs against 100 people for causing the violence and the district administration discontinued Internet services till Monday, August 8.

IG Kundan Krishnan, a senior officer of the Bihar police was immediately brought in by the state government to restore confidence of the affected sections. Speaking to Sabrangindia in Mumbai he said that the administration has already issued a warrant against the youth from Maker, with criminal antecedents responsible for making the incendiary video viral and will do everything to ensure speedy action. "Unfortunately the local community lost faith in the administration and damage and destruction was caused by a lumpen element but things are getting slowly back to normal." Fortunately also, this area, Saran district, has no history of communal violence, the IG added.

The trouble reportedly began when a video depicting a youth from Maker (located 20 km from Chapra) — and who has since been tracked down to being somewhere in Karnataka– showed him desecrating Hindu deities and this video went viral. The authorities are doing what they can to track down this dangerous mischief mongering.

In immediate and overt reaction to this objectionable video, Bajrang Dalis began a mobilisation of sections of the Hindu community on ‘hurt sentiments” and finally, allegedly unleashed their ire on in reaction, to Chapra’s Muslims. Residents of Chapra have accused the local police of complicity since the police thana (police station) is just 20 metres from where the arson and loot took place. Over 35 criminal complaints have been made to the local police that have been ‘received’ and now registered as FIRs, say residents.

Local residents have sent photographs to Sabrangindia:

Saturday, August 6, was when the supremacist Hindutva outfit organized ‘Mashaal Rallies’ with 500 Bajrang dalis on motor bkles moving around the town, and finally announced a Chapra bandh on Saturday. The burning and arson took place at the famous Hathwa market which is located just 20 minutes from the police station. Survivors who spoke to Sabrangindia said that it was the shops of Muslims that were selectively destroyed in the violence at the Hathwa market, after which the rioters proceeded to the Municipality Chowk and looted many mobile shops again belonging to Muslims. In the violence, the main gate of the Sahebganj Jama Masjid was also damaged; there are also yet unconfirmed reports of the some portions of the sacred text of the Quran being destroyed.

Women arsonists were also allegedly part of the mob that did not even spare police vehicles and also attacked the IG Kundan Krishnan, who was sent from Patna by the Nitish government to control the situation. Finally, the state government called in the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and Rapid Action Force (RAF) to control the situation.

There are serious apprehensions that and concerns about the silence of the local MLA, CN Gupta and the local Member of Parliament, Rajeev Pratap Rudy. In the 2014 parliamentary elections, Rabri Devi, wife of Laloo Yadav had contested from Chapra and the rival candidacy of Salim Parvez, Deputy Speaker of the JD(U) had resulted in some votes of the minority going to him. Chapra has been the strong Muslim-Yadav base of scion of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in Bihar and hence these developments have a significance. Besides, the Uttar Pradesh border is barely 14 kilometres away, an especial worry given that polls are due in India's most populous state early in 2017 Patna, the capital is also very close by.

(The author is a doctor by profession and also part of the Global Peace Organisation)

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Tit for Tat: Chapra’s Muslims Made to Pay for Inciteful Video by Bajrang Dal in Bihar

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