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Uninvestigated links

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May 18, 2001: A pipe bomb explodes near the Nageshwarwadi Ganesh temple in Aurangabad (Lokmat, Aurangabad, May 24, 2006).

November 17, 2002: Pipe bombs explode near the Khadkeshwar Mahadev temple and near the VHP office in Niral Bag, Aurangabad (Lokmat, Aurangabad, November 17, 2002).

September 2, 2006: The police seize 195 kg of explosives (RDX-TNT) from the home of a scrap-dealer, Shankar Shelke, in Kharekarzune village in Ahmednagar district. Shelke, who absconds, dies under mysterious circumstances a few days later (Hindustan Times, September 21, 2006).

September 10, 2006: The Nashik police seize 29 boxes containing 50 detonators each, 11 25-kg boxes of gelatine and five 50-kg bags of ammonium nitrate from a vehicle at Tembha village in the Khardi locality of Thane district, off the Mumbai-Nashik highway. The occupants of the vehicle flee when the police arrive (DNA, September 10, 2006).

October 15, 2006: The police seize 430 kg of ammonium nitrate, 183 gelatine sticks and 566 electronic detonators from the house of the sarpanch of Adgaon village in the Chikalthana area of Aurangabad (IBNLive.com, October 14, 2006).

July 29, 2007: The police recover a large quantity of explosives from four youth in Kinwat taluka of Nanded district (Deccan Herald, December 6, 2008, reporting on complaints made by Muslim organisations in this regard).

September 2007: Three youth who claimed to belong to an organisation called the Jihad-i-Islami and extorted money from people by sending them threatening letters are arrested by the Rampur (UP) police. All three are non-Muslims. The youth are identified as Rajpal Sharma, Dori Lal and Dharam Pal (The Milli Gazette, October 1-15, 2007).

September 26, 2007: Six bombs are found in Mumbai ahead of the victorious Indian cricket team’s arrival in the city from South Africa. The Mumbai police arrest two persons, Rajeev Govind Singh and Sumitra Badal Ray, with six low intensity bombs powerful enough to kill at least half a dozen people (The Times of India, Pune, September 27, 2007).

October 2007: The Latur district police seize ammonium nitrate and gelatine sticks worth Rs 14,72,000 from seven youth: Vikas Mawad, Kailas, Vinod, Dhananjay, Nitish, Mahesh and Ganesh (The Milli Gazette, November 16-30, 2007).

October 11, 2007: An individual named Dr Bafna is killed in a powerful blast in a village in Yeotmal district in Maharashtra. The deceased is said to have belonged to the RSS (The Milli Gazette, November 16-30, 2007).

October 15, 2007: Bombs are sent as Diwali gifts to some persons in Wardha. The police arrest four persons in this connection: Chintu alias Mahesh Thadwani, Jitesh Pradhan, Prakash Balve and Ajay Jivtode. However, the "mastermind" of this plan, Bandu Telgote alias "Laden", absconds (Dainik Bhaskar, November 3, 2007).

January 24, 2008: A bomb blast occurs at the RSS office at Tenkasi in the Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu. Following a thorny investigation, the Tamil Nadu police arrest eight persons belonging to various sangh parivar outfits. The police say that 14 pipe bombs were assembled and the operation commenced in July 2007. The arrested persons later confess that their objective was to create a communal divide (The Milli Gazette, February 16-29, 2008).

April 2008: During investigations into a minor riot involving two communities the police find that in Amerti village in Chopda taluka of Jalgaon district, deadly weapons such as pistols, swords, choppers, etc are being manufactured on a large scale. The investigation also reveals that a person named Shetty Phitewala, a resident of Samata Nagar and an active member of a communal party, trains youth in the use of weapons and shows them communally provocative films and CDs (The Milli Gazette, May 16-31, 2008).

April 17, 2008: The Malegaon police raid a pathological laboratory situated in the basement of a private hospital and recover five live RDX explosives, three used RDX explosives, one pistol, a laptop, a scanner, two mobile phones, four fake currency notes and some money. They arrest three persons, Nitish Ashire, Sahebrao Dhurve and Jitendra Khema, all belonging to an unknown organisation (The Milli Gazette, May 1-15, 2008).

July-August 2008: Pramod Mutalik of the Rashtriya Hindu Sena (RHS), an offshoot of the RSS, forms an anti-terrorist squad, Rashtra Raksha Sena, in Karnataka, consisting of 700 persons from all over the state and 150 persons from Bangalore alone. Mutalik claims he has set up the team to weed out terrorism from the state (Pune Mirror, August 23, 2008).

October 2, 2008: In Talegaon Dabhade, Pune district, the VHP and Bajrang Dal organise a "Durga Mata Daud" (rally) during the 10-day Dussehra festival. Youngsters carrying swords, lathis and flags participate (Lokmat, Pune, October 4, 2008).

Several such rallies were also organised elsewhere in Maharashtra, in which swords, torches, trishuls and lathis were carried and provocative slogans against Muslims were shouted. The largest such rally was held in Sangli where about 5,000 people participated.

November 9, 2008: The police recover seven live crude bombs from Manjargaon village in Badlapur taluka in Maharashtra’s Jalna district. One person is arrested (The Indian Express, Pune, November 11, 2008).

November 10, 2008: In Kerala’s Kannur district, two RSS activists are killed in a blast that occurred while they were assembling a bomb. The following day the police recover 18 crude bombs from the house of BJP leader, Prakashan, not far from the spot where the two persons were killed (The Indian Express, Pune, November 11, 2008 and The Times of India, November 13, 2008).

November 11, 2008: ULFA chairman, Arbinda Rajkhowa alleges that the RSS was behind the deadly blasts in Assam on October 30 as well as the ethnic violence in the Bodoland Territorial Areas Districts (BTAD) which claimed 140 lives (85 in the blasts and 55 in ethnic violence). He claims that ULFA has enough evidence to prove the RSS’s involvement in the blasts. A few months earlier, in its mouthpiece, Freedom, ULFA had also referred to secret directives allegedly sent by the RSS to carry out blasts in different parts of the country (DNA online, November 11, 2008).

Archived from Communalism Combat,  February 2009 Year 15    No.137, Cover Story 3

Blasts on the Samjhauta Express

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Why were investigations into the Samjhauta Express bomb blasts so hastily interrupted


 

On February 18-19, 2007, near Panipat in Haryana, 68 persons were killed as bombs exploded on the Samjhauta Express bound for Pakistan. Both India and Pakistan blamed each other for the tragedy. The Indian government hinted at the involvement of a Pakistan-backed terrorist outfit based across the border. However, at the first meeting of the Indo-Pak Joint Anti-Terror Mechanism held on March 6, 2007 it could only hand over a photograph of a suspected Pakistani national believed to be involved in the terror attack (one who had also lost family members in the tragedy!) and sought Pakistan’s cooperation in tracking him down.

In contrast, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) of the Haryana police, which had been sent to Indore in Madhya Pradesh during the first week of March 2007 on the basis of investigative inputs, made a positive breakthrough in the investigations. This included the uncovering of evidence from shopkeepers who had sold the suitcases in which the RDX is said to have been carried (The Statesman, March 11, 2007, The Indian Express, March 13 and 19, 2007, The Hindu, March 14, 2007).

At this stage, when it appeared that the Haryana police had almost cracked the case, newspapers reported that further investigations had been abruptly stopped and nothing was heard about the progress of these investigations immediately thereafter.

Seven months later, while reporting that the investigations into the Ajmer blast case had also led the Rajasthan police to Madhya Pradesh, The Indian Express, Pune, in its edition dated October 10, 2007 reported that when the Haryana police had been on the verge of solving the Samjhauta case in March 2007, they got no cooperation from their colleagues in Madhya Pradesh and could thus proceed no further. What information the Haryana police had unearthed and why the Madhya Pradesh police were so reluctant to pursue it remains a mystery. The BJP was and is the party in power in Madhya Pradesh.

 

The Malegaon link

It was only after Sadhvi Pragnya Thakur, Lt Col Srikant Purohit and others were arrested in connection with the bomb blast in Malegaon that some information started trickling in. Following pertinent revelations by Purohit in the narco analysis test conducted on him at the Forensic Science Laboratory, Bangalore, on November 9, 2008, reports of the possible involvement of the Malegaon accused in the Samjhauta Express blasts began to appear in the media (Sakal, Pune, November 13, 2008, The Sunday Times (of India) and Sakal, November 16, 2008). The Pune Mirror dated November 19, 2008 also reported that "Purohit told the officials who conducted the narco analysis test that Praveen Togadia was responsible for the Samjhauta Express blasts".

Thereafter the ATS suddenly altered its stance. Briefing the press on November 17, 2008, ATS chief, Hemant Karkare said that the ATS public prosecutor, Ajay Misar, had been misquoted and that Misar had not in fact made a statement claiming that the RDX stolen by Purohit was used in the Samjhauta Express bombs (Pudhari and The Times of India, November 18, 2008). The Times of India further reported that "Soon after Misar made the sensational charge in Nashik the Intelligence Bureau, which is keeping a close tab on the probe, alerted the centre about the implication of Misar’s statement. When the train blast took place, the centre had blamed Pakistan’s ISI for the terror strike on the basis of the bureau’s finding."

Immediately after the blasts on the train India had been quick to assign responsibility for the attack to a Pakistani outfit. Was this hasty stand now constraining investigations despite evidence to the contrary? The Times of India has also quoted a senior bureau officer as saying "The ATS’s charge on Friday would have impaired the centre’s credibility internationally and that forensic examination of the blast site and two unexploded bombs had conclusively proved that RDX was not used" (The Times of India, November 18, 2008).

Against this background, the hasty interruption of the Samjhauta probe, after investigators had traced links to Madhya Pradesh, appears particularly suspicious.

Archived from Communalism Combat,  February 2009 Year 15    No.137, Cover Story 4

Gujarat: A missing link

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Swami Ashim Anand goes underground

In November 2008, days before Swami Ashim Anand (variously called Swami Aseemanand or Asheemanand) went underground, a Gujarati daily carried reports that the Maharashtra ATS was on the lookout for him. The Dangs in South Gujarat, where the Swami has nurtured his base, has seen a spate of attacks against Christians from 1998 onwards and also, more recently, against Muslims in 2008. The Swami was at the epicentre of the attacks against Christians, their homes and churches in December 1999.

Swami Ashim Anand is documented by sangh activists as being part of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Gujarat. Ashwin Modi, former president of the Surat unit of the Bajrang Dal, identified the Swami as being part of the "Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, an organisation affiliated to the VHP". Sections of the national media have previously identified Swami Ashim Anand as being "the national president" of the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad and have reported on his presence in the Dangs district as follows: "After coming to Waghai… the Swami had spearheaded the formation of Bajrang Dal units in every village."

With the grisly terror link widening its base into Gujarat, critical issues for the investigating authorities remain. Of particular concern is the crucial matter of the funding that these outfits receive, as there is reasonable evidence to suggest that many of these organisations receive funds from overseas affiliates. The moot question is whether this foreign funding is used to fuel not just hate speech and violence but now terrorism as well. Another question concerns the organisational support base for such terror attacks, given the fact that the international general secretary of the VHP, Dr Praveen Togadia, has been named in the Nanded blast investigations as one of those responsible for exhorting youth to action. And the spotlight now falls on the Swami.

The linking of Swami Ashim Anand with the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, his mandate being the creation of Bajrang Dal units in the tribal villages of Gujarat, provides a vital link to a major nodal development agency, the India Development Relief Fund (IDRF). ‘The Foreign Exchange of Hate’, a 2002 report collectively researched by Indians in the United States under the banner of the Campaign to Stop Funding Hate (CSFH), has extensively probed these links. It is time to revisit these links today.

In a report on his visit to Gujarat and to the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad ashram at Waghai, Chetan Gandhi, a former vice-president of the IDRF, stated that Swami Ashim Anand was in charge of the ashram’s activities in the district and that he was well respected by the community. It is not difficult to explain the presence of an IDRF vice-president in Gujarat or his reporting on the activities of the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad in Waghai. The Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad has been a direct beneficiary of the IDRF, having been listed as an IDRF-supported project in Gujarat.

Documentation also exists to demonstrate the IDRF’s support for other sangh parivar organisations, such as Sewa Bharti, the Ekal Vidyalayas and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, implicated in the violence against minorities in Madhya Pradesh. In 2002 Sewa Bharti, an IDRF-funded organisation, was implicated in anti-Christian violence in Madhya Pradesh, which in fact led to the then Congress state government under Digvijay Singh revoking the organisation’s licence. Similarly, activists belonging to the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad in Kotda (another organisation also directly supported by the IDRF) led a campaign of terror against the Muslim families in Juda village that resulted in their large-scale migration to neighbouring villages.

The anti-Muslim pogroms that took place in the state of Gujarat in 2002 saw extensive and active participation by the Adivasis in the violence against Muslims. Several commentators have noted the role played by the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad and the Vivekananda Kendra in actively communalising the tribal mind and creating an anti-Muslim ethos. Again, the pertinent connection here is that both organisations are funded by the IDRF.

The period from 1998 to 2000 saw a spate of anti-Christian violence in the tribal belts of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. For several months now Orissa has once again been reeling under the effects of this communal poison as Christians have been mercilessly targeted.

In Gujarat, the laying of infrastructure for conversion-related violence is attributed to Swami Ashim Anand. For the two years (1998, 1999) that he was active in the Dangs, not only did the Swami conduct forcible reconversions of tribals to Hinduism but he also spread terror among the local Christians by organising large-scale aggressively militant Hindu rallies on Christmas Eve and Good Friday in tribal villages with significant Christian populations.

Archived from Communalism Combat,  February 2009, Year 15  No.137, Cover Story 5

Terror by every other name

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The year 2008 may well be remembered for numerous acts of terror that reached a horrifying climax with the November 26 siege of Mumbai. Blasts in Jaipur, Bangalore, Ahmedabad and Delhi were followed by continuing acts of mob terror against tribal Christians in Orissa (where 22,000 people still lived in relief camps until January 31, 2009 before the Patnaik government, à la Gujarat, ordered their forcible closure).

Serial mob attacks on Christians and churches in Karnataka led to demands for a nation- wide ban on the Bajrang Dal, an organisation closely associated with the attacks. September 29, 2008 saw two incidents of bomb blasts, in Malegaon, Maharashtra and Modasa, Gujarat. Other blasts also occurred in Thane, Panvel and Kanpur last year. The ATS Maharashtra has held groups of the RSS family, such as the Abhinav Bharat, the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti and the Sanatan Sanstha, responsible for some of these attacks. Terror has no religion and terror comes in different forms.

Even as we grapple with the fallout of such acts of terror, we also see more and more manifestations of the mob in action. Maharashtra enjoys the dubious distinction of allowing vicious mob violence spearheaded by the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS). People are brutally beaten and taxis, shops and other establishments are repeatedly destroyed yet the man who leads this violent movement is free to carry on. On January 26, 2009 MNS workers actually stormed a school in Nashik and beat up teachers and employees for playing Bhojpuri songs. Days later, three MNS workers were signed up by film producers making Bhojpuri films. Rough justice or a crude quid pro quo? In the MNS case, while the Mumbai police have made attempts to enforce the law, it is the ruling Congress-NCP combine that is refusing to sanction prosecution of Raj Thackeray. Déjà vu? Like uncle, like son.

And Karnataka is not far behind. On January 24, activists of the Sri Rama Sena (another breakaway of the RSS-Bajrang Dal group) attacked young women at a pub in Mangalore. Yet Pramod Mutalik, the mastermind behind this act of mob terror, was promptly granted bail despite the fact that there are over three dozen criminal cases pending against him.

It is this culture of impunity from prosecution that the politically powerful enjoy in India, which allows them to embrace violence without fear of the law. The executive, the law and order machinery and the judiciary have all been equally responsible for allowing this transparent lawlessness to continue. Small wonder then that though we may boast of being an electoral democracy, constitutional non-negotiables like the fair enforcement of the rule of law, regardless of caste, class, gender or community, are still a pipe dream.

The creation of the National Investigating Agency through a special legislation arose out of the need to treat all acts of terror, regardless of where they stemmed from, as a federal crime. The inclusion of specific provisions to ensure judicial scrutiny even at preliminary stages of the investigation (a break from the routine criminal procedure which allows judicial scrutiny only after a charge sheet has been filed) was the result of a nationwide campaign spearheaded by CC following its special cover story, ‘Blast after Blast’, in July-August 2008.

As we go to press, there is news that the centre plans to pass a bill to legislate the creation of a National Textbook Council, a statutory body to monitor the content of school textbooks that emanate from private schools run by socioreligious organisations. This monitoring body was also the result of an effort in which our educational programme, Khoj, participated. As member of a committee appointed by the Central Advisory Board of Education to propose measures to regulate and monitor these trends, we had recommended the establishment of such a mechanism.

Elections 2009 are around the corner and the political class has started to flex its muscles. For us however the real concern is whether issues of non-discriminatory governance, accountability and transparency will figure at the hustings.

– Editors

Archived from Communalism Combat,  February 2009 Year 15    No.137, Editorial

Observations and Recommendations about Continued Violence in Orissa

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Red Cross society,
Bhubaneswar Observations and Recommendations about Continued Violence in Orissa
Concerned Citizens' Fact Finding Team

An all India representative fact -finding team of concerned citi zens visited Khandamal district, met with the victims, the district administration and concerned citizens. The nature and extent of
the violence, the relief and rehabilitation of the victims and the role of the state administrative machinery and finally make appropriate recommendations for the return of peace and constitutional governance in
the affected areas.

I. Observations
1. The team through extensive interviews and survey determined that the violence was not spontaneous or due to local reasons but preplanned and communal attack on Christians. Both dalit and tribal Christians.

2. In the areas visited the churches were systematically burned and vandalized. Houses of those belonging to the Christian community were singled out looted and burned, and livestock were taken away. The team also investigated the burning and ransacking divyajyoti and jan vikas offices in Kanjamndi village near a police camp.

3. In the absence of comprehensive official information the team has substantiated information on A. the assault on the priest and a nun in K. Nuagagv village where the nun was gang raped; and both were paraded naked. A Bible preacher in Ludiamunda village was hacked to death when he refused forcible conversion to Hinduism, his paralysed mother was burned alive. C. We observed that
all people who were forced to take refuge first in the forest and then in the camps have not been able to return to their homes because of threats that they will be killed if they do not convert. In several instances,
Christians returning were attacked and some were killed.

II. Observation
Systematic nature of the violence clearly demonstrates that one of the main intentions was to change the villages' composition through a religious cleansing. Underlying element used to
muster local support was to loot and capture the property. Under the pretext of stopping forcible conversions the Christian community was subjected to programme to make them
change their religion and deny their fundamental under the Article 25 of the constitution, to preach practice and propagate their religion.

III. Observation
There is sufficient evidence collected by the team to indicate that the attackers were a combination of locals and out siders. The leadership and motivation was provided by the Visha Hindu Parishad, RSS and
the Bajrang Dal, in which the local business community played a major role. The attacking mobs were armed with guns and other weapons as well as petrol and kerosene. The huge local mobiliza tions suggest to long term planning and ideological indoctrination.

IV. Observation
Even weeks after the violence Khandamal remains in the grip of terror. Large scale fleeing to the forest and camps are continuing while the burning and looting of houses are continuing. The team witnessed hoses in Makwali and Salpagadi were burning in the morning of September 15 and were still smoldering. Because of the continued rein of terror and lack of adequate security people are finding it
impossible to return to their homes. Those who are leaving the camps are generally are fleeing the district for unknown destinations.

V. Observation
The relief camps are poorly organized and unable to meet the requirements of the victims. Malaria and Diahia and other undiagnosed fevers are rampant in the camps in the absence of proper medical care.
At last 20 births have occurre d in camps without proper institutional care. In number of cases there were no adequate provisions for special food for pregnant women and the ailing.

Nutritionally deficient food is being provided to the victims. Death is being reported from the camps. No facilities have been provided for school a nd college going children to continue their
studies

VI. Observation
The state government is guilty of providing misleading a nd distorted data including minimizing the extent of suffering and dislocations. The District administration is not registering FIRs and has conseque
ntly has not made significant number of arrest of the guilty to act as an effective deterrent and improve the security situation for the Christians.

The state government is guilty of criminal negligence for standing by while preparations were made for the carnage and turning a blind eye to the perpetuators of violence by not recording  evidence or taking adequate action for relief and rehabilitation.

VII. Observation
The team believes that there is a prima facie case established that state government is protecting the perpetuators of the violence. The district observation has not taken effective action under the
law for the security of the victims and their rehabilitation.

Recommendations
The team demands
1. The union government must immediately i nvoke its powers under th e Article 355 and 256 and 257 of the Indian constitution to ensure that the state government fulfill its constitutional obligation to the citizens
2. Arrest the perpetuators and mobilisers, also using the power under the Section 153 and 153 A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC)
3. The district administration and the police and the superior officers must be held accountable for their dereliction of the duty.
4. Using its special powers the central government should institute a high level judicial enquiry into the communal violence.

Concerned Citizen's Fact Finding Team
1. Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty, Delhi
2. Ms. Seema Mustafa, Senior Journalist
3. Prof. Amit Bhaduri , Delhi
4. Prof. Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Delhi
5. Ms. Sgarika Chabbra, Delhi
6. Mr. Vincent Manoharan, Delhi
7. Dr. Prakash Louis, Patni
8. Dr. Prasad, Delhi
9. Ms. Guna, Madurai
10. Rajesh Kumar, Bhubaneswar