A fresh communal storm is brewing in UP with a Muslim youth claiming that in response to his RTI application, he received a registered letter dated February 4, from the Allahabad-based CRPF DIG, Dinesh Kumar Tripathi, in which he allegedly wrote that the RTI query could not be entertained as “you are from the Muslim community which follows the religion of terrorists.”
In a telephonic conversation with SabrangIndia this afternoon, Tripathi claimed that the letter which the RTI-applicant Shams Tabrez from Usia village in Ghazipur district in UP has circulated in the media has been forged by someone with the intent of stoking communal passion in the state. “I am filing an FIR with the police in Allahabad today as a proper investigation is needed unearth the truth”, he said.
“The CRPF is a politically neutral force. We are specially requisitioned in communally charged situations to impartially enforce rule of law. Leave alone a senior officer like me with 28 years of service, even a junior in my office cannot ever conceive or dream of writing such a letter”, Tripathi told SabrangIndia.
Later this evening, while speaking to SabrangIndia Tabrez insisted that DIG Tripathi’s letter which he had shared with the media was none other than the one that he had received by registered post. “Please note, it was received by registered post, not ordinary post or hand delivered”, he added. What’s more, “Two days before approaching the media, I have already made written complaints with the National Human Rights Commission, the National Commission for Minorities and the Union home ministry”.
“Over several generations, members from my family have served in the Indian army, sacrificed their blood for the nation in the wars against Pakistan and during the formation of Bangladesh. But today my family and all Muslims have become followers of the religion of terrorists”, a deeply hurt and highly agitated Tabrez told Sabrang India. A dynamic RTI activist, in the last four months alone Tabrez has filed over 50 RTI applications for information from the home ministry. “I wonder if it is because of this that there is an attempt to frame me,” he said.
A post-graduate in journalism and mass communications, in keeping with his Hashmi family tradition of military service, Tabrez is especially proud of the fact that while a student he did two years weapons training and received a ‘C’ certificate of merit from the NCC.
The letter from DIG Tripathy which Shams Tabrez insists he received through registered post.
The multi-edition Inquilab daily which has seven editions published from different cities in UP had this morning splashed a report of its front page along with the letter Tabrez claims to have received from DIG Tripathi by registered post. We are reproducing here both the letter allegedly written by Tripathi and also the letter which Tripathi claims he actually wrote to Tabrez. The former letter is three paras long while the latter is only two paras long.
According to Tripathi, the additional para in the forged letter has been inserted by someone “with the obvious intent of inciting communal passion”. The controversial para reads as follows: “You are informed… that as you are from the Muslim community which is the religion of terrorists, for security reasons as stipulated under section 8(1)(k) of the RTI Act, the information/ documents cannot be made available”.
While it is for the police to investigate who is behind the attempt to light one more communal fire in UP, it is difficult to imagine that Tabrez would personally indulge in what, if true, would amount to a serious criminal offence.
What is sure to get buried in the process however is Tabrez original grouse that despite passing all written, physical and medical tests, he was denied a job by the CRPF due to apparent bias.
Office copy of the letter which DIG Tripathi claims is the official letter he wrote to Tabriz
In Tabrez’s Own Words:
मेरा नाम शम्स तबरेज़ है और मेरा सम्बन्ध आतंकियो के मजहब अर्थात मुस्लिम समुदाय से है। ऐसा मैं नहीं बल्कि देश की सबसे बड़ी अर्धसैन्य बल सी.आर.पी.एफ. कह रही है।
केन्द्रीय रिजर्व पुलिस बल ने अपने एक पत्र में स्पष्ट शब्दों में कहा है कि ”आप मुस्लिम समुदाय से सम्बन्धित हैं जो आतंकियों का धर्म है।”
मैं वर्ष 2010 में सी.आर.पी.एफ. का कैन्डीडेट था उस वक्त मैंने इलाहाबाद केन्द्र में पांच किलो मीटर की दौड़ पूरी की, पूरा फिजिकल टेस्ट पास किया और लिखित परीक्षा दिया जिसके बाद मुंझे मेडिकल टेस्ट के लिए बुलाया गया।
चूंकि मैं उस समय यू.पी. पुलिस से मेडिकल फिट था इसलिए मुंझे इस बात से बेफिक्र था कि मेरा मेडिकल नेगेटिव नहीं हो सकता।
लेकिन मेडिकल टेस्ट भी हुआ और मेडिकल फिट भी बताया गया तथा नियुक्ति पत्र 45 दिन के भीतर भेजने का आश्वाषन भी दिया गया लेकिन जब ज्वाईनिंग लेटर नहीं आया तो मैनें अपने साथी कैन्डीडेट, जिनकी नियुक्ति पत्र आ चुका था, से संपर्क किया तो पता चला कि मेरा नाम नियुक्ति सूची में नहीं है।
खैर मैं तब तक ग्रेजुएट हो गया चुका था इसलिए एम.ए. में दाखिला ले लिया। लेकिन इस बात की टीस मेरे दिल में हमेशा रहती थी कि मैं सी.आर.पी.एफ. का एक असफल कैंडिडट हूं। मैने 2013 में सी.आर.पी.एफ. के महानिदेशक कार्यालय नई दिल्ली से अपना पूरा डिटेल मांगा, जिसमें बताया गया कि मैं मेडिकल अनफिट था इसलिए ज्वाईनिंग नहीं मिली। लेकिन मेडिकल टेस्ट की रिपोर्ट देने से इन्कार कर दिया।
पुनः नवम्बर 2015 में आॅनलाईन माध्यम से मैने गृह मंत्रालय में एक आर.टी.आई. फाईल किया जिसे शुरूआत में निरस्त कर दिया गया लेकिन प्रथम अपील के बाद 30 नवम्बर को सी.आर.पी.एफ. के डी.जी. हेड क्वार्टर नई दिल्ली को मेडिकल रिपोर्ट देने की निर्देश दिया गया।
मामला उत्तर प्रदेश का होने के कारण डी.जी हेडक्वार्टर ने 28 दिसम्बर को आर.टी.आई. एक्ट की धारा 6(3) के तहत लखनऊ स्थित मध्य कमान स्थानान्तरित कर दिया गया। उसके बाद 10 फरवरी को डी.के. त्रिपाठी पुलिस उप महानिरीक्षक इलाहाबाद ने अपने पत्र रजिस्टर्ड डाक से भेजा जिसे 4 फरवरी को जारी किया गया था। इस पत्र में बताया गया कि “आप मुस्लिम धर्म से सम्बन्धित हैं जो आतंकियों का धर्म है अतः सूचना का अधिकार अधिनियम 2005 की धारा 8(1)(क) के तहत सुरक्षा कारणों से सूचना/दस्तावेज नहीं दिया जा सकता। साथ ही सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई. एक्ट की धारा 24(1) के तहत आर.टी.आई. एक्ट के दायरे से बाहर भी बताया गया।”
अब सवाल यह है कि अगर मुस्लिम धर्म आतंकियों का मजहब है और सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई एक्ट की धारा 24(1) के तहत सूचना देने से छूट प्राप्त है तो गृह मंत्रालय ने मेरे आवेदन को सी.आर.पी.एफ. के डी.जी. हेडक्वार्टर क्यों भेजा, और डी.जी. ने लखनऊ को मेडिकल रिपोर्ट देने के लिए क्यों आदेशित किया?
आज मेरा मजहब आतंकियों का मजहब हो गया?
मेरे वंशज स्वतंत्रता सेनानी थे। मेरे दादा 6 भाई हैं जिनमें से 3 दादा ने सेना में थे मेरे चाचा भी सैनिक है और मेरे पिता भी एक राज्यकर्मी हैं खुद भारतीय थल सेना ने मुंझे 2 साल की सैन्य प्रशिक्षण दिया। मेरा हाशमी घराना सेना में अपने दमखम के लिए जाना जाता है। जिन्होने चीन, बांग्लादेश और कारगिल की जंगे लड़ी, राष्ट्र की सेवा में अपने खून बहाया और आज भी ये सिलसिला जारी है। ये सब किसके लिए किया? आतंकियों के लिए!
मामला सामने आने के बाद सी.आर.पी.एफ. भले ही इसे तकनीकि या प्रिंटिग मिस्टेक कह दे लेकिन जिन शब्दों का चयन मेरे मजहब के लिए किया गया है वह एक गाली है। जिसने मेरे हाशमी खानदान और उन तमाम शहीदों को गाली दिया है जिन्होने अपने खून इस देश के इतिहास लिखा।
वीरों की धरती कही जाने वाली ग़ाजीपुर के हर उस सैनिक का अपमान किया है जिसके लिए यह क्षेत्र जाना जाता है। लेकिन सी.आर.पी.एफ. ने गलत जगह हाथ डाल दिया है। मैं केन्द्रीय सूचना आयोग जाने की तैयारी में कर रहा हूं जहां मैं सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई. की परिभाषा बताऊंगा, मैने भारत समेत 5 देशों के आर.टी.आई. एक्ट पर शोध किया है और वेब न्यूज चैनल का पत्रकार हू।
मैं देश के प्रधानमंत्री, राष्ट्रपति और उत्तर प्रदेश की लखनऊ स्थित अखिलेश फ्रेंचाईज़ी सरकार को एक खुला पत्र भी लिखने वाला हूं।
कल तक हम लोगों को पाकिस्तानी, आतंकवादी, लव जेहादी और देशद्रोही कहा जाता था लेकिन अब सरकारी पत्र में लिखित रूप से आतंकवादी कहा जा रहा है लेकिन सबको अपनी पड़ी है देश के साम्प्रदायिक बनाने के लिए केन्द्र और राज्य सरकार मिलकर काम रही है।
The recent events in Hyderabad and Jawaharlal Nehru universities and the actions of some “nationalists”, took me back to the 1940s and 1950s and question the nationalism I grew up with. I was eight years old at independence but even at that age I was exposed to the thinking of the freedom movement, because my father was one of its small time members. He would tell us about the country that the freedom fighters aspired for. He practised in the handloom establishment which he owned. His task was to cyclostyle the Kannada news bulletin of the movement. He could do it in his office without getting caught because the noise of the handlooms drowned the noise of the cyclostyling machine. More importantly, there were thirty handloom workers in his enterprise, Christians, Hindus and Muslims. But none of them betrayed him, so he never went to jail because the workers viewed India’s freedom as their joint enterprise. Their longing for free India united their group divided by religion and caste. We were exposed to that nationalism at independence and lived it in our neighbourhood of Christians and Hindus of different castes. That represented a country with religious, cultural, linguistic and other diversities in which all communities are equal.
When I see the fundamentalists of today proclaiming their version of nationalism, I wonder whether the pluralism for which our forefathers fought has disappeared. My first encounter with the predecessors of today’s Desh Bakths was on January 31, 1948 when some of them went round distributing sweets to celebrate Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination the previous day.
Like those who celebrate Godse today, they too did not want the diversity that Gandhi and the freedom fighters stood for. One has, therefore, to ask whether the Hindu Rashtra that the rightist forces would like to build will allow diversity. Or is it to be exclusive like Hitler’s Germany? I was just six when the world war ended so I did not know much about Hitler but I studied about him at school.
And I ask myself whether I am imagining what look like parallels between his Nazism and what the rightist forces propagate in my country today. Is their nationalist exclusive and the opposite of the inclusive nationalism amid unity in diversity that independent India stood for? Hitler’s exclusive Nazism was founded on a Germany that belonged only to the Aryan race which he defined as blonde and tall though he himself was short and somewhat on the darker side.
Those who did not belong to his pure race, for example Jews and gypsies, and others like trade unionists and Communists who disagreed with him, were jailed or sent to the gas chambers. The difference with the “nationalists” of today’s India is that they are ready to tolerate Muslims, Christians, Dalits, Tribals and Women in their Bharat, as long as they accept to be subordinate second class citizens under the “owners” of the country.
My first encounter with the predecessors of today’s Desh Bakths was on January 31, 1948 when some of them went round distributing sweets to celebrate Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination the previous day.
The events of the last few days and weeks make me wonder whether there is a second similarity. Hitler and his propagandist Himmler created an army of hooligans to attack their opponents.
They would first create myths showing their opponents in a bad light as anti-national and then attack them. One sees it happening in our country too. Those who shout slogans or write what the “nationalists” do not like are called traitors. Some of them like Pansare and Kalburgi have been eliminated, a few others like Prof. Kancha Illaiah, Dr Sandeep Pandey and Dr Sai Baha have been ostracised after accusing them of being Naxalites or anti-national.
Many others, for example the teachers and students of JNU and journalists who were covering their case, have been beaten up by lawyers and law makers. The freedom fighters stood for a different type of nationalism. The instructions of Gandhi to his followers were to exhibit their nationalism in the service of the poor.
That is what I witnessed in my childhood in persons like our neighbour homeopathic doctor Shastri (cricketer Ravi Shastri’s grandfather). He was the ward Congress president but he gave up politics and spent his life serving the poor particularly children in whose medicines he specialised. The spirit of nationalism was thus shared in service, not imposed through violence and today’s “nationalists” seem to think that they should do. The police look the other way when they beat up their opponents even in a court of law as it happened in the premises of Patiala House.
The Nazis came to power by using the democratic system. Once in power they used the army of hooligans to destroy its institutions. One sees a similar process in India today.
It is difficult to believe that the police can behave the way they did without instructions from those who control their department. The “nationalists” first created a myth that anti-national slogans were raised by the students of JNU and then beat up the “traitors”. The police arrested some students for sedition despite a Supreme Court judgement that slogans do not constitute sedition and that only a call for violence does.
That call has come from the “nationalists” some of whom have gone on record that they are ready to repeat their violent acts and even shoot some traitors. All that the police have done is to issue arrest warrants against some lawyers. They have not been arrested though they are highly visible and are staging demonstrations. They arrested an MLA, gave him tea and snacks and let him off after fifteen minutes. But some of those whom the “nationalists” accuse of being traitors are in jail or are under threat of being arrested because they made statements that the self-styled protectors of Bharat dislike.
Thirdly the Nazis came to power by using the democratic system. Once in power they used the army of hooligans to destroy its institutions. One sees a similar process in India today.
Dissent that is a basic feature of a democracy is considered sedition. People are beaten up inside the court premises thus preventing the judiciary from doing their duty. Their position of power is used to take control of the educational and research institutions because all thinking has to support their concept of nationalism.
Universities that encourage students and teachers to think for themselves become subversive. A democratic principle is that dissent has to be tolerated even when it goes beyond what moderate elements may consider unacceptable as long as it does not preach or encourage violence. But today’s “nationalists” invent sedition in all forms of dissent of questioning of established positions. Violence takes the place of debate and lawlessness overtakes law abiding citizens.
These developments should challenge people who love the country to come together and reflect on the type of India they want. India has the option of behaving as a civilised nation that encourages debate, dissent and creative thinking or join the banana republics in which creative thinking is sedition.
(The author is a former founder-director of North Eastern Social Research Centre, Guwahati is at present senior fellow in the same institution; this article also appeared in the Shillong Times)
Fr Cedric Prakash, a senior human rights activist from Gujarat is now in Beirut, Lebanon, from where he will be contributing a regular column for SabrangIndia
Tasnim is just about seven years old. It’s been a year now that her parents Zemzoun and Mohammed fled with their five children (Tasnim, Ghofran, Rawan, Razan and Khaled) from war –ravaged Syria to the safer and more secure environment of neighbouring Lebanon. Tasnim does not remember very much about the day they had to leave the comfort of their small home just outside Damascus; ‘it was very painful and difficult’ she says and then just tunes off clearly trying to forget the way her family had to come away from the place they once called ‘home’ .
The reality of Tasnim –is easily the story of two million Syrian refugee children who today live in neighbouring countries. The Syrian conflict will soon enter its sixth year. In 2015, the number of refugees fleeing Syria surpassed 4 million and Lebanon became the country with the highest per capita concentration of refugees in the world.
At the end of November 2015, the number of UNHCR registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon was 1,070,189 while the exact number remains unknown: the reported number strictly reflects those registered with UNHCR. Lebanese authorities estimate the number of unregistered Syrian refugees to be as high as 500,000[1].
Children and youth figure prominently in the flow of Syrian refugees. Based on recently published figures by UNHCR on Lebanon, half of the total number is children below the age of eighteen; of these, there are more than 477,000 Syrian children who are school-aged [2]. As of October 2015, more than 70% of them were out of school.
The Government of Lebanon launched a strategy in 2014 for educating refugee children in the country: Reaching All Children with Education (RACE), which aligns the country’s refugee response with the Lebanese Government’s Education Sector Development Plan. RACE promises to provide access to formal education to a great number of Syrian refugee students. This program, even if implemented perfectly to plan, will reach less than half of the school-age Syrian children in Lebanon.
Another essential problem that RACE does not promise to solve is aligning Syrian refugee students’ educational capacities with the requirements of the Lebanese curriculum. Syrian children face significant language barriers in adapting to the Lebanese curriculum, which provides certain subjects in English and French. These obstacles, in addition to the lack of available spaces, transportation costs, discrimination and bullying, social and economic issues, as well as unpredictable enrolment regulations[3], are the entrenched barriers to Syrian children’s successful enrolment and attendance in both formal and non-formal education provided through public schools.
According to UNHCR, more than 67 percent of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon are living in the North and Bekaa regions due to their proximity to Syria. The ratio of Syrian refugees to Lebanese citizens in the Bekaa is now as high as 1:2. Unlike refugees living in the Beirut and Mount Lebanon governorates, a large proportion of refugee families in the Bekaa region are staying in makeshift camps, leaving them vulnerable to poor weather, hygiene and protection concerns.
Security incidents are more frequent in the region due to the proximity to the Syrian border, which presents additional challenges for humanitarian access and delivery of assistance to refugees living in the Bekaa.
Children are often forced to start working in order to help provide for their families, and usually take jobs or work daily/seasonally in the agricultural sector. Many of the children are exposed to pesticides, toxic chemicals, heavy loads and exhausting hours.[4]
According to a study conducted in 2014, over half of the Syrian children living in the Bekaa had only attained basic reading and writing skills or elementary education before starting work.[5] The Bekaa region has the highest number of out of school children (85%) in the country, largely due to the lack of proximity to schools.[6]
But Tasnim is one of the more fortunate refugee children of the Bekaa region as she studies today in the Al-Andalus school which is administered by the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) since October 2015. She is delighted about this. She enjoys learning and playing in school. She looks forward to the daily snacks and the other facilities given to her in school. She revels in the warmth, affection and acceptance lavished upon her by her teachers.
Tasnim sits on the front bench of her class. Some visitors come in. They ask those ‘normal’ questions which a little child is subjected to: “When you grow up, what would you like to become?” Answers are the usual ones which a child would give perhaps anywhere in the world:” policeman’, ‘teacher’, ‘cook’ etc.
The question is directed to Tasnim, in an answer which belies her seven years and surprises everyone she looks at the visitor, with her arms folded she coyly says “Doctor!”. Later on, she is asked the ‘why’ of her desire. She does not hesitate in saying ‘I want to heal others; I don’t like seeing people dying, killing one another.
She also shares her longing to go back home to Damascus. She remembers her grandfather with a glisten in her innocent eyes. She loves him very much and she enjoyed playing in his house; besides, she says her grandfather used to play with her too. Then one day he became very sad, she says, because his son (her Uncle) was killed. She began feeling very sad too because he was sad. She misses her grandfather very much and wishes that he would come and live with them in Lebanon.
In the Bekaa valley there are thousands of refugee children who have to labour in muddy fields picking up fruits or vegetables or just doing almost anything to eke out an existence. A few months ago the New York Times (November 5, 2015) carried an insightful story entitled ‘The Displaced: Hana’.
This is the story of Hana Abdullah, another Syrian refugee child in the Bekaa valley a little older than Tasnim. But Hana is not as fortunate as Tasnim –as she slogs for long hours to help her family survive.
Though Tasnim is in school and is cared for, her father Mohammed finds it really difficult to make both ends meet. By profession he is a carpenter; back home in Syria he earned a decent wage and was able to provide his family with a comfortable life. The past five years have meant a dramatic change in his fortunes. He had no alternative but to flee with his family to Lebanon. He desperately tries to make both ends meet by doing odd jobs- that does not happen daily. No one speaks about a ‘just wage’ for a refugee. His wife Zemzoum looks after the children and the handles other household chores
In a world enveloped in darkness; where the tragedy of the uprootment ofRefugees reigns supreme, one speaks of a ‘lost generation’. Tasnim (though an exception) comes as a ray of hope.
Does she understand the meaning of her words, her wish, her dream? This is anybody’s guess.
Though she is just a little child today, her song is not “Que sera? Sera?” (Whatever will be, will be….) She has no doubts when asked what she wants to be. A doctor! The odds are however heavily stacked against Tasnim and her dream.
Is the World listening?
(The writer is a human rights activist. He is currently based in Beirut, Lebanon as the Advocacy and Communications Officer of the Jesuit Refugee Service(JRS) in the Middle East and North Africa Region)
[1] “Flow of Syrian refugees to Lebanon drops after restrictions,” Daily Star Lebanon, January 20, 2015.
Full text of Kanhaiya Kumar’s JNU speech on March 3 calling for freedom from hunger and exploitation, for the rights of Dalits, Tribals, women and minorities
Friends, all of you present – be they students, be they workers, be they teachers, be they security guards, be they shopkeepers, be they workers in shops – my revolutionary greetings and welcome to all of you.
Friends, from this platform, on behalf of all students, as the JNUSU [Jawaharlal Nehru University Student Union] president, I thank all the people of the country via the media channels present here. My salutations to them, my thanks to them.
Friends, I want to thank people from all over the world – be they academicians, be they students – who have stood by the JNU [unclear audio because of applause].
And I want to thank all those – be they from media, be they from civil society, be they from the political class, be they non-political people – all those people who are standing up to save JNU, those who are standing up to get justice for Rohith Vemula. I salute them all. My laal salaam, my red salute to all of them.
And I specially want to thank all those big and very important personages of this country who sit in Parliament and claim to be deciding on what is right and what is wrong. My thanks to them, my thanks to their police, my thanks to those TV channels.
There is a saying in our parts, ke badnaam hue to kyaa huaa, naam nahii huaa? So what if we were made infamous, at least our name was taken. At least they gave us space on prime time even if it was to try and bring disgrace to JNU.
One BJP leader said in Parliament that our soldiers are dying. I want to ask him, is he your brother? Or instead, the crores of farmers who have committed suicide in India, who produce the food for us and those soldiers and who are the parents of those soldiers, what have you said about them?
We have no hatred for anyone – particularly for ABVP. That is because the ABVP [Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad] on our campus is actually far more rational than the ABVP outside.
And I want to say that all those who consider themselves political experts, they should check out the last presidential debate video at least once. Please do see what the ABVP was reduced to, particularly the "most intellectual" person of the ABVP, and how he was left overwhelmed and speechless. Perhaps you can get an idea of what will happen in the rest of the country from that.
That is why, we have no ill-feeling towards the ABVP. Because we are truly democratic people. Because we really believe in the constitution, we do not look at the ABVP as an enemy but as a political opponent – and that is how it is for those who believe in the democratic process.
My friends, I will not do any witch-hunting. Besides, even when it comes to hunting, only those are hunted who are worth the trouble.
And this whole process… I tell you, this is the first time, I swear – and it is not like someone who, if born in the month of Saavan, when it rains, complains about the flood in the very next month of Bhaadon – I tell you, truly, the way JNU stood up in the country, and what JNU has shown – and the way JNU has stood up to call what is right, right, and what is wrong, wrong – and the best part is that this is spontaneous.
I’m saying this because all of their actions were planned, but ours were spontaneous. This country’s constitution, its law, and its judiciary and the legal system, I have faith in, I also have confidence that change alone is truth, and we will change things, we stand in support of change and progress. I stand here with confidence in the constitution, with belief in what I started with, socialism, secularism, equality, it is with this that I stand here.
You want to shut down all those voices that could unite – whether he’s standing at the border, giving up his life working in his field or battling in JNU for his azaadi – you do not want these voices to come together as one.
Someone asked, I wanted to say, that I’m not going to lecture. I just want to tell you of my experience because before I used to study more and suffer less from the system, this time I studied less and suffered more. This is why I have to say JNU people actually do research. I have primary data. I have first hand information.
The first thing is that the judicial process, I don’t want to comment on. I just want to say to all the people who truly love the constitution, who want Babasaheb Ambedkar’s dreams to become reality, they will understand. That which is sub-judice I don’t want to talk about. But the Prime Minister has tweeted. He said, Satyameva Jayate (the truth always triumphs), I also say, PMji, satyameva jayate is not just yours, it’s this country’s so I too say, Satyameva Jayate.
To all the people, don’t believe that sedition is being used as a political tool against a student. Think of it this way, we come from the villages, and for us every railway station has magic shows, where a magician does magic and sells you a ring that will fulfill all your wishes. There are people like this in the country, who say “black money will return,” “Har Har Modi”, “Inflation will come down, “Sabka saath sabka vikaas.” All these jumlaas… it is true that Indians forget things quickly, but this time the tamasha was such that we can’t forget it.
Their effort is for us to forget their false promises. How? By cancelling the fellowships of all the research fellows in the country. Then what will they start doing? Start saying, please give us fellowships, then the government will say, the Rs 5,000 or 8,000 we used to give before, we will continue giving that. Meaning, there is no question of increasing this. Who will raise this? JNU.
So when you are being insulted, don’t worry. You are reaping as you sow. In this country, if you call them an anti-people government, what will their cyber cell do? They will deliver a doctored video. They will send you insults. And they will count condoms in your dustbins. But there is very little time, so in this short time, we need to think with trepidation.
If we establish a dialogue with those who have a scientific temper, we will be able to get the azaadi that we are demanding – from hunger and poverty, from oppression and exploitation, for the rights of Dalits, Tribals, women and minorities – we will not give up till we get that azaadi. And we will ensure that this azaadi will come to this country via this very constitution, this very Parliament, and this very legal system – that is our dream.
This attack on JNU was prearranged. And this was planned because they wanted to delegitimise the Occupy UGC movement. It was planned because you were fighting for justice for Rohith Vemula.
You are running JNU’s struggle on prime time, respected ex-RSS, because you want the people to forget that the PM promised Rs 15,000 to each person’s account. But let me tell you this getting admission into JNU is not easy, and getting JNU to forget is as hard.
You might think we will make them forget, but we will keep reminding you, that when the people of this country rose up, the loudest voices came from JNU and that’s what we are raising now. The Sangh cannot dilute our struggle. What are they saying, on one side the soldiers are dying? I want to salute our soldiers. I have one question, I have learnt one thing in JNU, when the struggle is over ideas, one shouldn’t give someone unnecessary publicity, so I will not take that leader’s name. One Bharatiya Janata Party leader said in Parliament that our soldiers are dying. I want to ask him, is he your brother? Or instead, the crores of farmers who have committed suicide in India, who produce the food for us and those soldiers and who are the parents of those soldiers, what have you said about them?
I want to ask, those who work in the farms are my father, my own brother, goes into the army, and dies there, and you cannot use this to bind the people with false claims. Tribals are dying, the marginalised are dying, so I want to ask, who are you playing politics against in the Parliament? Those who are dying, who will take responsibility for them? The ones fighting aren’t at fault, the one who are making them fight are to blame.
Shanti nahin tab tak, jab tak bhaag na sab ka sum ho, Nahin kisi ko bahut adhik ho, nahin kisi ko kum hoga!
(There cannot be peace in this world until everybody gets a fair share. Nobody should have too much, and nobody should be left needy).
Hon’ble Prime Minister was saying, he was talking about Stalin and Khrushchev, and I felt that I should enter into the TV set, tug at his suit and say, ‘Modiji, please say something about Hitler as well… OK, forget Hitler, at least talk about Mussolini whose black cap you wear [the reference is to the RSS black cap], the one whom your Guruji, Guru Golwalkar had gone to meet and who preached to learn the definition of Indian-ness from Germans…’
Who is responsible today? Who is the one causing the fights?
In this atmosphere, is there something wrong with asking for freedom? They ask, who are you asking for freedom from? You only tell us. Has India enslaved anyone? No. That’s why we’re not asking for freedom from Bharat. We are not asking for freedom from India, we are asking for freedom in India. This is a crucial distinction.
We are not asking for freedom from the British. That the people of this country fought, and got. Now I come to laal salaam. The police asked me, what is this laal salaam, laal salam. This was not a part of the investigation. When they were giving me food, or taking me for the medical test, and even at that time we JNU people can’t survive without talking, so I started talking to the policeman.
And it turned out that he was just like me. In this country, who are the policemen? The ones whose parents are farmers, labourers, their kids are policemen. I too am from one of the backward states in the country, from a poor family, I am from a farmer’s family, and even in my family there are people in the police. I am speaking of constable, head constable and inspectors, not about the IPS [Indian Police Service] – I don’t have much information about them.
But the constable started talking to me and I wanted to tell you about that.
He asked: What is this "Laal Salaam", "Laal Salaam"?
I said: Laal (or red) means revolution and salaam means salute, so a salute to the revolution. He said: I do not understand the meaning.
I asked do you know "Inquilab zindabad" [”Long Live the Revolution!”]?
He said he knew it.
So I said: Kraanti or revolution is called Inquilab in Urdu.
He said: This slogan is also chanted by the ABVP.
I said: Do you now understand? They are the fake revolutionaries and we are the real revolutionaries.
Then he said: You’ve got everything so much subsidised and cheap in JNU.
I said: Should I tell you something?
He said: Sure, do tell.
Then I asked: Why do you also not get it?
I realised that he was having to work for 18 hours.
I asked: Do you get overtime?
He said: No.
Then I asked: How do you manage?
He said: This is what happens – what you call corruption.
I said I understood. Now, what they get – I realised that they get Rs 110 for their uniform. Now you tell me, in this much one can’t even get undergarments, how can one buy uniform? This is what those policemen themselves were asking.
I said this is exactly what we want Azadi from: from hunger, from corruption.
Meanwhile, a protest movement started in Haryana. And all of you know very well that the maximum number of people in Delhi Police come from Haryana. I salute them all because they are very hardworking people. So I said: This reservation…
He said: The caste-system is really bad…
I said this is the caste-system that we want azaadi from.
He said there was nothing wrong in this, there was no sedition (desh-droh) in this.
I said: Please tell me, who has the maximum power in the system?
He said: My stick (danda).
I said: Absolutely correct. But can you wield this stick as you want, of your own will?
He said: No.
I said: The entire power has gone to whom?
He said: The one who is giving statements on a fake tweet.
I said we want azadi from exactly such Sanghi-people or those from the RSS who make fake tweets.
He said: Should I tell you the truth, friend? It now seems as if you and I are now standing together.
I said: Yeah, but there is one problem with it.
We’re in this for the long haul. The people who want to divide this country, both within and outside JNU, the RSS and the BJP people who want to bring the country to the brink of destruction – we need to unite and stand against them. The fight that has been sparked off by Occupy UGC, Rohith Vemula, you, all the peace loving and progressive people in the country – we will fight that fight and we will win it.
And I am now aiming this at all the friends in the media. I am saying it humbly. Because all the people in media do not get their salaries from there. Some of them indeed get their salaries from there. And while working in media, while reporting from Parliament, some of them are trying to enter Parliament and they are the very people who have created such an atmosphere that… while I talk to you one to one, they go, “See this – sensationalism!”
They have created such an atmosphere, friends, that, he said: I felt that when you come here, because your name had appeared in the FIR…
I said: Before it appeared in the FIR, it had appeared in the ABVP paper.
The ABVP paper had put down all the names of all of us accused in their paper much before it was noted in the FIR.
He said: We had thought that when you come here, I will really beat you up but after talking to you I feel as if I should go and beat them up.
It’s something very serious he has said and I want to attract the attention of the people of the entire country.
That policeman, who like me belongs to an ordinary family, and like me also wanted to do PhD. But he could not get into JNU. Like me, he too wanted to understand the system of this country and fight the battle like me, he wanted to understand the difference between being literate and educated, today he is working for the police.
This is where JNU stands. This is why you want to stifle our voice so that a person from the weaker sections does not end up doing a PhD because education that is being sold out will cost in lakhs and he will not have the money to pay the fees and that is why he will not be able to do his PhD and that is why you want to shut down JNU.
You want to shut down all those voices that could unite – whether he’s standing at the border, giving up his life working in his field or battling in JNU for his azaadi – you do not want these voices to come together as one.
I want to tell you that Babasaheb [Ambedkar] had said that political freedom will not be enough, will not do – we will establish social freedom, which is why we keep talking about the Constitution. Lenin has said, “Democracy is indispensable for socialism”. That is why we talk about democracy, that is why we talk about freedom of expression, that is why we talk about equality, that is why we talk about socialism – so that the son of a peon and the son of a President both can go to the same school. [next sentence gets drowned in applause]. And you, you want to stifle our voice.
But what a coincidence. Science tells us, the more you press, the more will be the resultant pressure – but they have nothing to do with science. Because to study science is one thing and to be a scientist – or have a scientific temper – is something else altogether. So if we establish a dialogue with those who have a scientific temper, we will be able to get the azaadi that we are demanding – from hunger and poverty, from oppression and exploitation, for the rights of Dalits, Tribals, women and minorities – we will not give up till we get that azaadi. And we will ensure that this azaadi will come to this country via this very constitution, this very Parliament, and this very legal system – that is our dream.
This was Babasaheb’s dream. This indeed is Comrade Rohith [Vemula]’s dream. Now just watch – you have killed one Rohith, but in continuation of that, the one protest you wanted to suppress, that protest and movement has now emerged in such a huge manner, and how massive this movement has become. Just note this.
There is something else I want to say from my experience in prison – we people from JNU – and this is my self-criticism, and if you feel it’s a self-criticism, do acknowledge it for sure – we people from JNU do speak in a civilised and measured manner, but we use very heavy terminology. And the common people of this country do not follow that. It’s not their fault. They are honest, good, sensible people – but you do not manage to put things at their level in a manner that they can understand.
And what do they receive? And what do they get? “Forward it fast and you will get what you want.” Forward it fast and you will get what you want? Send it to as many groups as you can! Now they see [no more?] and sell it on OLX. We have to establish a dialogue with this mentality of selling.
Now I want to share something I experienced in prison. I was served in two bowls. One of them was blue and the other one was red. Now when I saw these two bowls, I was repeatedly reminded that while I do not believe in destiny, that I do not know God either, but something good is sure to happen soon in this country – after all, the red and blue bowls came together on one plate. And that plate seemed like India to me, the blue bowl seemed like the Ambedkarite movement to me and that red bowl seemed like the colour of … [unclear].
It seemed to me that if this unity could be achieved in this country, then I tell you the truth – now we will have to see no more and send out the seller. We do not need those who are selling out [the country], we will make a government that would be able to ensure justice for all. “Sabkaa saath, sabkaa vikaas” – with everyone, development for all – we really will establish this. And that is our battle.
There was strict watch in the jail. I have brought – I have brought chanaa [gram] for all of you. And there is a saying, as long as we have chana in our pockets, we will keep going and coming. Although it’s been quite some time since anyone from JNU was sent to jail – but let me tell you something funny that is linked to it. Today, the respected Prime Minister, the honourable Prime Minister – it will have to be said after all – who knows, this too might get doctored and sedition charges levelled once again – Hon’ble Prime Minister was saying, he was talking about Stalin and Khrushchev, and I felt that I should enter into the TV set, tug at his suit and say, “Modiji, please say something about Hitler as well… OK, forget Hitler, at least talk about Mussolini whose black cap you wear [the reference is to the RSS black cap], the one whom your Guruji, Guru Golwalkar had gone to meet and who preached to learn the definition of Indian-ness from Germans…”
So talking about Hitler, Khrushchev, the prime minister, we were discussing, Mann ki Baat he discusses, but he doesn’t listen. It’s a personal matter, I spoke to my mother after nearly three months today. Whenever I went home, I wouldn’t talk much. After going to jail, I realised I should be in touch better, you all should talk to your family also. I told my mother, you pinched Modi well. She said, i didn’t pinch him, that those people do, joking and playing is their job, we speak of our pain, those who understand, appreciate, and those who don’t, they laugh.
She said: This is my pain. Modiji is also someone’s son. But your son has been called anti-national and jailed. So sometimes there is Mann ki Baat, and sometimes Ma ki Baat.
I had no reply, because what is happening in this country is frightening. This is why I’m not talking about one party or one media channel. This is why I don’t only speak of soldiers. This is matter for the whole country, What kind of a country is it if there are no people in it? We have to keep saluting those who stood up to support the people of JNU. Because they understand what kind of people come here.
Here, we have 60% women. I can say this with pride that reservations are applied in JNU. And where they don’t apply, we are struggling to make sure they come in. The people who come here, this I haven’t said until today and you wouldn’t have realised, but my family runs on Rs 3000 per month. Can I do a PhD in any of the big universities? The way JNU has been attacked and the people who supported it have been attacked, and I’m not associating with a specific political party here, but the people who spoke up for us, they were also called anti national.
Sitarama Yechury was also called anti national? Rahul Gandhi was also called anti national? D Raja also? And the people of the media were threatening – Kejriwal too – and the media people who were supporting JNU, don’t support us, just set the record straight. They are being insulted, threatened, what kind of nationalists are these?
A few constables asked me in jail, did you really raise those slogans? I said yes. They asked, would you raise slogans again? I said yes. I asked them, can you tell the difference, Bhaisaab, this government has only been in power for two years, we have to suffer them for three more years. Because 69% of the people voted against these people. Only 31% voted for them. And out of those, some were drawn in by false promises. Some you pulled in saying ‘har, har’, and now they’re troubled by the price of Arhar daal.
Don’t think of this as your permanent victory. This is true that if you tell a lie a 100 times, it becomes the truth, but this only works with lies. If you called it the moon instead of the sun 100 times, would it suddenly become the moon? It will still remain the sun. You can spin lies and lies, but you can’t suppress the truth.
Outside the Parliament they bring distracting proposals, and distract from the legitimate demands of the people. There are new agendas to divert the people. Occupy UGC was happening here, when Rohith was murdered. When voices were raised for Rohith, then suddenly they cried, look at the country’s biggest anti nationals, this den of anti nationals. It won’t go on for too long.
They are preparing again. "We will build the Ram Temple". I’ll speak of today, today I spoke to a constable before leaving. He asked me: Do you believe in religion? I said I don’t even understand religion. Let me understand it, then I might believe.
He said, you must have been born into a family, I said by coincidence I was born into a Hindu family. He said, so do you know anything about it? I said with the knowledge I have, God created the universe – even a pebble has god inside it. God is in each and every particle. He agreed. So I asked him: some of these people want to build something for that God, what do you think of that? “It’s a terribly silly idea,” the constable scoffed.
How many times will you flog the same horse? You went from 80 to 180 once by fooling the people, but that won’t work again. But they’re still at it, trying to pull wool over our eyes so that no once discusses or debates the legitimate questions that need to be asked about the country. As your stand here today, it feels like someone has attacked on you. And it’s true – this is a big attack. However, this hasn’t started today. I’d like to remind you that the RSS’s mouthpiece, the Organiser had a cover story in JNU. Subramanian Swamy had a statement on JNU too.
I have full faith in democracy. If my friends from the ABVP are listening, it is my humble request that they get Swamy in for a debate, face-to-face. If Swamy can logically prove that JNU needs to close for 4 months then I’ll agree with him. If not, however, I’ll request him to leave the country, just as he had once done earlier.
It’s interesting how much planning and co-ordination went into this attack on JNU. The same anti-JNU posters have been used by the Hindu Kranti Sena, the ABVP and even “ex-armymen” on their march. This means all of this is being strategised at Nagpur [the RSS headquarters]. There is nothing spontaneous about this at all.
The main takeaways are: plans to crush the voice of struggle in this country. To distract the public away from the foundation questions of his existence. To brand Umar, Anirban, Anant, Ashutosh Kanhaiya and every other JNUite as a seditionist and to crush, delegitimise JNU’s voice. But this isn’t going to be that easy. You’re not going to be able to crush our struggle – the more you try, the greater our movement grows.
We’re in this for the long haul. The people who want to divide this country, both within and outside JNU, the RSS and the BJP people who want to bring the country to the brink of destruction – we need to unite and stand against them. The fight that has been sparked off by Occupy UGC, Rohith Vemula, you, all the peace loving and progressive people in the country – we will fight that fight and we will win it. I thank you, everyone who has been involved in this fight and I appeal for you to continue the fight. And with this, I end my speech. Thank you and long live the revolution!
A fresh communal storm is brewing in UP with a Muslim youth claiming that in response to his RTI application, he received a registered letter dated February 4, from the Allahabad-based CRPF DIG, Dinesh Kumar Tripathi, in which he allegedly wrote that the RTI query could not be entertained as “you are from the Muslim community which follows the religion of terrorists.”
In a telephonic conversation with SabrangIndia this afternoon, Tripathi claimed that the letter which the RTI-applicant Shams Tabrez from Usia village in Ghazipur district in UP has circulated in the media has been forged by someone with the intent of stoking communal passion in the state. “I am filing an FIR with the police in Allahabad today as a proper investigation is needed unearth the truth”, he said.
“The CRPF is a politically neutral force. We are specially requisitioned in communally charged situations to impartially enforce rule of law. Leave alone a senior officer like me with 28 years of service, even a junior in my office cannot ever conceive or dream of writing such a letter”, Tripathi told SabrangIndia.
Later this evening, while speaking to SabrangIndia Tabrez insisted that DIG Tripathi’s letter which he had shared with the media was none other than the one that he had received by registered post. "Please note, it was received by registered post, not ordinary post or hand delivered", he added. What's more, "Two days before approaching the media, I have already made written complaints with the National Human Rights Commission, the National Commission for Minorities and the Union home ministry".
“Over several generations, members from my family have served in the Indian army, sacrificed their blood for the nation in the wars against Pakistan and during the formation of Bangladesh. But today my family and all Muslims have become followers of the religion of terrorists”, a deeply hurt and highly agitated Tabrez told Sabrang India. A dynamic RTI activist, in the last four months alone Tabrez has filed over 50 RTI applications for information from the home ministry. "I wonder if it is because of this that there is an attempt to frame me," he said.
A post-graduate in journalism and mass communications, in keeping with his Hashmi family tradition of military service, Tabrez is especially proud of the fact that while a student he did two years weapons training and received a 'C' certificate of merit from the NCC.
The letter from DIG Tripathy which Shams Tabrez insists he received through registered post.
The multi-edition Inquilab daily which has seven editions published from different cities in UP had this morning splashed a report of its front page along with the letter Tabrez claims to have received from DIG Tripathi by registered post. We are reproducing here both the letter allegedly written by Tripathi and also the letter which Tripathi claims he actually wrote to Tabrez. The former letter is three paras long while the latter is only two paras long.
According to Tripathi, the additional para in the forged letter has been inserted by someone “with the obvious intent of inciting communal passion”. The controversial para reads as follows: “You are informed… that as you are from the Muslim community which is the religion of terrorists, for security reasons as stipulated under section 8(1)(k) of the RTI Act, the information/ documents cannot be made available”.
While it is for the police to investigate who is behind the attempt to light one more communal fire in UP, it is difficult to imagine that Tabrez would personally indulge in what, if true, would amount to a serious criminal offence.
What is sure to get buried in the process however is Tabrez original grouse that despite passing all written, physical and medical tests, he was denied a job by the CRPF due to apparent bias.
Office copy of the letter which DIG Tripathi claims is the official letter he wrote to Tabriz
In Tabrez’s Own Words:
मेरा नाम शम्स तबरेज़ है और मेरा सम्बन्ध आतंकियो के मजहब अर्थात मुस्लिम समुदाय से है। ऐसा मैं नहीं बल्कि देश की सबसे बड़ी अर्धसैन्य बल सी.आर.पी.एफ. कह रही है।
केन्द्रीय रिजर्व पुलिस बल ने अपने एक पत्र में स्पष्ट शब्दों में कहा है कि ''आप मुस्लिम समुदाय से सम्बन्धित हैं जो आतंकियों का धर्म है।''
मैं वर्ष 2010 में सी.आर.पी.एफ. का कैन्डीडेट था उस वक्त मैंने इलाहाबाद केन्द्र में पांच किलो मीटर की दौड़ पूरी की, पूरा फिजिकल टेस्ट पास किया और लिखित परीक्षा दिया जिसके बाद मुंझे मेडिकल टेस्ट के लिए बुलाया गया।
चूंकि मैं उस समय यू.पी. पुलिस से मेडिकल फिट था इसलिए मुंझे इस बात से बेफिक्र था कि मेरा मेडिकल नेगेटिव नहीं हो सकता।
लेकिन मेडिकल टेस्ट भी हुआ और मेडिकल फिट भी बताया गया तथा नियुक्ति पत्र 45 दिन के भीतर भेजने का आश्वाषन भी दिया गया लेकिन जब ज्वाईनिंग लेटर नहीं आया तो मैनें अपने साथी कैन्डीडेट, जिनकी नियुक्ति पत्र आ चुका था, से संपर्क किया तो पता चला कि मेरा नाम नियुक्ति सूची में नहीं है।
खैर मैं तब तक ग्रेजुएट हो गया चुका था इसलिए एम.ए. में दाखिला ले लिया। लेकिन इस बात की टीस मेरे दिल में हमेशा रहती थी कि मैं सी.आर.पी.एफ. का एक असफल कैंडिडट हूं। मैने 2013 में सी.आर.पी.एफ. के महानिदेशक कार्यालय नई दिल्ली से अपना पूरा डिटेल मांगा, जिसमें बताया गया कि मैं मेडिकल अनफिट था इसलिए ज्वाईनिंग नहीं मिली। लेकिन मेडिकल टेस्ट की रिपोर्ट देने से इन्कार कर दिया।
पुनः नवम्बर 2015 में आॅनलाईन माध्यम से मैने गृह मंत्रालय में एक आर.टी.आई. फाईल किया जिसे शुरूआत में निरस्त कर दिया गया लेकिन प्रथम अपील के बाद 30 नवम्बर को सी.आर.पी.एफ. के डी.जी. हेड क्वार्टर नई दिल्ली को मेडिकल रिपोर्ट देने की निर्देश दिया गया।
मामला उत्तर प्रदेश का होने के कारण डी.जी हेडक्वार्टर ने 28 दिसम्बर को आर.टी.आई. एक्ट की धारा 6(3) के तहत लखनऊ स्थित मध्य कमान स्थानान्तरित कर दिया गया। उसके बाद 10 फरवरी को डी.के. त्रिपाठी पुलिस उप महानिरीक्षक इलाहाबाद ने अपने पत्र रजिस्टर्ड डाक से भेजा जिसे 4 फरवरी को जारी किया गया था। इस पत्र में बताया गया कि "आप मुस्लिम धर्म से सम्बन्धित हैं जो आतंकियों का धर्म है अतः सूचना का अधिकार अधिनियम 2005 की धारा 8(1)(क) के तहत सुरक्षा कारणों से सूचना/दस्तावेज नहीं दिया जा सकता। साथ ही सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई. एक्ट की धारा 24(1) के तहत आर.टी.आई. एक्ट के दायरे से बाहर भी बताया गया।"
अब सवाल यह है कि अगर मुस्लिम धर्म आतंकियों का मजहब है और सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई एक्ट की धारा 24(1) के तहत सूचना देने से छूट प्राप्त है तो गृह मंत्रालय ने मेरे आवेदन को सी.आर.पी.एफ. के डी.जी. हेडक्वार्टर क्यों भेजा, और डी.जी. ने लखनऊ को मेडिकल रिपोर्ट देने के लिए क्यों आदेशित किया?
आज मेरा मजहब आतंकियों का मजहब हो गया?
मेरे वंशज स्वतंत्रता सेनानी थे। मेरे दादा 6 भाई हैं जिनमें से 3 दादा ने सेना में थे मेरे चाचा भी सैनिक है और मेरे पिता भी एक राज्यकर्मी हैं खुद भारतीय थल सेना ने मुंझे 2 साल की सैन्य प्रशिक्षण दिया। मेरा हाशमी घराना सेना में अपने दमखम के लिए जाना जाता है। जिन्होने चीन, बांग्लादेश और कारगिल की जंगे लड़ी, राष्ट्र की सेवा में अपने खून बहाया और आज भी ये सिलसिला जारी है। ये सब किसके लिए किया? आतंकियों के लिए!
मामला सामने आने के बाद सी.आर.पी.एफ. भले ही इसे तकनीकि या प्रिंटिग मिस्टेक कह दे लेकिन जिन शब्दों का चयन मेरे मजहब के लिए किया गया है वह एक गाली है। जिसने मेरे हाशमी खानदान और उन तमाम शहीदों को गाली दिया है जिन्होने अपने खून इस देश के इतिहास लिखा।
वीरों की धरती कही जाने वाली ग़ाजीपुर के हर उस सैनिक का अपमान किया है जिसके लिए यह क्षेत्र जाना जाता है। लेकिन सी.आर.पी.एफ. ने गलत जगह हाथ डाल दिया है। मैं केन्द्रीय सूचना आयोग जाने की तैयारी में कर रहा हूं जहां मैं सी.आर.पी.एफ. को आर.टी.आई. की परिभाषा बताऊंगा, मैने भारत समेत 5 देशों के आर.टी.आई. एक्ट पर शोध किया है और वेब न्यूज चैनल का पत्रकार हू।
मैं देश के प्रधानमंत्री, राष्ट्रपति और उत्तर प्रदेश की लखनऊ स्थित अखिलेश फ्रेंचाईज़ी सरकार को एक खुला पत्र भी लिखने वाला हूं।
कल तक हम लोगों को पाकिस्तानी, आतंकवादी, लव जेहादी और देशद्रोही कहा जाता था लेकिन अब सरकारी पत्र में लिखित रूप से आतंकवादी कहा जा रहा है लेकिन सबको अपनी पड़ी है देश के साम्प्रदायिक बनाने के लिए केन्द्र और राज्य सरकार मिलकर काम रही है।
A historian’s response to the petition against Sheldon Pollock:
A petition, signed by 132 “academics” asking Rohan Murty and Narayan Murthy to dismiss Prof Sheldon Pollock from his role as Editor of the Murty Classical Library Series, is receiving attention that the signatories did not anticipate. I put the word “academics” in quotes because the commitment of the signatories to an academic evaluation of Sheldon Pollock’s intellectual leadership is nowhere in evidence, since a quotation from Pollock was changed mid-way through the signature campaign. Nor does it seem as if the signatories have ever held any one of the hot- pink, beautifully produced volumes in their hands, where as much attention has been paid to looks and fonts, as to the quality of translations.
Had they done so, they too would have appreciated the significance of this effort, in bringing to the wider reading public the oceans of literary texts and traditions, in a mind-boggling array of languages, from a period covering two and a half millenia. The individual translators and editors are among the best in the field. Thanks to this series, so many more Indians and others will learn of the sheer beauty and anguish of Punna, a Therigatha poet (translated from Pali, 3rd century BCE). People of the south will hear the voice of Bulle Shah, translated from Punjabi, and those from other parts of India will read Allasani Peddanna, translated from Telugu. True we will miss the mellifluous chanting, or the energetic sounds of performance: for now, we will have to make do with the books on hand. Read more…
The “academics” deserve attention for another reason. In their unseemly haste to oppose Pollock, they did not read the lecture from which the quote they first cited was taken. In this lecture delivered at Heidelberg, Sheldon Pollock had provided a very useful history of the trajectory of Indology and South Asian Studies in the US, (in particular) as a way of acknowledging the achievements of the Heidelberg Center for South Asian Studies. Were South Asian ways of thinking, as opposed to more instrumental forms of knowledge production about South Asia, given short shrift by the administrators of the programmes in US universities and indeed the State Department? Can a case be made for strands of Indian thinking as holding continued relevance in our modern world? Pollock, a man who enjoys a formidable reputation of being extraordinarily gifted in his knowledge of several Indian and other languages, has frankly declared that while he does not uphold the view that South Asia be valorised as exceptional, there are sub-continental ways of thinking that deserve attention even in a modern world dominated by the laws of the market and the methods of science. (At the same time, neither the new marketplace dominated by immaterial labour nor the laws of aerodynamics will be adequately served by our rich literary cultures.)
This inattentive reading of Pollock is a symptom of what the “academics” really wish to save India, Infosys, and the reading public from. It is extremely unusual for a petition, which receives thousands of endorsements from amongst the hyperactive denizens who trawl the internet, to alter the quotation from the man they vilify, to substitute one statement for an even more innocuous statement? In their revised petition, the new quote has been defended as “more appropriate”.
Here are the two quotes: Are there any decision makers, as they refer to themselves, at universities and foundations who would not agree that, in the cognitive sweepstakes of human history, Western knowledge has won and South Asian knowledge has lost? …That, accordingly, the South Asian knowledge South Asians themselves have produced can no longer be held to have any significant consequences for the future of the human species?
This was replaced by the “more appropriate” correction
The theoretical discourse of sastra becomes in essence a practical discourse of power.
It is not at all clear what the objection to the second, unexceptional quote is. But we soon get to know the reasons for the lack of trust in a well acknowledged scholar, in India as elsewhere. A project such as Murty’s Classical Library series, we are told, must “be imbued with a sense of respect and empathy for the greatness of Indian civilisation.” Since no examples are given from the published works of any disrespect for such greatness, we can only speculate: might it be that Buddhist women poets have been allowed to be heard? That Sufi singers have found new audiences? That Akbar’s life and times are being read by more than medieval historians?
Proceeding further, the petition then states that Pollock’s approach to the (Sanskrit) sastras is not respectful enough, citing an article from which the second quote is taken from. Once we know that it is Pollock’s alleged “disrespect”, (no evidence is forthcoming) and not his scholarship, that is unacceptable to the self-authorised custodians of Sanskritic knowledge, we understand the real anxieties of the signatories.
Finally, but most importantly, the petition turns with a flourish to the crux of the objection, which explains why it has been made now, and not when the volumes were released. We are confronted (once more!) with the two strings of words which have coursed the length and breadth of our republic since that fateful February 9, 2016, thanks to the extraordinary zeal of writers, TV anchors, parliamentarians, lawyers, and other “patriotic” and tech savvy Indians. At last we have it, that it is Prof Pollock’s signature of support for the students and teachers of a reputed Indian university, (to which some of the signatories belong), that has disturbed these academics.
Having created a menacing aura around a man who endangers the very literary history of India , the petition itself takes on a menacing tone, speaking on behalf of the possible hurt sentiments of “those who practice these traditions” the Indian subcontinent. Here again, we are baffled. Who exactly will be disturbed by the poems of the first Buddhist women? Who is practicing Sufi music from among the grey eminences who have signed this petition? Who “practices” Abul Fazl’s Akbar?
Just as we are led to think that this petition may after all only be a thinly disguised application from AADHAR card carrying intellectuals to the Infosys Foundation for funds to “develop an ecosystem of India based research,” we are once more turned to the final and deep concern of the signatories. What if, they speculate, a word is untranslatable into English? What diabolical strategy will the American professor then adopt to undermine, disgrace and cast asunder the great Indian civilisation? Worse still, will he use his authority to comment on “The Foreign Aryan Theory” and other such lines of thought?
Now we need not wonder why Rohan Murty chose Sheldon Pollock, Arvind Raghunathan Professor of South Asian Studies at the Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies at Columbia University, as Editor of the series. As the petition reveals, we are currently inhabiting a republic of hurt sentiments, which, once it has exercised its labours of being vigilant, will leave us clutching at a few strands of what is a truly resplendent tapestry of Indian literary culture of which we have been given a sample. We wish that the illustrious scientists, scholars and Sanskritists, who have not only laid claim to the texts and literary cultures of the subcontinent, but demand that it remain the preserve of a cloistered few, read just one song of the heart taken from the what the book calls the first anthology of women’s poetry in the world:
Who told you that, Like a know-nothing speaking to a know-nothing, That one is freed from the fruits of an evil act By washing off in water? Is it that frogs and turtles Will all go to heaven, And so will water monitors and crocodiles, And anything that lives in water, (…) … But these rivers might carry away all the good done too, you’ll be besides yourself about that, aren’t you afraid of that, Brahman, each time you go down into the water? And at the end of the dialogue the Brahman expresses gratitude to Punna for her advice which changed him.
kafila.org
(The author is a professor at Centre for Historical Studies, JNU)
Another article on the controversy:
The struggles at JNU are now reaching other institutions in India– the Lok Sabha, the courts, the media channels. Though, to be fair, the struggles at JNU were first troubles at University of Hyderabad and before that at IIT Madras. Certainly, before that at Kashmir University. The world outside Delhi, Hyderabad, Madras, Srinagar has stood in solidarity with these struggles. Across South Asia, in UK, in America, hundreds of thousands have stood up, spoken, signed their names to be counted in the struggles. There are numerous vectors coinciding in this– anti-caste, pro-freedom of speech, pro-academy, anti-Modi and more. Sheldon Pollock, the Arvind Raghunathan Professor of South Asian Studies at Columbia University is one such supporter– having signed a petition for JNU. Presumably for this support, Pollock is now the target of a petition against him– demanding that he be removed from his editorial role at a series he founded. You can read about the petition here and a rebuttal from Dominic Wujastyk here.
Given that this petition is a publicity effort aimed at harassing a scholar, I was tempted to ignore it. However, as the news of this petition has circulated, I realized that people are largely unaware of both Pollock’s scholarship, and the history of why scholarship– such as his or Wendy Doniger’s– is consistently under attack by the Hindu Right parties. Unaware of either, I see the danger of people jumping to conclusions about the validity of the slur against Pollock or why it matters that we speak up for him. It is important, I think, that we properly contextualize the intellectual work of Pollock’s career but also the claims behind his detractors. This attack on Pollock has a genealogy, more precise and more general, than what is readily evident– the Hindutva Right has long targeted historical production on Indian past that was anti-caste, anti-communal or feminist, and it has long targeted Sheldon Pollock for articulating how political imagination frames historical thinking.
This is a struggle for the right to narrate–connecting JNU and Pollock. Pollock, too, is charged as an “anti-national” because slogans were reportedly chanted for Kashmir or Pakistan at JNU. The text of the petition requires that we see the Indian nationalist state as strictly Hindu, strictly masculine, and strictly aggrieved. The Petition’s effort to ask for “native” (read Hindu) Indologist has consumed Indian politics for a while now.
Today there is a call to #removemughalsfrombooks — and it perfectly encapsulates my contention. Books, written texts, need to be cleaned out; British histories, and colonial readings of Mughals eliminated; a Hindu history written in.
Here is the Text of the Submission Filed by Concerned Teachers, Scientists and Academics, Hyderabad before the Commission of Inquiry, University of Hyderabad
Image: PTI
The suicide of Dalit research scholar Rohith Vemula in Hyderabad Central University has brought to the fore the issue of caste discrimination in higher educational institutions. We believe that the suicide is only the tip of the iceberg of many problems that students from Dalit and other marginalized groups are experiencing. University administrations have generally attributed these deaths to personal psychology instead of initiating broad systemic and attitudinal reforms to prevent such suicides.
In 2012, in the wake of series of suicides by marginalised students in higher educational institutions, the University Grants Commission formulated two Regulations to ensure social equity and set in place grievance redressal mechanisms. In 2013, Andhra Pradesh High Court took suo moto notice of the student suicides in Andhra Pradesh in PIL No 106/2013 and issued several directives to the Universities to prevent the recurrence of suicides. However, neither the UGC Regulations of 2012 nor the Court directives have been implemented by the Universities.
Rohith’s suicide also highlighted the lack of standardised procedures and due process in the universities in issuing disciplinary orders. The disciplinary enquiries in Rohith’s case as well as those conducted in other central universities such as EFL-U and MANUU reveal insensitivity and disproportionate punishment. Major punishments such as rustication, hostel expulsion and stopping of fellowships are decreed without following due process or paying heed to the serious consequences of such punishment for the lives of students and especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds. This exercise of power is exacerbated by the absence of substantial appeal provisions within the University. In such a context the student is forced to approach the High Court for relief which involves time, expenses and the risk of entering an adversarial litigation. Also such litigation places the individual student in a disadvantageous position vis-à-vis the University which has both time and financial resources at its disposal.
In this context, we the undersigned teachers and concerned academics would like to bring to your kind attention the need to ensure that Universities follow the UGC Regulations, 2012 and the UGC Guidelines on Student Entitlements, 2013 and the AP High Court Orders dated 1-07-2013 in PIL No 106/2013:
2012 Set up the Equal Opportunity Cell headed by the Anti-discrimination Officer as per the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations 2012. (Annexure 1)
2013 Institute the Grievance Redressal Committee headed by the Ombudsman as per UGC (Grievance Redressal Regulation) 2012. (Annexure 2)
2014 Implement all the Directives in the Order passed by the High Court of Andhra Pradesh in PIL No. 106/2013. (Annexure 3)
2015 In keeping with the AP High Court Order Interim Measure No 3, a Special Commission be instituted to review disciplinary orders imposing major penalties such as rustication, expulsion from hostels and stoppage of fellowships in the case of all students and especially those from SC/ST/OBC and other marginalised backgrounds.
Further we assert that :
2016-17 The Special Commission should be constituted by the University Grants Commission for the Central and State universities. There should be a separate Commission for each State. It should be a three member quasi-legal body, with a three year tenure, and should convene at least once in every three months, and more often if there is urgency.
Its members should be a) an eminent scholar, b) a representative from the State SC/ST Commission, c) a senior professor from a law university.
1. The Special Commission will have the powers to set aside, confirm or modify the orders passed by the University. While reviewing the Disciplinary Order, it will examine if principles of due process and natural justice have been followed in awarding the punishment.
2. The Commission will provide personal hearing to both the University and the student. The student may be accompanied by a person of his choice to support him/her in the proceedings.
3. The Commission will particularly take into account a) the social and economic background of the student and b) if he or she is a first generation learner.
— It will strive to conduct its proceedings in a non-adversarial and healing manner and make every effort for a settlement of the dispute between the university and the student without jeopardizing the interest of the student. — The Commission should conduct its hearings and pass its Order within two months from the date of issue of the University Order.
4. The Orders passed by the Universities should become operational only after it is reviewed by this Special Commission. During the pendency of hearing, the student will be deemed to be part of the University.
5. The Special Commission will have powers to punish any official of the University for willful neglect of duty or failure to follow procedures. Such punishment may include suspension, forfeit of office, or withholding of salary.
We therefore request this Commission to recommend to the University Grants Commission and the Ministry of Human Resource Development to conduct audit of Universities’ compliance in following existing Regulations and Court Orders in spirit and letter and legislate fresh Rules in respect of the Special Commission for equitable, peaceful and productive functioning of the University and any other reliefs that this Judicial Commission deems fit to order in the interests of justice. Place of Testimony: At the Golden Threshold, Abid Road, Hyderabad
There is an alarming threat to the Rule of Law and Freedom of Expression
March 3, 2016
A Statement by Concerned Citizens
It seems that an undeclared state of emergency is sought to be imposed upon us: a series of seemingly unconnected events across the country, in universities (most recently in Hyderabad and Delhi), factory premises and court halls, our streets and over large parts of the countryside, bear this out. We would like to draw wider attention, in particular, to recent disturbing developments in Jagdalpur, Bastar, that have been somewhat overshadowed by events in the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
In Delhi as in Bastar, the state is using its coercive power to stifle dissent and lock up dissenters by labelling them anti-national or, in the case of Bastar, Maoists. In Chhattisgarh, it has long been standard practice to label anybody with an opinion of development contrary to the mainstream view (of development as corporate welfare and environmental destruction) as a Maoist. This is usually a prelude to police action ranging from harassment and intimidation to arrest, torture, and even death. The Adivasi inhabitants of Bastar have not enjoyed the rule of law since 2005, when the Salwa Judum, a vigilante paramilitary group, was formed in the name of combating Maoism. Nor does the law offer much protection to ordinary people elsewhere seeking to exercise their constitutional rights as law enforcement agencies and governments trample upon civil liberties in the name of nationalism.
During the last few weeks the government of Chhattisgarh has made a concerted effort to evict journalists and lawyers who write about (or speak for) adivasis challenging corporate crimes, state collusion with such crimes, and human rights abuses in the form of rape and murder by security forces.
Human rights defenders like Soni Sori have been attacked in broad daylight with toxic chemicals. The Jagdalpur Legal Aid Group (JagLAG) – a small band of committed, bright public interest lawyers – have been hounded out of their home. Bela Bhatia, a well-respected researcher, and journalists, including Malini Subramaniam of Scroll.in and Alok Putul of the BBC, are being driven out of Chhattisgarh by hooligans in and out of uniform. Somaru Nag and Santosh Yadav, two Hindi language journalists, have already been put in prison.
All these individuals have exposed chilling cases of rape, sexual assault and violence by security forces during anti-insurgency operations. In Chhattisgarh, as in Delhi, police officials are overseeing these events: the Inspector General of Police for Bastar, S.R.P. Kalluri, has been personally accused of intimidation and harassment. We hope that the NHRC team presently investigating human rights violations committed by the armed security forces in Bastar will probe into the complicity of the Chhattisgarh police in the eviction of human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and the attack on Sori and the constant threats being given to her family.
The parallel with recent events in the Jawaharlal Nehru University is evident, with the difference being that constitutional rights have been effectively suspended over large parts of Baster since 2005. What is difficult to do in Delhi without attracting widespread attention and protest is easy to do in a remote region to poor groups that impinge much less upon the public consciousness. But both are different sides of the same coin and testify to this government’s readiness to stifle dissent by force and scare-mongering whereby all those who subscribe to a different idea of India – one envisioned in our constitution, of an polity that is secular, just and democratic – are labelled anti-national.
It is in times like this that it is necessary to say even more loudly and clearly than before that we, and those being called anti-national by the government, are in fact defending the constitution. The central government (and the government of Chhattisgarh) must realise that a national government remains national only when it is vested in the greater common good; and that sovereignty rests in the active exercise of the democratic rights by ordinary people and not in the apparatus of the state. We welcome the Delhi High court order of 2nd March 2016, granting interim bail to Shri Kanhaiya Kumar, President of JNUSU.
Shashank Kela, Writer, Chennai Karuna D W, Historian, Chennai Nityanand Jayaraman, Writer, Chennai V Geetha, Writer, Chennai Karen Coelho, Academic, Chennai Madhumita Dutta, Researcher, Chennai Prema Revathi, Writer, Chennai Kalpana Karunakaran, Academic, Chennai Binitha V Thampi, Academic, Chennai Venkat T., Researcher, Chennai Vijayabaskar, Academic, Chennai Satya Sivaraman, Writer, Chennai Nalini Rajan, Academic, Chennai Anandhi Shanmugasundaram, Academic, Chennai Satyarupa Shekhar, Researcher, Chennai Gita Jayaraj, Chennai Radhika Rammohan, Chennai Bamini Narayanan, ‘Citizen of India’ V Srinivasan, Organic farmer, Chennai Om Prakash Singh, Chennai