Withdraw Police, Suspend VC, Order Probe: 300 International Academics on HCU

March 27, 2016

Statement of Solidarity
Over 300 International by Academics, Activists, Artists and Writers stand with the University of Hyderabad (Hyderabad Central University-HCU)

We, academicians, activists, artists and writers, condemn the ongoing brutal attacks on and unlawful detention of peacefully protesting faculty and students at the University of Hyderabad by the
University administration and the police. We also condemn the restriction of access to basic necessities such as water and food on campus.

The students and faculty members of the University of Hyderabad were protesting the reinstatement of Dr. Appa Rao Podile as the Vice-Chancellor despite the ongoing judicial enquiry against him related to the circumstances leading to the death of the alit student Rohith Vemula on January 17, 2016.
Students and faculty members of the university community are concerned that this may provide him the opportunity to tamper with evidence and to influence witnesses. Suicides by Dalit students have been recurring in the University of Hyderabad and other campuses across the country. The issue spiraled into a nationwide students’ protest with the death of the Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula. The protests have pushed into the foreground public discussion and debate on the persistence of caste-based discrimination in educational institutions, and surveillance and suppression of dissent and intellectual debate in university spaces.

Since the morning of March 22 when Dr. Appa Rao returned to campus, the students and staff have been in a siege-like situation. The peacefully protesting staff and students were brutally lathi-charged by the police, and 27 people were taken into custody. The 27 detainees were untraceable for 48 hours, brutally tortured, and denied legal access. In short, all legal procedures of detention have been suspended. After the incident, the university has been locked down with no access to food, water, electricity, and Internet connectivity.
Students were brutally assaulted when they opened community kitchens. Lawyers and members of human rights organization as well the ordinary citizens of the city were denied access to students. University of Hyderabad is one of India’s biggest public universities.

We have followed, with deep concern, similar violent attacks and undemocratic crackdown on students on the campuses of Jawaharlal Nehru University, the Film and Television Institute of India, the University of Allahabad, Jadavpur University, Burdwan University, and others across the country. That the highest administrative authorities in the university have allowed the silencing of debate and dissent is unfortunate. We are disturbed by the pattern of growing nexus between student vigilante groups, youth wing of the ruling party, state and university authorities in colleges and university campuses across the country in order to mobilize the state machinery against vulnerable students. This has created a climate of fear and oppression in the country, and continually violates fundamental human and Constitutional rights of students.

We stand in support of the protesting students, staff and faculty of the University of Hyderabad and demand the following:

— Immediate withdrawal of police from the campus.
— Immediate release of, and withdrawal of all cases against, all arrested students and faculty.
— Suspension of the Vice-Chancellor P. Appa Rao.
— Judicial enquiry into the role of the HRD Ministry, the HRD Minister and Mr. Bandaru Dattatreya in inciting violence against Dalits on campus.
— Independent enquiry into the incidents of violence on the campus including the role of the ABVP in vandalising the Vice-Chancellor’s office.
— Action against police personnel named by students in their complaints.
— Passage of the “Rohith Act” against caste discrimination in education.

Signatories:

Lawrence Cohen, Director, Institute for South Asia Studies, University of California, Berkeley
Navtej K Purewal Deputy Director, South Asia Institute SOAS University of London
Akhil Gupta, Director, Center for India and South Asia (CISA), UCLA
Michael Davis, Professor Emeritus, Department of Creative Writing, University of California Riverside
Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director, The Oakland Institute
Barbara Harriss-White, Oxford University
Kavita Krishnan, Secretary AIPWA
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, University Professor in the Humanities, Columbia University
G. Arunima, Professor and Chair, Centre for Women’s Studies, School of Social Sciences, JNU
Sandeep Pandey, former Visiting Faculty, IIT, BHU, Varanasi
Michael D. Yates, Professor Emeritus, University of Pittsburgh, United States
Abha Sur, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Akeel Bilgrami, Sidney Morgenbesser Professor of Philosophy, Columbia University
Haroon Akram-Lodhi, Chair, Department of International Development Studies, Trent University, Canada
Apoorvanand, University of Delhi
Marjorie Griffin Cohen, Professor of Political Science and Chair of Women’s Studies Department, Simon Fraser University, Canada
Gerald Epstein, Professor of Economics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Surinder S. Jodhka, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Syracuse University
Sangeeta Kamat, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Dr. Shailaja Paik, University of Cincinnati
Kevin B. Anderson, Professor of Sociology, University of California Santa Barbara
Tithi Bhattacharya, Professor of History, Purdue University
Pranav Jani, The Ohio State University
Vinay Gidwani, University of Minnesota
Nivedita Menon, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Alpa Shah, London School of Economics
Jayati Ghosh, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Srirupa Roy, University of Göttingen, Germany
Rahul Varman, IIT Kanpur
Ashwini Tambe, University of Maryland, College Park
Jens Lerche, SOAS, University of London
Gillian Hart, Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Adrian Wilson, Social Anthropology, London School of Economics
Ayesha Kidwai, Professor ,Jawaharlal Nehru University
Meher Engineer
Aishwary Kumar, School of Humanities & Sciences, Stanford University
Ajantha Subramanian, Professor of Anthropology and South Asian Studies, Harvard University
Jyoti Puri, Chair and Professor of Sociology, Simmons College
Abdul JanMohamed, Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Dr. Nathaniel Roberts, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Goettingen, Germany
Paula Chakravartty, New York University
Atul Sood, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Prof. Mohan Rao, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Yasmin Saikia, Professor of History, Arizona State University
Nandini Chandra, Delhi University
Elisabeth Weber, Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara
C. P. Chandrasekhar, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Prof. Rupa Viswanath, University of Goettingen, Germany
Rama Baru, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Svati Shah, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Immanuel Ness, Professor, City University of New York
Balmurli Natrajan, William Paterson University
Veena Hariharan, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Rajat Datta, Professor, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Geraldine Forbes, Professor, State University of New York, Oswego
Joya Misra, Professor of Sociology and Public Policy, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Richard Seymour, London School of Economics
Susan Visvanathan, Professor of Sociology, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Dr. Pérez de Mendiola, Richard Armour Professor of Modern Languages, Chair, Dept. of Latin American, Caribbean and Spanish Literatures and Cultures & Humanities, Scripps College
Peter Spiegler, Asst. Prof., Dept. of Economics, UMass, Amherst
Swati Birla, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Atreyi Dasgupta, Baylor College of Medicine
Kuver Sinha, Syracuse University
Sirisha Naidu, Wright State University
Siddhartha Mitra, Programmer, Rockefeller University
Samantha Agarwal, PhD Candidate, Johns Hopkins University
Anup Gampa, PhD Candidate, University of Virginia
Anu Mandavilli, Friends of South Asia
Deepankar Basu, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Nandini Dhar, Assistant Professor, Florida International University
Michael Levien, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Devika Dutt, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Smita Ramnarain, Assistant Professor of Economics, Siena College
Taki Manolakos, Wright State University
Valentina Dallona, Johns Hopkins University
Iveta Jusova, Carleton College, USA
Aditi Chandra, University of California, Merced
Hee-Young Shin, Wright State University
Anjali Arondekar, UC Santa Cruz
Jinee Lokaneeta, Drew University
Ajay Chandra, University of Warwick
Xiao Yu, Peking University
Bettina Apthekar, UC Santa Cruz
Anirban Karak, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Natasha S K, Syracuse University
Mitul Barua, Syracuse University
Simmy Makhijani, San Francisco State University
Sofia Gavtadze, Solidarity Network, Georgi
Avishek Konar, Alumnus, The Ohio State University
Robert Carley, Wright State University
Dia Da Costa, Associate Professor, University of Alberta
Ann Smock, University of California, Berkeley
Liz Mount, Syracuse University
Terese V Gagnon, Syracuse University
Giorgi Kobakhidze, Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia
Levin Ahmed, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Christos Mais, Universiteit Leiden
Taveeshi Singh, Syracuse University
Aniruddha Das, Columbia University
Safar Safqat, St Mary’s College of Maryland
Ramaa Vasudevan, Colorado State University
Osman Keshawarz, doctoral student, University of Massachusetts at Amherst
Narendra Subramaniam, McGill University
Ammel Sharon, University of Pennsylvania
Gventa Gventsadze
Borisi Cirekidze
Minakshi Menon, Max Planck Institute, Berlin
Dmitri Khuskivadze
Salo Kaladze
Judith Rodenbeck, UC Riverside
Ashok Prasad, Colorado State University
Priyanka Srivastava, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Arani Roy, Brandeis University
Dag Erik Berg, University of Gottingen, Germany
Rahul Nair, Antioch College, USA
Gajendran Ayyathurai, Goettingen University, Germany
Balaji Narasimhan, William Paterson University, United States
Ember Skye Kanelee, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Jungyeon Suh, Independent Researcher, United States
Kannan Srinivasan
Roli Verma, University of New Mexico
Piya Chatterjee, Scripps College, US
Lalit Batra, University of Minnesota
Avanti Mukherjee, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Tyler Hansen, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Subho Basu, McGill University, Canada
Laurie Nisonoff, Hampshire College, United States
Satya Mohapatra, MIT
Julia Corwin, University of Minnesota
Parama Roy, UC Davis
Noeleen McIlvenna, Wright State University
Daniel Thompson, Johns Hopkins University
Jesse Knutson, University of Hawaii, Manoa
Prashant Keshavmurthy, McGill University, Canada
Anasuya Sengupta, Berkeley, USA
Uditi Sen, Hampshire College
Zarrina Juraqulova, Denison University, USA
Kiran Asher, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Prakash Kashwan, University of Connecticut, Storrs
Hamid Rezai, Pitzer College, USA
Anindya Dey, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
Lara Deeb, Scripps College, USA
Richa Nagar, University of Minnesota
Vatsal Naresh, Columbia University
Niharika Yadav, Princeton University
Bedatri Datta Choudhury, NYU
Sanjiv Gupta, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Suvadip Sinha, University of Minnesota
Ipsita Mandal, Perimeter Institute, Canada
Poulomi Pal, Fulbright scholar
Asmita Rangari, Activist, New Delhi
Shipra Nigam, Activist, New Delhi
Srinivas Lankala, Independent media scholar, Hyderabad
Carolyn Elliott, University of Vermont
Aviroop Sengupta, Columbia University
Madhura Lohokare, Syracuse University
Arijit Sen, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Suyapa Portillo Villeda, Pitzer College, USA
Oishik Sircar, University of Melbourne
Arjun Bagchi, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Greg Anderson, Ohio State University
Prarit Agarwal, Seoul National University, Korea
Sayori Ghoshal, Columbia University
Uponita Mukherjee, Columbia University
Suyapa Portillo Villeda, Pitzer College
Patricia Morton, University of California, Riverside
Sofia Checa, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Arpan Roy, John Hopkins University
Cynthia Correa, The University of Texas at Austin
Parvathy Binoy, Syracuse University, Syracuse
Jonathon Hurd, RN, Seattle
Varuni Bhatia, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Erin McElroy, UCSC, Director, Anti-Eviction Mapping Project
Geert Dhondt, John Jay College, The City University of New York
Mithun Bhowmick, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Alladi Sitaram, Retired Professor, Indian Statistical Institute
Dr Kasturi Ray, San Francisco State University
Alicia Giron, National University of Mexico
Probal Dasgupta, Indian Statistical Institute
Larry Halpern, Wittenberg University
Suchitra Mathur, Faculty, IIT Kanpur, India
Aditi Saraf, Johns Hopkins University
Ketaki Jaywant, University of Minnesota
Nagesh Rao, Colgate University
Irfan Ahmad, ACU Melbourne, Australia
Suvrat Raju, TIFR
Saikat Ghosh, IIT Kanpur
Samyak Ghosh, Columbia University
Catherine Liu, UC Irvine
Francis Cody, University of Toronto
Bhavani Raman, University of Toronto
Erika Suderburg, University of California Riverside
Saptarshi Mandal, Assistant Professor, Jindal Global Law School, Sonipat
Anannya Bohidar, Graduate Student, South Asia Studies, UPenn
Rahul Pandey, visiting faculty, IIM Lucknow
Tania Bhattacharyya, Columbia University
Aditi Sarkar, Architect, Las Cruces, New Mexico
Shakti Sathish Nambiar, Melbourne Law School, University of Melbourne
Krishna Melnattur, Washington University School of Medicine
Rupal Oza, Hunter College, City University of New York
Maroona Murmu, Assistant Professor, Jadavpur University
Gayatri Chatterjee, Symbiosis School of Liberal Art
Sipra Mukherjee, Professor, West Bengal State University
Raja Swamy, Asst. Prof., Dept. of Anthropology, University of Tennessee
Anandavardhanan, Department of Mathematics, IIT Bombay
Priyanka Bhattacharya, The Doon School, Dehradun
Anuradha Roy, Jadavpur University
Ramesh Sreekantan, Statistics and Mathematics Unit Indian Statistical Institute, Bangalore.
Srinath Jagannathan, Indian Institute of Management Indore
Tanima Sharma, PhD student, University of Chicago
Meena Alexander, City University of New York
Sharmila Sreekumar, IIT Bombay
Venkatesh K Subramanian, IIT Kanpur
Food Sovereignty Alliance, India
The Ghadar Alliance, US
Nandita Narain, St.Stephen’s College, Delhi University
Deepa Kurup, University of Oxford
Ramesh Bairy, IIT Bombay
Papori Bora, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Ritwik Balo
Ranjani Mazumdar, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University
PK Vijayan
Dr. Papia Sengupta, CPS/SSS
Krishna V V, CSSP/SSS
A.K. Ramakrishnan, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Arunima S Mukherjee
George Chkhaidze
Elizabeth Abel
Dr. Kochurani Abraham, Kerala
Saumyajit Bhattacharya
Pradip Datta, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Rohit Azad, Center for Economic Studies and Planning, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Deepak K Mishra, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Tulay Atay–Avsar, Mustafa Kemal University, Turkey
Dr. Vikas Bajpai, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Saradindu Bhaduri, Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi and ISS, The Hague
Dr Erica Wald, Goldsmiths, University of London
Navaneetha Mokkil
Manidipa Sen, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Ameet Parameswaran, Jawaharlal Nehru University
K. B. Usha, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Gopinath Ravindran
Avinash Kumar, CISLS, SSS, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Puja Rani, University of Delhi
Ritoo Jerath, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Hannah Carlan, Department of Anthropology, UCLA
Ganga Bhavani Manthini
Sucharita Sen, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Dr. Mallarika Sinha Roy, Centre for Women’s Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Archana Prasad, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Dinesh Abrol, Institute for Studies in Industrial Development.
Vikas Rawal, Professor, Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Sanjaya Kumar Bohidar, Shri Ram College of Commerce, Delhi University
Simona Sawhney, IIT Delhi
Dr Debjani Sengupta, Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi
Anirban Gupta-Nigam, University of California, Irvine
Nandita Badami, University of California, Irvine
Sneha Gaddam, PhD Candidate, University of Leicester
Prabhu Mohapatra Department of History Univ of Delhi
Farida Khan, Univ. of Wisconsin Parkside
Pankaj Mehta, Dept. of Physics, Boston University
Tista Bagchi, University of Delhi
Ra Ravishankar, Bangalore
Sambuddha Chaudhuri, University of Pennsylvania
Ani Maitra, Colgate University
Ethel Brooks, Assoc. Prof., Dept. of Women’s and Gender Studies and Sociology, Rutgers University
Abha Dev Habib, Miranda House, University of Delhi
Surajit Mazumdar, Center for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Sonajharia Minz, Professor, School of Computer & Systems Sciences, JNU
Vinay Kumar Ambedkar
Naveen Gaur, Associate Professor, Dyal Singh College, University of Delhi
Margot Weiss, Wesleyan University
Vivekananda Mukherjee, Professor, Dept. of Economics, Jadavpur University
Dr Shakira Hussein, National Centre of Excellence for Islamic Studies, Asia Institute, University of Melbourne
Udaya Kumar, Professor, CES, School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies, JNU
Kriti Budhiraja, Graduate Student, University of Minnesota
Radhika Balakrishnan, Rutgers University
Seema Saha Poddar
Poulomi Saha, Assistant Professor of English, UC Berkeley
Swapnil Deshmukh, Mumbai University
Dr Lata Singh
Tyler Feaver, Wright State University
Pavithra Vasudevan, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill
Santosh Rohit Yerrabolu, Buffalo, NY
Professor V V Krishna, Centre for Studies in Science Policy, SSS, JNU
Amy E. Alterman, Graduate Student, University of California Los Angeles
Ian Duncan, Professor of English, University of California, Berkeley
Bir singh, Asstt. Professor, Dept. of Economics, University of Delhi
Amit Singh, Postdoctoral Fellow, Northwestern University
Poonam Srivastava, University of Chicago, Postdoc Researcher
Omnia El Shakry, University of California, Davis
Jhuma Sen, O.P. Jindal Global University, India
Corey Payne and Chase Alston, Co-Presidents of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Johns Hopkins University
Sankaran Krishna, Professor, Dept. of Political Science, University of Hawaii at Manoa
Mytheli Sreenivas, Professor, Ohio State University
Preeti Shekar, Asian College of Journalism
Susan Himmelweit, Emeritus Professor of Economics, Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University, Walton Hall, UK
Kalyani Monteiro Jayasankar, Graduate Student, Princeton University
Nicolau Dols, Universitat de les Illes Balears, Spain
Kartik Misra, Graduate Student, Dept. of Economics, UMass, Amherst
Dolly Daftary, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan
Sugata Ray, Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science
Kunal Chattopadhyay, Professor of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University
Soma Marik, Associate Professor of History, RKSM Vivekananda Vidyabhavan
Pratiksha Baxi, Assoc. Prof., Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, JNU

Independent Researcher Bela Bhatia Threatened: Undeclared Emergency in Bastar

March 26, 2016

Even as another journalist was arrested by the Chhatisgarh police today, Bela Bhatia, an independent researcher has today been made a target of attack.

Bela Bhatia's own account:
At around 4 pm today, Saturday, March 26, 2016 a large group of agitated people (perhaps 100 or so) came to the village where I live, 8 km from Jagdalpur, in my absence. They came in four jeeps/cars, five autos and one pick-up. The group included men and women as well as members of the police force who were in plain clothes, a few of whom were armed. Villagers recognised some of them who were from a road-side neighbouring village. Around 4-5 were from another hamlet of this village.

The group was carrying a banner. They came to my house. They asked questions about me from the landlady and some neighbours. They asked why a Naxalite “aatankwadi” had been allowed to rent a room there, and advised the landlady to evict me (“unko bhagao”). They were also asking her for information about the landlord, her husband.

Then they took out a rally in the hamlet, shouting slogans against me (including “Bela Bhatia murdabad”) and distributing a leaflet. The leaflet (full text below) accuses me of being a "Naxali dalal" from outside and ends with the slogan "Bastar chodo, Bastar chodo, Bela Bhatia Bastar chodo". The leaflet doesn't bear anyone's name or any details of any printer. Some of them were also distributing sweets to village children.

Bela Bhatia has moreover confirmed the identity of one of the leaders who came today as being Laxmi Kashyap, believed to be one of the leaders of the Mahila Ekta Manch. Despite these open threats and aggressions the Chhatisgarh police has refused to act to protect human rights defenders be they journalists or researchers or lawyers.

The text of the leaflet is as follows:
JANIYE AAPKE BEECH MEIN RAHNE WALI NAXALI DALAL BELA BHATIA KO
Bahari naxali dalal Bela Bhatia Bastariya adivasiyon ko gumrah karna band karo
Videshi dalal Bela Bhatia Bastar se bahar aao
Apne videshi pati Jean Dreze ke saath milkar khooni naxaliyon ke saath desh todna band karo va unki dalali band karo
Bastar chodo, Bastar chodo
Bela Bhatia Bastar chodo
Naxalvaad Murdabad!

Another Journalist Arrested in Bastar: Repression by Chhattisgarh Police Continues

March 26, 2016

Photo Credits: Frontline

Another journalist, deepak Jaiswal, was arrested by the Chhatisgarh police on Saturday making this the second arrest and the third all out bid to thwart independent journalists bearing witness to the conflict in the region. Sabrangindia has been tracking the brute repression in Chhatisgarh especially acute since October-November 2015.

There are strong rumours locally that undettered by criticism, the notice by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the Chhatisgarh police is all set to arrest four to six more journalists.

Sabrangindia has a copy of the FIR and also a series of articles written by Deepak Jaiswal exposing nepotism and corruption.

The Hindu reports that Deepak Jaiswal, a young reporter of a Hindi newspaper ‘Dainik Dainadini’ based in Dantewada district of Bastar , was arrested in a case of “entering the examination hall, trespassing, obstructing public servant in discharge of public function”, which was registered against him last year. According to local sources, Mr.Jaiswal was a close associate of journalist Prabhat Singh, who arrested by the police earlier this week.

Mr.Jaiswal was reportedly arrested from court premises in Dantewada, where he had gone to witness court proceedings in Mr.Singh’s case. The Hindu further reports that, when asked about the scribe’s arrest, Dantewada district Superintendent of Police (SP) Mr.Kamlochan Kashyap refused to call him a “journalist”.

“Mr.Deepak Jaiswal is not a journalist. We asked the publicity wing of the government about him and they have given us in writing that he was not registered with them as a journalist. He runs a hotel business here. He has been arrested a case in which Prabhat Singh is also a co-accused. He was a close friend of Prabhat Singh. We immediately produced Deepak Jaiswal in the court and he has been sent on four days of judicial remand,” Mr.Kashyap told The Hindu.

Deepak Jaiswal became the fourth Bastar journalist to be arrested in last six months. The South Bastar Reporters Association, however, came down heavily on the police for refusing to accept Deepak.Jaiswal as a journalist.“Mr.Deepak Jaiswal was a full-time journalist since last two years and I can personally testify for that. We have decided that from now on, no coverage will be given to the police or the Maoists by reporters based in Dantewada district. Why should we report about them if they do not even consider us journalists? We will speak to our counterparts in neighboring Bijapur, Sukma and Bastar district and we would ask them to join us in blocking news related to the police and Maoists. We are journalists and not a part of any party here,” Mr.Bappi Roy, the president of the South Bastar Reporters Association told The Hindu.

Articles by Deepak Jaiswal:

FIR against Deepak Jaiswal

Suspend Appa Rao as VC, Step up Investigations for Violations against Atrocities Act

March 26, 2016

An independent national fact finding team that visited the Hyderabad Cental University (HCU) on March 24 and 25, 2016 following the illegal brutal police action has recommended the immediate suspension of VC Appa Rao and speedy investigations into the cases against him and now the police for actions on March 22.

An interim report by a panel consisting of Beena Pallical, National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, Ramesh Nathan,National Dalit Movement for Justice, Asha Kowtal, All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch, Paul Divakar, Asia Dalit Rights Forum, Henri Tiphagne, Human Rights Defenders Alert, India, Tara Rao, Amnesty Intl, Burnard Fatima, International Movement against all forms of Discrimination and Racism, Kuffir Nalgundwar, Round Table India and Kiruba Munusamy, Supreme Court Lawyer has been made public today, March 26.

The Report can be read below
Interim Report of the Independent National Fact Finding (FF) team into the Campus Violence on 22nd March, 2016 at the Hyderabad Central University

Date of the Fact Finding: March 24 – 25, 2016

Mandate of the Fact Finding Team:
1. To ascertain and understand the sequence of events that led to the escalation of violence on the 22nd of March at Hyderabad Central University (HCU).
2. To identify the human rights violations that transpired as a result of the events.

3. To contribute towards a restoration of normalcy, peace and an environment of non-discrimination in the University Campus by making key recommendations to the concerned parties – the University Administration, the Central Government, the State Government and University Students and Faculty.

The team comprising of senior activists, academicians and lawyers have met with the students, faculty members, the police, the Home Minister and local civil society organisations. The team will be presenting a more detailed report at a later date based on the compiled narratives and testimonies. This team was constituted as a response to the terrifying news of the escalation of violence at HCU on March 22, 2016.

The FF team had taken several efforts to fix appointments with the HCU officials and in particular with the Vice Chancellor, Dr. Appa Rao, the Registrar and the Chief Security Officer.

§ In spite of formal letters being handed over, the VC had after taking a lot of time and communicating with the FF team [made to sit outside the HCU campus] finally refused to meet the FF team and directed the FF team to communicate with the Professor-in-charge, Public Relations and Official Spokesperson of the HCU that he had appointed the day before.

§ When this Professor –in-charge, Mr. Vipin Srivastava [ the previously appointed VC in charge when Dr. Appa Rao was to proceed on long leave but who could not take charge since he did not enjoy the trust of the faculty and students and hence Prof. Periasamy had to take charge] was contacted he responded stating that he could not meet the FF team but only speak to them on the phone!

§ The same was the result of the FF team's effort to meet the Registrar and the Chief Security Officer, conveying clearly that all the senior functionaries of the HCU were in no mood to discuss the happenings in the HCU under any circumstances.

§ This also explains why the FF team was not allowed by the HCU security officers who were manning the main gate of the university, to even enter the university campus.

§ A sense of fear was amplified with the order passed by the office of the Registrar dated 23rd March preventing the entry of outside persons viz. print and electronic media and political, social and student groups/individuals into the campus – due to the prevailing extraordinary situation on the campus of the university.

§ We are of the strong opinion that this was only an effort to try to keep the university as a closed 'fortress' with no external visitor allowed to meet the faculty or students on campus and see for themselves the place of occurrence of the campus violence let loose on the 22nd March, 2016.

§ This further reveals that the officials of the University of Hyderabad had more to hide than reveal in the violence on its campus on 22nd March 2016.
The team was able to meet with representatives from the student community, faculty, the Police (the DCP K Kartikeyan, ACP and Inspector), the State Home Minister)

Key interim findings:
1. The Vice Chancellor Mr Appa Rao has a registered case pending against him under SC ST PoA Act 1989 in connection with the Rohith Vemula suicide. No action has been taken in this regard.
2. His unexpected re-entry into the campus was pre-planned with details chalked out with his supporter students and faculty, which triggered the escalation of violence.
3. What has been the role of the MHRD in his reinstatement and this process was not transparent
4. Interim situation: It was established that the University was working smoothly and with regularity in the interim phase, while Professor Periasamy was the Vice Chancellor. The routine at the University was maintained, including the proceedings within the University's Academic Council. Students and Faculty have confirmed their satisfaction. Even during the indefinite leave of Mr Appa Rao, the students association, faculties and various political parties continue their struggle within the campus with various demands.
5. It has also been observed that the Union Minister Shri Dattatrey and Shushil Kumar also have not been arrested after being booked for non-bailable offences. This inaction of the state, central government has contributed to this situation.
6. Disruption of the Campus: The return of the Vice Chancellor, Appa Rao, who had proceeded on indefinite leave triggered the disruption of peace on campus. According to the Home Minister, VC Appa Rao expressed a desire to the Minister to return to the campus and was strongly advised against it by the Police Commissioner and the Home Minister, saying that it would cause disruption of University. In spite of the Home Ministry's advice he chose to return to the university.
7. Police's role: People arrested were not presented before a magistrate within 24 hours as required by law.
8. Women students: Widespread assault of women students and abusive language and threats to rape the women students were heard from the police. Also targeted statements towards minority students and describing them as "terrorists" was also heard
9. The police could have given bail but the students and faculty were remanded in judicial custody

Recommendations:
The Fact Finding Team gives the following recommendations in restoring the normalcy and peace in the University:
1. In the best academic and interest and in restoring a peaceful environment in University and in order to ensure a fair investigation is done, the FF Team recommends that the Vice Chancellor Mr Appa Rao must be suspended pending the outcome of the investigation.

2. Police need to step up their response in dealing with the cases filed (VC, and student arrests) with efficiency and due legal process both in the case of the VC and the arrested students.

3. Normalcy of the University must be restored immediately. Free mobility in and out of the University and this must be brought back to regular functioning. This is essential for the academic health of the University, which has suffered significantly.

4. Criminal investigation should be immediately conducted and action should be taken against the police who have wilfully neglected their duty under Section 4 of the SC ST PoA Amendment Act 2016.

5. Recommendation to the State Government should play a facilitating role in bringing back normalcy to the campus.

6. The Central Government must swiftly and efficiently ensure a smooth transition of the leadership of the University in the best interest of the primary objective of the University of Academic Excellence by replacing the Vice Chancellor in close consultation with the University students and Faculty

Sabrangindia has been tracking the developments at the HCU since even befote the tragic death of Rohith Vemula on January 17, 2016.

Some References:

January 2016
We Shall not be Silenced: protest against expulsion of Dalit research scholars
January 18, 2016
A Letter that Should Shake our World
January 19, 2016
Rohith’s Death: We are all to Blame
January 21, 2016
HCU Bows to Campus Outrage: Suspension of 5 Students Revoked
January 25, 2016
Lessons Unlearned: Nine years after the Thorat Committee Report
January 27, 2016
Image Story: Campus Outrage Spreads
January 30, 2016
Art for Resistance
January 31, 2016
Make harassment and discrimination crimes under the law: Prakash Ambedkar
February 1, 2016
Image Story: Rohith Chose to be an Eternal Star
February 2, 2016
When Police act as Sangh’s private army
February 25, 2016
Calling Smriti Irani's Bluff: Twisted Truths in Parliament
February 26, 2016M
Make Dalit, Pain Exclusion Part of Public Discourse
February 28, 2016
How Opportunistic and Irresponsible can you get Ms Irani?
March 3, 2016
Systemic Prejudice, Absence of Grievance Redressal reasons for Dalit Suicides: Teacher Testimonies
March 8, 2016
Treat Dalit Women as Equals Under the Law: Radhika Vemula
March 22, 2016
HCU Erupts: Plan to attack unsuspecting students?
March 23, 2016: Faculty Member accuses Appa Rao of bid to shut down HCU
March 24, 2016
Bail Refused to Students, Faculty, false cases must be withdrawn
March 24, 2016
Appa Rao Return: Bid to thwart Kanhaiya Kumar at HCU?
March 26, 2016
Suspended VC barged in to disrupt university
March 25, 2016
Don’t convert HRD ministry into Hindu Rashtra Development Ministry: CPM to Prresident

Understanding the Drug Ban: Rights Steps but the Wrong method

March 26, 2016

Newsclick Production

A government’s role especially in investing in public health should be a non-negotiable in a democracy. In the absence of the government playing such a role, in failing to invest in public health, private pharmaceutical companies try exploit the public and their money. This happens largely because of the absence of governmental interventions that allow uncontrollable play to private players.
The recent government ban on 344 fixed dose combination drugs and the court’s order later to stay the ban is a good example of this. Fixed-dose combination drugs are those combining two or more active drugs in a fixed ratio into a single dosage, prescribed for particular diseases. The ban list includes Vicks Action 500, Corex cough syrup and other popular medicines which have been in the market for long time.

Dr. Amit Sengupta discussed this with Prabir Purkayastha in this video interview by Newsclick.

The government should have a clear policy to control fixed dose combination drugs, rather than banning selective ones, said Dr Sengupta. Although many of these medicines should not be prescribed for routine prescriptions for cough, they are irrationally and widely used in India. Dr Sengupta explains how leading global pharmaceutical companies have major stakes even in the cough syrup business in India. The complete absence of control of prices and a profit oriented approach dictated largely by big pharmaceutical companies and medical practitioners has made the situation worse. Public health must be treated as the responsibility of the government, requiring an increase in expenditure, he emphasised.

Courtesy: Newsclick

Absent Dalit: the Indian newsroom

March 26, 2016

‘…and then it was time to meet and we entered the private meeting room of the prime minister. Dressed in a crisp white churidar-kurta pajama, Narendra Modi met us enthusiastically. With "What news, Pandit (Prashant Mishra)," he asked how we were with a smile in his old familiar style’ (May 10, 2015, Dainik Jagran). There was a particular type of informality in the above conversation between the Indian prime minister and Prashant Mishra (senior journalist) of Dainik Jagran (India’s leading daily).

Between the journalists who follow politicians for years and the politicians themselves, an informality often develops in addressing each other; they likely have nicknames for each other. Without commenting on anyone’s allegiance, it is unusual for a prime minister to call a journalist a ‘pandit’. It is possible that addressing him in this fashion is one way of acknowledging his wisdom. But why does wisdom always have to be equated with ‘pandit’? Incidentally, the prime minister did not address Rajkishore, who had accompanied Prashant Mishra, as ‘pandit’. It is also interesting that the leading daily had no qualms about reporting the matter of a national leader addressing a journalist as ‘pandit’.

In journalism it is easy to be a ‘pandit’. When addressing someone as ‘pandit’, not only is one praising their experience, one is also giving their caste due respect. Will an equally experienced and veteran Dalit journalist or one from a ‘other backward class’ be called a ‘pandit’? Will a learned and leading woman journalist be called a pandit?

Through my years of experience, I have seen a special caste-centric relationship develop between journalists, politicians and officials. If one were to study the nicknames among them, one would quickly see how useful caste titles are. I am not arguing that only caste titles are useful. Most relationships are professional, but one cannot deny that ‘baba’, ‘Panditji’, ‘Shuklaji’, Mishraji’, ‘Tiwariji’, ‘Singh saab’, ‘Thakur saab’, ‘Matha’ (short for respected Thakur), ‘filam’ (which means to be of the same ‘paant’; in caste relations, that which is ‘paant’ is ‘filam’) are often heard. In the run-up to the Lok Sabha election, there was a much debated interview with a person associated with the army (who went on to become a minister). That interview generated a lot of discussion among journalists about the caste of the interviewer and the interviewee. Irrespective of the reality, the caste of the two persons involved was an important aspect of the discussion that ensued. Journalists who commented on this recognized that in our profession caste identity is a crucial anchor for professional relationships. Such ‘natural’ relationships are also formed between journalists and politicians belonging to ‘other backward classes’. Similarly, there are relationships based on regional identity (‘Mallu’, ‘Gujju’, ‘Mullah’ etc.). Everyone learns to operate in the midst of all these identities.

Of course, this does not mean that no one has a problem with such identities or relationships. From my own experience, I can say that unlike the ease with which journalists from the ‘so-called’ upper caste flaunt their surnames, those from Dalit or OBC backgrounds feel burdened by their surnames to the same degree. They worry and are always alert about being taunted for their caste identity. This is so because in the newsroom, apart from the class quota, what matters is the upper caste quota. I say class because ‘they’ have degrees from good colleges, a ‘good’ address, a flourishing social network in the form of family members being positioned in influential posts. They come from the upper classes, but their class accomplishments are built on the foundation of their upper caste-ness. That is perhaps why journalists from such a background do not give their caste much thought or importance. They easily and conveniently forget that social networks have played an important role in their journey. Their class journey began with a caste advantage, and even today, their class journey (perhaps unrecognized by them) feeds off the caste based networking.

News anchors in India are often seen wearing rings on their fingers, necklaces and amulets given by some ‘Bengali babas’. Many news anchors (English and Hindi) can be seen with such aids. They look incredibly honest when adorned with these they conduct debates against blind faith. Some reporters face the camera with a red thread tied on their wrist or their forehead adorned with a red ‘tilak’ on Tuesdays. Those who feel embarrassed may place the red mark on their neck, just above the shirt collar, rather than the forehead. The forehead is that place where science wins over blind faith because you have to apply your make-up on the basis of the camera lights. While covering the Kumbh mela or other religious occasions, those priests and sadhus with whom I remain in touch, upon seeing me (and my forehead) on television, send me messages stating that Mangal’s or Shukra’s bad influence has been weakened!

Recently, when I wrote a critical story about the Chinese Goddess Quaunyin, I thought that the priest would be upset. Rather, he was so happy that he sent me a photographic message on WhatsApp to say that he had asked Mother Quaunyin to bless me. I didn’t even have to go there like Prime Minister Modi. From the newsroom to society, a caste conclave rules, which people call ‘upper caste mentality’. I call this a caste conclave because even those who do not belong to the upper castes fall prey to it. In this arrangement, only that which the upper castes (who have made the successful journey to the upper classes) decide or desire will happen.

Sansad Marg on April 14, 2015: Shannon, a young student of journalism, came running towards me. I thought she was approaching me for a selfie, but she wanted to show me a selfie of my profession. She asked a question that had troubled her all morning. ‘Why isn’t Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar on television screens and in the newspapers?’ The media routinely broadcast images of festivals and anniversaries, but when it comes to Babasaheb there is a blackout. Shannon’s question actually hints at a larger concern from which we have insulated ourselves, the one I mentioned earlier. Though Shannon was smiling, she was also angry. She kept stating, ‘There is such a massive crowd on Sansad Marg, but absolutely no coverage of the event. Even when there are only a few people protesting at Jantar Mantar, the media is there to cover of the issue.’ I could have answered her, but my response would have sounded (and rightly so) hollow.

Instead, I asked Shannon why Babasaheb Ambedkar mattered so much to her. I was intrigued that a student of journalism would be so interested in the Ambedkar mela on Sansad Marg. My question made her eyes moist. ‘Sir I am what I am because of Babasaheb. But for him I would not have had this iPhone in my hand. I would have been nothing.’ The phone was an expensive one. Shannon spoke impeccable English. She is a young, modern woman, an English-speaker brimming with confidence. In spite of these accomplishments, her loneliness was palpable. For the world, her identity as a Dalit woman trumped all other accomplishments.

Perhaps Ambedkar would not have been mentioned at all had it not been for a BJP rally in Patna. For political parties, Ambedkar Jayanti constitutes an opportunity. But for a large section of Indian society, Ambedkar Jayanti is a cultural festival as well. Just like some sections celebrate Bhagwati jagran or Sai Sandhya, Ambedkar Jayanti is a cultural celebration which manages no coverage in the media. This year it only made the news because a Dalit was beaten to death in Maharashtra as the ring tone on his mobile phone played a song dedicated to Ambedkar.

While shooting for Prime Time on Sansad Marg, many people had asked me the same question that Shannon had posed. Each person there had become something in his/her life – an IAS officer, a revenue official, a doctor or a banker. However, no one talks about the Dalit middle class. Despite its size, its very existence is denied. In Mumbai, a senior Dalit official working with a public sector undertaking, lives in the PSU residential colony with a young child. The child is forced to spend his birthday alone as no one in the colony is willing to celebrate with him. Today, in spite of their status – English speaking and moneyed – the Dalit middle class is in search of recognition which society and the media has denied.

It is a politically savvy class. Unsurprisingly, even before I can ask any questions, they want to know why no news channel has ever covered Ambedkar Jayanti. ‘Will it actually be broadcast or are you only shooting this,’ they asked cynically. Some people even became aggressive while asking such questions. By ignoring certain questions and issues, the media helps create such restlessness – ask any Dalit middle class person and the anger is immediately palpable. The middle class cultural hegemony of the media has meant that various fasts such as Karva Chauth, Lohri and even Dhan Laxmi are written and talked about, but there is a deafening silence around Ambedkar Jayanti, Valmiki Jayanti or Ravidas Jayanti.

There are no Dalits in the newsroom. This has been revealed through numerous surveys. Yet there is little discussion on what might be a solution to this problem. If everyone makes it the newsroom based only on merit and chance, then surely some Dalits should also have made it. There is a serious lack of diversity in the media. Perhaps that is why the media sometimes ends up taking a stand against diversity. It begins to see all answers in one leader and his/her leadership.

It is unlikely that there is as much spontaneous celebration of any political leader as there is on Ambedkar Jayanti. It is not a day of boring speeches, but of celebration. On Sansad Marg, some were selling Ambedkar statues while others were busy providing free food to the visitors. Some were selling cool drinks while others were buying little statues of Ambedkar to dangle from their car dashboard (as others do of Sai Baba or Ganesh).

Many had queued up since the crack of dawn in order to enter Sansad Bhawan to garland Ambedkar’s statue. Others were fulfilling their lifelong dream of coming to Delhi to participate in the Ambedkar Jayanti festival on Sansad Marg. Remember, this is an area where the offices of the largest news agencies, as also Doordarshan and Akashvani broadcasting centres, are located. No wonder, so many people who had come to participate asked why Ambedkar Jayanti is neglected. Some people were overcome with emotion when they asked this question. I was also surprised how this could have happened. And even if, as an exception, some news channel did telecast it, the lack of media attention hurt those attending the fair.

I wondered if the media has the power to marginalize such a large section of society. Is it really true that the pain of the Dalits at being marginalized runs so deep? Shouldn’t the media be answerable for the blatant neglect of Ambedkar Jayanti, especially in comparison to other celebrations? Why did the woman revenue officer who had come in her official vehicle with her son need to repeatedly ask me, with disbelief, whether the programme would indeed be telecast?

Perhaps it is for this reason that after the Ambedkar Jayanti episode of prime time, I began to receive invitations from various Dalit groups who wanted to felicitate me. Even though I politely refused, the sadness in their voices remained with me. It is the loneliness of that part of our society which, despite political clout and not being economically depressed, remains. At least they have the means and ability to complain. For the Adivasis even this small opening does not exist, as mainstream media only remembers them in the context of Naxal violence. The India portrayed by media is so ekaangi, one-sided. It is not as if mainstream media does not report on atrocities and violence against Dalits. But beyond the formality of reporting such incidents, it does not push the agenda to give it the form of a campaign, nor does it participate directly in such campaigns. Such issues do not trend on social media such as Twitter and Facebook.

Given this context, it is no surprise that I began to get messages after the Ambedkar Jayanti episode. I counted more than 500 messages on Twitter, Facebook, email, and WhatsApp. However, only three non-Dalits wrote. The day the programme was telecast, no non-Dalit wrote. Generally, I get about 50 messages. On April 14, I only got messages from Dalit viewers. So do our viewers also behave like our media?

For many days the general secretary of the All India Confederation of SC/ST Organizations, Mr. Choudhary, kept calling my office to talk to me after which he wrote a letter: ‘This is the first time in history that media rose above caste-based discrimination to show a detailed report of the various celebrations of Ambedkar Jayanti. By broadcasting a one-hour programme on NDTV India, you have proven that you are completely different from other Indian print and electronic media which is trapped in a casteist mindset. For your progressive thinking, the followers of Ambedkar in India and abroad are indebted to you.’

I have created no history. But in the hearts of those for whom Dr. Ambedkar is ‘Babasaheb’, that one show has made history. Their loneliness and feeling of marginalization is apparent from their messages of gratitude. In the midst of this, my own caste became the topic of discussion on Facebook – What caste does this Ravish Kumar belong to that he shows programmes on Dalit issues? Is he Dalit? Some people even abused me. Why don’t these people ask about the caste identity of those who cover Karva Chauth or whose tilak-adorned foreheads and bodies bathed in the waters of the Ganga cover the Kumbh mela for weeks. Why does my caste become an issue when I do a show on Ambedkar? So much so that even in the Central Hall of Parliament, a Dalit MP asked my political editor whether I was a Dalit. Even some Dalit scholars and friends enquired about my caste.

Why do the norms of the caste conclave feel threatened when a Dalit issue is covered? Ambedkar is the country’s most potent political brand, but in the media there is not even an inch of space for him. How can there be such a disconnect between society, politics and the media? And why does this disconnect manifest itself only when it comes to Ambedkar? If one wants any proof that our media is casteist, then all one needs to do is investigate who it excludes.

(The article has been reproduced from http://www.india-seminar.com/2015/672/672_ravish_kumar.htm with the grateful permission of the publisher, Malavika Singh)

Don’t Convert HRD Ministry to Hindu Rashtra Development Ministry: CPM Memo to President

March 25, 2016

Image: Rebel Politk Arun

UPDATE:

President of India, Shri Prabab Mukherji had taken very serious note of the Memorandum presented to him by Sitaram Yechury, Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament and General Secretary of the CPI-M when he met him at 7.30 p.m. today, March 25. A copy of the memorandum can be read below. Yechury also pointed out the the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) had today issued a suo motu notice to the Ministry of Human resources Development (MHRD), Telangana Government and police for the "Emergency like situation at the Hyderabad Central University (HCU)." The President of India, under the statute is the Visitor of the university.

In its statement the NHRC has said that “NHRC has taken suo motu cognizance of media reports that there is an emergency like situation in Hyderabad University and there is no water, electricity, food, internet services and ATMs are out of order. Reportedly, there is heavy police presence in the Campus. The University students are under immense fear and trauma due to indiscriminate arrests of about 25 students and 2 faculty members,” it said in a statement.

Stand with HCU: CPI-M’s Memorandum to the President

CPI-M Memorandum to President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee that General Secretary of the Party, Sitaram Yechury will be presenting at 7.30 p.m. on March 25, 2016

Text of the Memorandum:

Hon'ble President of India
Rashtrapati Bhawan
New Delhi

Dear Rashtrapathiji,

I am writing this letter to you with a deep sense of anguish regarding the ongoing developments in the Hyderabad Central University.

The Honourable President of India is the Visitor of this central university. There is an ongoing dispute with the newly appointed Vice Chancellor. The students, faculty and the entire university community has been agitating for redressing the circumstances which led to the tragic suicide of a bright research scholar, Rohith Vemula. After this suicide, the Vice Chancellor proceeded on long leave and he suddenly surfaced and took charge on March 22. His resumption of charge was accompanied by a brutal police action against the students and the university community about which I am sure you are aware.

The demand for the removal of this particular Vice Chancellor by the university community is being met with such a police action which has continued on March 23 as well. The water connection to the hostels, access to wifi, food supplies to the hostel mess – all have been discontinued. When the students themselves organised the cooking of food for the inmates they were once again attacked by the police and all those facilities destroyed.
The reason I am writing to you is because on the issue of removal of the Vice Chancellor, the HRD ministry has officially stated to the media the following:

"Regarding the demand for the removal of the VC the ministry has conveyed the same to the Visitor who is the appointing authority."

Regarding the police action the ministry says that this is an "issue of law and order (that) comes under the jurisdiction of the state government".

This was conveyed to the entire media in the country by the HRD spokesperson Ghanshyam Goel (as reported in the Hindu web edition of March 24, 2016). Further, the news agency ANI has also put out on social media and the electronic media the same explanation.

The honourable President of India, who is the visitor of the University has now been dragged into the controversy by the HRD ministry. Given this, I am approaching you to intervene in this situation to restore normalcy in this premier central university in our country. As of now some students are still in hospital with serious injuries. Twenty six students have been detained and are in judicial custody along with two members of the faculty. Thus a total of twenty eight persons are in jail.

Further, we are informed that the first decision taken by the Vice Chancellor upon his return was to defer the meeting of the Academic Council on Thursday (March 24), which was convened by the in-charge Vice Chancellor to discuss the setting up of an anti-discrimination committee on the campus, to ensure adequate representation of SCs and STs on various committees of the university and to consider the proposal to increase the non-NET fellowship from Rs. 8,000 to Rs. 25,000 per month on parity with the Junior Research Fellowship in the country. The in-charge Vice Chancellor has reportedly pleaded that he had no knowledge of the Vice Chancellor returning to assume charge of the university.

Following the tragic suicide of Rohith Vemula there was a case registered against the Vice Chancellor for aiding and abetting this suicide. Instead of proceeding on this case this gruesome attack on the university community was mounted by the police.

Since the honourable President of India as the Visitor of the Hyderabad Central University has been dragged into this controversy by the HRD ministry, I am approaching you to please intervene and ensure that the HCU Vice Chancellor who took a blatantly anti-dalit stand violating all established norms of social inclusion in the university must be removed forthwith. The case registered against him with the police must be proceeded with and justice must be delivered to the university community and the country.

I would also urge upon you to please intervene to ensure that the Human Resources Development ministry is not allowed to be converted into the Hindu Rashtra Development ministry.

Sitaram Yechury, General Secretary, CPI(M)

HRD Ministry should not be Converted into Hindu Rashtra Development Ministry: CPM

March 25, 2016

Stand with HCU: CPI-M’s Memorandum to the President

CPI-M Memorandum to President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee that General Secretary of the Party, Sitaram Yechury will be presenting at 7.30 p.m. on March 25, 2016

Text of the Memorandum:

Hon'ble President of India
Rashtrapati Bhawan
New Delhi

Dear Rashtrapathiji,

I am writing this letter to you with a deep sense of anguish regarding the ongoing developments in the Hyderabad Central University.

The honourable President of India is the Visitor of this central university. There is an ongoing dispute with the newly appointed Vice Chancellor. The students, faculty and the entire university community has been agitating for redressing the circumstances which led to the tragic suicide of a bright research scholar, Rohith Vemula. After this suicide, the Vice Chancellor proceeded on long leave and he suddenly surfaced and took charge on March 22. His resumption of charge was accompanied by a brutal police action against the students and the university community about which I am sure you are aware.

"Regarding the demand for the removal of the VC the ministry has conveyed the same to the Visitor who is the appointing authority."

Regarding the police action the ministry says that this is an "issue of law and order (that) comes under the jurisdiction of the state government".

I would also urge upon you to please intervene to ensure that the Human Resources Development ministry is not allowed to be converted into the Hindu Rashtra Development ministry.

Sitaram Yechury, General Secretary, CPI(M)

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Withdraw Police, Suspend VC, Order Probe: 300 International Academics on HCU

Statement of Solidarity
Over 300 International by Academics, Activists, Artists and Writers stand with the University of Hyderabad (Hyderabad Central University-HCU)

Independent Researcher Bela Bhatia Threatened: Undeclared Emergency in Bastar

Another Journalist Arrested in Bastar: Repression by Chhattisgarh Police Continues

Suspend Appa Rao as VC, Step up Investigations for Violations against Atrocities Act

Understanding the Drug Ban: Rights Steps but the Wrong method

Absent Dalit: the Indian newsroom

Don’t Convert HRD Ministry to Hindu Rashtra Development Ministry: CPM Memo to President

HRD Ministry should not be Converted into Hindu Rashtra Development Ministry: CPM

Stand with HCU: CPI-M’s Memorandum to the President

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