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बेशर्म बहानों की आग में झुलसता कश्मीर

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हसीब द्रबु की पत्नी रूही नाज़की टाटा में एक्स्कूटिव के पद पर काम कर चुकी हैं। हाल ही में वे झेलम के किनारे पर 'चाय जय' शुरू करने श्रीनगर में लौटीं। कश्मीरी उग्रवादी बुरहान वानी की हत्या के बाद समूचे कश्मीर में जन-उभार पर सरकारी के रुख को उन्होंने अनैतिक, त्रासद और गलत बताया। उनके पति हसीब द्रबु चूंकि पीडीपी और भाजपा सरकार की मुखिया महबूबा मुफ्ती के मंत्रिमंडल में वित्त मंत्री हैं, इसलिए उनकी सशक्त बातों को फेसबुक पर ज्यादा तवज्जो मिली।


इस साल की शुरुआत में उस चाय-हाउस का उद्घाटन मुख्यमंत्री महबूबा मुफ्ती ने किया था। हालांकि रूही नाज़की एक व्यवसाय करती हैं, लेकिन जनता से जुड़े मुद्दों पर अपनी राय जाहिर करने के लिए अपनी निजी क्षमता के दायरे में सोशल मीडिया का इस्तेमाल कर रही हैं। उनके फेसबुक पोस्ट ने इस बात का एक सशक्त चित्र खींचा कि कश्मीर में सरकार की प्रतिक्रिया के खिलाफ असंतोष की तीव्रता और निराशा कितने गहरे पैमाने पर फैली हुई है। भारतीय सेना की ओर से किए गए पैलेट गोलीबारी के शिकार होकर सौ से ज्यादा कश्मीरी युवकों और युवतियों की आंखें जिंदगी भर के लिए पूरी तरह से या करीब-करीब चली गईं। रूही नाज़की पीडीपी के वरिष्ठ विचारक और शिक्षा मंत्री नईम अख्तर, राजस्व मंत्री बशारत बुखारी और कश्मीर घाटी में मौजूदा पुलिस का नेतृत्व करने वाले पुलिस महानिदेशक सैयद जावेद मुजतबा गिलानी की रिश्ते में बहन भी हैं।

नाजकी लिखती हैं- “उन्हें हर हाल में रुकने की जरूरत है, ताकि हम यह मान सकें कि यह जरूरी नहीं है कि हरेक चुनी हुई सरकार सत्ता में आते ही गैरजिम्मेदार और केवल एक पत्थर के खंभे की तरह हो जाए! कश्मीर में हर सफल सरकार ने अपने पहले की सत्ता से अलग तरह से नहीं सोचा-समझा। हमारे नेताओं को सभी चीजों को भयानक, अदृश्य और बेआवाज शक्ल में तब्दील करने की जरूरत नहीं है।”

“मुमकिन है कि है कि उनका पीछे हटने से नाइंसाफी फिलहाल नहीं रुके। लेकिन यही सब कुछ नहीं है। उनके लिए अपने विरोध को दर्ज करना ज्यादा मायने रखता है। हमेशा की तरह अपराध में साझीदार नहीं होने के लिए… खामोशी के साथ इंतजार और चुपचाप देखने के रिवायत को तोड़ने के लिए… अपनी अंतरात्मा की आवाज को बनाए रखने के लिए… अगर इंसाफ नहीं तो सच के साथ के लिए…!” नाज़की ने सरकार पर यह कहते हुए सवाल उठाया कि “हमलोग हर वक्त के बहानों से तंग आ चुके हैं। यह अनैतिक है, त्रासद और गलत है। पिछले दिनों कश्मीर में जो हुआ वह भयानक तौर पर गलत है। बच्चों तक का बर्बर कत्ल, विरोध प्रदर्शन करने वालों की आंखों की रोशनी आपराधिक तौर पर हमेशा के लिए छीन लेना और एक समूची आबादी को बेशर्म तरीके से घुटने के लिए छोड़ देना..! अगर यह पिछले दो दशक या इससे ज्यादा से हो रहा है, तब भी यह गलत ही है। कश्मीर को जलने से बचाने के लिए कई एजेंसियां काम कर रही हैं, तब भी यह गलत है। यह गलत है कि कोई हमारे सामने तमाम बहाने परोस रहा है।”

“और सबसे बुनियादी रूप में, सबसे शर्मनाक और घातक तरीके से गलत है। यह कश्मीर के बच्चों के साथ हुआ, जो हमारे देश के उन सुरक्षा बलों के हाथों गलियों में मारे गए, जिसने उनके युवा शरीर में पैलेट डाले। यह एक लोकतांत्रिक देश में हुआ कि एक समूची आबादी को बिना किसी बुनियादी जरूरतों, बिना फोन, अखबारों के कई दिनों तक के लिए बंधक बना लिया गया। और यह एक बार फिर एक चुनी हुई लोकप्रिय सरकार की आंखों के सामने हो रहा है।”

सरकार की प्रतिक्रिया को अस्वीकार्य बताते हुए नाज़की इसे फिर से दुरुस्त करने की जरूरत पर जोर देती हैं- “सत्ता को गलत कामों को दुरुस्त करने में लगाने या फिर पूरी तरह छोड़ देने की जरूरत है। हमें भावी पीढ़ियों के लिए विश्वास पर ध्यान देना चाहिए था, ताकि वे अब सच के चेहरे के तौर पर जाने जाएं। उनका सच, हमारा सच। वे यह कर सकते हैं। और उन्हें यह करना भी चाहिए..!”


 

The Post That Facebook Blocked

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Posted Again by Nishrin Hussain, daughter of Ahsan Jafri, July 27, 2016:

 

An Indian Army officer who served in Kashmir writes his heart out:

I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody. 
As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.
I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'
Geetu's DT (Dinesh Tiwari)
July 19 2016

I have been to Kashmir. No, not as a tourist.
I have lived there. I have worked there.

I was part of the heavy military instrument of the Indian State in the paradise, guarding it from the heaven dwellers themselves. And some mischievous neighbors too.

As a 21 year old, with the might of one of the biggest militaries in the world behind me and its command pinned on my shoulders, its determination manifested in the AK in my hand, I have roamed the towns and villages with authority which none of the Burhan Wanis or Bhatts or Wazirs or Bhans or Wattals or anybody else whose land it was, would have dared to.

Ironically, as a Citizen of Nepal, serving in the Indian Army, I was a bundle of contradictions myself.

When I led a group of armed men through a tense neighborhood, I could not help recall the state I was in myself as a teenager, back home in Nepal, angry and frustrated because of the curfew imposed in my hometown, from six in the evening to six in the morning every day for years.

When the Maoist insurgency was at its peak, I was a teenager. I have been frisked, violated, insulted; made to do pushups and squats just because I asked the police man at the check post to repeat himself when he instructed something and I did not properly hear.

There were regular visits to our houses– by police in uniform, by police without uniform, by a secret police who every one knew was a secret police; also from unknown people with weapons prominently hidden under wraps, meant to be seen and feared, demanding food, shelter, and money.

I was angry, very angry. I was angry at the then mysterious figure of Prachanda, whose only one picture in combat fatigues was public at that time. I was angry at the ideologue Dr Baburam Bhattarai — legendary nepal topper (Board First) and PhD from JNU — who was known to be the brain behind the movement.

I was angry at the people who marched in my town with weapons held high, after they blew away the local bank and the police station.

I was also angry at the policeman who frisked me, dragged me by my arm, threw my bag scattering away all my stuff on the floor and pinned me down to the ground and poked the back of my neck with a pointed object. It wasn't a stick. It was cold and heavy. I did not see it but a chill ran down my spine.

It blew up the anger. I was angry at the government. At the state, which had ignored so many people for so many years that they were ready to fight, and kill and die.

Also, I was angry at myself. Without knowing the reason, without a target, the anger was building up and building pressure and engulfing me.

I was lucky. I had options to flee. I fled at the right time.

When I looked at a beautiful Kashmiri child, who approached me with an innocent admiration and a genuine query, 'You must be Kashmiri, are you Kashmiri?', I was fumbling for an answer.
I would have liked to tell him — 'Yes, I am.'

I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'

I would have wanted to give him a smile, a nudge, pinch his cheeks, and ruffle his hair a bit and say, 'Yes, I am a Kashmiri. And I love Kashmir. And you.'

But I did not. Because I did not. I did not love Kashmir. And I did not love that child.
I was not a Kashmiri. And I was not a tourist.

Kashmir, for me was a duty. An assignment, an ardous task that had to be fulfilled to my utmost capability and most importantly, survived.

I did not pack a camera, few romantic novels and Faiz and Gulzar's poetry books before stepping on to the heaven.
I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody.

As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.

I did not go through accounts of romantic unions in the scenic backdrops, but brainstormed over hundreds of case studies of bloody and fatal encounters in the terrain.

For me Kashmir was not to be appreciated, but assessed, analysed and acted upon, and survived.
For me the innocent child was not that innocent.

The images of children carrying messages, supplies and even weapons, read in the extensive case studies, immediately cropped up in my mind.

Even before noticing his sparkling beautiful blue eyes, pink apple-like cheeks, and loveliest smile,
I had to scan through his whole body to know what was hidden.

Images of children blowing themselves away in front of security forces flashed before me even before I could comprehend the emotions in his voice.

Even before I could think of extending my hand to ruffle his hair, the grip on the AK tightened automatically and my trigger finger was alert.

No, my friend, I am not a Kashmiri. I could not be one. I was not expected to be one.
Therefore, I was not educated to be one. I was not trained to be one.

And I do not love you and your Kashmir. I could not. I was not expected to. I was not educated to. I was not trained to.

I was fumbling for an answer. I did not reply.
The child's mother came running, lifted him up and dragged him away hurriedly, slouching a bit, without even looking at me.

Today, he must be Burhan's age. And we don't love him still. And that is one of the reasons why Kashmir burns.

Meanwhile Dibyesh Anand on Facebook has also stated that other pro Kashmiri Voices and Videos are also being blocked:
Dibyesh Anand on July 27, 2016 On Facebook censorship of pro Kashmir voices (AJE)
 
While FB claims it is only blocking support of terrorism and accepts "error" in some cases, in the two sentences I had, I made it clear it is censorship. 
Some of the things I had said in the pre-recorded interview that was left out included:

1. If FB has to censor profiles and posts supporting terrorism, it should start with banning pages of military and in this context, profiles of all those Indians who are supporting violence and terror of their armed forces. 
2. FB is failing in its vision of providing alternative space and hence in this case is complicit with state atrocities against Kashmiris 
3. FB refuses to delete/block profiles that have sent death threats, threat of rape, etc but found perfectly reasonable and sensible posts on Kashmir objectionable.
4. If FB takes side this blatantly, it should expect us to not accept it with resignation.
 

Criticism & Questioning Essential to Real Growth: Vice President Hamid Ansari

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Remarks by Shri M. Hamid Ansari, Honourable Vice President of India at the Inauguration of the JSS Science and Technology University, Mysuru on July 23, 2016


Image: NDTV


I am happy to be here to inaugurate the JSS Science and Technology University. This university is the most recent example of the philanthropic and educational services being rendered by Shri Suttur Math. Since 1954, following the vision of his Holiness Dr. Sri Shivarathi Rajendra Mahaswamiji, the Math has played an important role, through its educational arm, in furthering ‘quality education for all’.

With over 350 institutions, covering all aspects of education- from primary to professional and technical- the Mahavidyapeetha has an iconic position in the field of education. The launch of the JSS Science and Technology University, renews the commitment of the Mahavidyapeetha to the making of a modern and developed India.

This University, by its very name, professes to teach both Science and Technology. Science is a deepening of the human understanding of the universe, while Technology is anything that enhances human capacity. The two share a benevolent cycle- a better understanding of the universe allows us to improve technology; and as our technology improves, so does our ability to understand the universe.

Science and technology have, today, become the most powerful drivers of growth and development. No aspect of human life remains untouched. The answers to humanity’s greatest challenges- be it disease, hunger, environmental degradation or energy requirements- all rest in our better understanding of sciences, and finding better technologies to address those challenges. In a competitive economy, there will be much greater demands on the scientific and technological capabilities of the country. We will need more, and better, innovations in order to remain competitive as we aspire for faster, sustainable and inclusive growth.

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The building of a science based, innovative and developed society, however, requires certain essential prerequisites. These include;

  • Development of a scientific temper in the general public;
  • A focus on the study of the basic sciences for meeting our domestic requirements; and
  • A conducive environment where enquiry and evidence form the basis of rational choices.

Allow me to dilate on each of these:
Scientific temper was perhaps best defined by Jawarharlal Nehru in his book, ‘The Discovery of India’:
‘the scientific approach, the adventurous and yet critical temper of science, the search for truth and new knowledge, the refusal to accept anything without testing and trial, the capacity to change previous conclusions in the face of new evidence, the reliance on observed fact and not on pre-conceived theory, the hard discipline of the mind — all this is necessary, not merely for the application of science but for life itself and the solution of its many problems.’1
Scientific Temper is not the content or extent of the scientific knowledge corpus, but rather the pursuit of rational enquiry. It is a world-view characterized by traits like healthy skepticism, universalism, freedom from prejudice, objectivity and rationality. It is an attitude which involves the application of logic. Discussion, argument and analysis are vital parts of this approach. Elements of fairness, equality and democracy are built into it. The value of Scientific Temper as the basis of all social interaction was well understood in India and it was enshrined in our Constitution under Article 51A (h).

Despite this, and notwithstanding significant achievements in many fields, there is little evidence of scientific temper in noticeable segments of our society, including the elite. Irrational beliefs and practices persist.

It is not without significance that today we have a large number of faith-oriented television channels but not a single Indian science channel. It seem paradoxical, that after much efforts to inculcate a rational outlook and scientific thinking among citizens for many years, we find that even scientists who practice science do not necessarily possess a scientific temper.

Secondly, we need a strong emphasis on teaching and research in basic science. When it comes to science, ‘no national scientific enterprise can be sustainable in the long term if it does not contain generous room for curiosity-driven research’. While the technological outcomes and social benefits of basic science are ‘almost always long-term and rarely predictable, such science creates and consolidates overall competence and intellectual diversity.’2
A regressive trend has been observed in the past few years in universities, as science seems to be losing out to other disciplines, particularly the professional courses. Universities are becoming mere teaching centers, with the research function being neglected.3

We are proud that India is recognized as an Information Technology hub. But it is equally important for India to be a science innovation hub to achieve technological self-sufficiency, and devise local solutions to our numerous problems like poverty, agricultural productivity, water conservation and climate change. Our failure to develop manufacturing capacity in critical segments of the defence industry is a case in point. Even the Light Combat Aircraft ‘Tejas' is equipped with an engine manufactured by the General Electric Company in the United States. We cannot hope to be a great power without a qualitatively superior scientific and technological prowess. Basic science education needs to be given due respect to foster a scientific temper and culture. We need an atmosphere where bright and independent minds can create great ideas in garages as well as in laboratories4.

Thirdly, an environment conducive to dissent and critical thinking –challenging established knowledge and dogmas- is required to pursue bigger questions in science and encourage innovation. Institutions must develop the ability and courage to critically evaluate traditional knowledge, inculcate concepts of scientific and mathematical inquiry in their research and teaching and promote critical thinking and reasoning amongst their students. This is what the Governor of Reserve Bank of India, in a talk last year at IIT Delhi, alluded to, when he suggested that “to keep the idea factory open”, it is essential to “foster competition in the market place for ideas” by “encouraging challenge to all authority and tradition, even while acknowledging that the only way of dismissing any view is through empirical tests.”

III
The search for truth is a tireless striving towards perfection. The authority of teacher and text is always provisional5. Gandhiji said that “Persistent questioning and healthy inquisitiveness are the first requisite for acquiring learning of any kind6.” Criticism is the basis of all advancement in sciences. Every iota of knowledge, traditional or new, must be put through a critical testing process in order to assess its validity. This approach precludes imposition of any ideology. There can be no ‘cherry picking’ of scientific concepts in the interests of particular social, cultural, political or religious belief system.

I wish the management, the faculty and the students of this university all the very best for the future. I am confident that this university will become a true wisdom workshop; nurturing both curiosity and creativity amongst its students and equip them with the necessary skills to play a productive role in the progress and development of our nation.

Jai Hind.
 


1Jawaharlal Nehru, Discovery of India, Delhi, 1982, p.512.
2http://insaindia.org/pdf/INSA_Vision_2010.pdf" target="_BLANK" title="The External PDF File that opens in a new window" target="_BLANK" title="External site that opens in a new window "/a>
3George Varghese, Declining Trend in Science Education and Research in Indian Universities, Department of Physics, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, India, 2006
4V. N. Mukundarajan, Is IT enough, what about basic sciences? The Hindu, March 5, 2011
5Gangan Prathap, India’s Many Trysts With Skeptical Humanism, Science Communicator, Volume 03, Issue 01, January 2012
6The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Volume 6: The Voice of Truth, Navajivan Publishing House, 1997