His compassion fetches him a rich poll harvest

May 31, 2004

Image are for representation purpose only

Hareshbhai Kothari, Municipal Corporator, Memdavad, Kheda

Memdavad in Kheda district is a town with a history of Hindu-Muslim amity. Even Partition in 1947 could not create a rift between the Hindus and Muslims here. The year 2002 proved to be different, as the town was rocked by the first episode of communal violence in its living memory. However, there was still an area that did not allow itself to be swept away by this tide of communal hatred, thanks mainly to the efforts of Hareshbhai Kothari.

Hareshbhai is an independent corporator from Khadia ward of Memdavad Municipal Corporation. He lives in Desai Pol, which has 200 Hindu families and a lone Muslim family, that of Mehmoodbhai Sheikh. Sheikh’s family has been living here for the last 70 years. In March 2002, when widespread violence rocked Gujarat and even Memdavad, Mehmoodbhai’s family went through some tense moments. One day, influenced by the atmosphere of hatred around them, some Hindus from the Pol threatened Mehmoodbhai’s family and asked them to leave by the next morning. However, the family had faith in their neighbours and decided not to go.

When Hareshbhai learnt of this threat, he went to Mehmoodbhai and told him that the protection of Mehmoodbhai’s family was a matter of honour for him. "Hareshbhai assured us that if there was any danger to us, he would take us to his house," recalls Firdaus Bano, Mehmoodbhai’s daughter-in-law. Next, he called a meeting of the Hindu residents of the Pol and impressed upon them the need to protect the Muslim family. He pointed out that if Mehmoodbhai’s flat was targeted the neighbouring flats would also be damaged. It was better to set an example of communal amity for the rest of the city. This argument clicked with the residents and they decided to ensure the safety of their Muslim neighbour and his family.

The very same people who had threatened Mehmoodbhai now worked to protect him. Hindus ran errands and did the groceries so that his family members would not have to step out and be exposed to danger. And his grandchildren were taken to school and back by his neighbours. When Mehmoodbhai had to be taken to hospital for a medical emergency, Hareshbhai drove the jeep himself and, along with another resident, ensured that he got timely medical aid. As a result, Mehmoodbhai still lives in Desai Pol even today. Firdaus Bano says that they live like a family with faith restored as never before.

Across the road from Desai Pol is Dhakadi Wada where about 50-60 Muslim families live, surrounded by Hindu families on all sides. When trouble started in Memdavad, Muslims residents here were worried, but "Hindus assured us constantly that nothing will happen here," recalls Bashirmiyan Ahmedmiyan Sayyed, a resident. Hindu neighbours gave constant support to the Muslim residents with their presence and Hareshbhai sat on guard every night from midnight to 3 a.m. for a month, to ensure the safety of these families. As a result, the area remained completely calm throughout the month-long period of communal tension. No one was harmed and no loss of property occurred.

When refugees from Kanij village and from the neighbouring slums poured in, the Muslim residents of Dhakadi Wada provided them shelter and protection for 20 days. None of the Hindu neighbours objected to this arrangement. In another Muslim-predominant locality behind his Pol, Hareshbhai again ensured that no one was harmed. He also helped to rescue many other stranded Muslims with the help of the local police.

There was tremendous pressure on Hareshbhai and the other Pol residents to throw Mehmoodbhai’s family out. The fanatic fringe also wanted the Muslim-owned bakery in the neighbourhood to be burnt. Bangles were sent to Hareshbhai as a mark of his ‘cowardice’ but he stood firm. For his efforts, the Hindu right-wing distributed pamphlets, calling him Hareshbhai Malik, indicating that he had become a Muslim. Undeterred, Hareshbhai continues to work for communal harmony.

It is apparent that people appreciate his efforts for, in the next municipal elections, he was re-elected from his ward with a larger margin than ever before. Hareshbhai firmly believes that the violence was instigated by outsiders and that, had it not been for these outsiders, Memdavad would have once again bucked the trend and remained peaceful as so often in the past.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 6

True to his Hippocratic oath

May 31, 2004

Dr. Nishadbhai Bhatt, Physician, Memdavad, Khed

Doctor Naishadbhai Bhatt is the medical officer at the Municipal Hospital in Memdavad town. Uniquely placed to help those most affected during the riots in March 2002, he used his position to provide aid to members of both communities in a number of creative ways.

During the riots, Dr. Bhatt worked day and night to provide relief and help to those who needed him, irrespective of their religion. He had two hospital ambulances at his disposal. Knowing that ordinary people trust ambulances and hence ambulances could reach places that ordinary vehicles cannot, he used these vehicles to rescue many trapped Muslims in the area. One such incident occurred in a village near Chhapra where some Muslims were holed up in the sarpanch’s house. When Dr. Bhatt found out about the Muslims trapped there, he sent the ambulances to rescue them and bring them to the Memdavad relief camp.

Dr. Bhatt also found other innovative uses for his ambulances. Apart from responding to medical emergencies in different parts of the town, whether Hindu or Muslim predominant, he used the ambulances as hearses to transport the dead and their relatives to crematoriums or graveyards so that funerals could take place with dignity. Due to the prevailing tension in the city, parents were reluctant to send their children, particularly girls, out to the local Commerce College where examinations were being held. Dr. Bhatt pressed his vehicles into service. Hindu and Muslim students travelled together in the safety of the ambulances and were able to appear for their examinations.

There were instances where some people had to travel to Ahmedabad to catch their flights to go abroad or people from abroad were due to arrive but the prevailing tension and curfew made things difficult for them. Dr. Bhatt again came to their rescue and used his ambulances to facilitate their transport.

Both the ambulance drivers were Muslims. Dr. Bhatt took the precaution of sending a Hindu employee from the hospital along with each driver so that the safety of the drivers was ensured. He himself travelled to distant villages like Ghodasar, where 14 persons had been brutally butchered, maimed and then killed, to conduct post-mortems on the bodies recovered there and give correct reports. Elsewhere, he also personally intervened with senior police officials to secure the release of several young men, Hindus and Muslims, who were picked up by the police in raids but who, he was convinced, were innocent.

Although Dr. Bhatt did not differentiate between Hindus and Muslims and did what he thought was his duty, certain sections of Memdavad society were very upset with him for helping Muslims and gave him a Muslim name, Dr. Bhattiara. However, Dr. Bhatt has no regrets about his actions and is happy to note that the communal fringe has been isolated and communal harmony once again prevails in his town.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 7

‘Vaishnav jan to tene kahiye, dard paraya…’

May 31, 2004

Hindus of village Varsola, Memdavad, Kheda

Versola village in Memdavad taluka, Kheda district man aged to escape the communal bloodletting that rocked Gujarat in 2002, due mainly to the pro-active efforts of its leaders. This village has a considerable Muslim population and is surrounded by Hindu villages on all sides.

After the incident at Godhra, rumours flew thick and fast in both the Hindu and the Muslim localities about impending attacks by the other community. The neighbouring villages drew up plans to target the only Muslim population in their midst, in Versola. Bipinbhai Bhoi, sarpanch of Versola, recalls the anonymous calls he received informing him about plans to attack the Muslims of his village and asking for his co-operation. However, the Hindu leaders of Versola decided that they did not want to be party to any such attacks. They held a meeting with Muslim leaders of the village to chalk out a plan for the safety and well being of all villagers.

Gautambhai Chauhan, district president of the Congress party and professor at the local Commerce College, recalls that at this meeting the Muslim leaders suggested that the Hindus of the village should themselves demolish the two village mosques so that outsiders would not be tempted to attack Versola. However, the Hindu leaders assured them that they would protect the Muslims and their properties, including the mosques and the dargah, with their lives if need be. Accordingly, outsiders who were keen to attack the Muslim villagers were informed that the Hindus of Versola would oppose any such move. Hindu and Muslim leaders stayed together throughout this period to reassure the villagers and scotch any misunderstanding or rumour at the source itself.

Gautambhai concedes that there was tremendous pressure from ‘outsiders’ but the Hindus of the village did not cave in. They received numerous phone calls and, as was the pattern, even bangles were sent to Versola. But the villagers stood firm in their commitment to their Muslim neighbours. They told the callers that this was an internal village matter and their interference was not welcome.

The police was also informed about the threats to the village and patrolling was initiated but the villagers did not rely on the police for their protection. They were prepared to defend the village themselves. Once, a mob even approached Versola. The Hindu villagers took up positions outside the mosques and the dargah and stopped the outsiders from entering the village. The Hindu village leaders went out, met the mob and convinced its leaders to spare Versola. As a result, the village remained peaceful throughout.

No Muslim family fled the village. In fact, Muslims who faced communal tensions in their own villages moved in with their relatives in Versola. After the tensions subsided, some of these Muslim families decided to stay in Versola permanently.

Gautambhai believes that they were able to avoid conflict because of the trust and good relations between the two communities, which have been built over decades. They participate in each other’s festivals and major occasions like births and marriages are celebrated together even today.

Gautambhai names many other villages in the district where Hindus and Muslims lived peacefully, side by side, throughout the period of communal disturbances. He firmly believes that wherever there were strong and able leaders who believed in communal harmony and were concerned about the well being of their villages, they managed to preserve peace and communal amity even in the midst of communal conflagration all around them.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 8

Human compassion above everything else

May 31, 2004

Chhaganbhai Jhala, BJP worker, Nainpur village, Kheda

Nainpur has a sizeable Muslim population. As was common in villages with mixed populations in Gujarat in March 2002, a few days after Godhra, rumours started circulating. People talked of neighbouring villages where communal riots had taken place and members of their community had been slaughtered. Chhaganbhai Jhala received phone calls asking him to avenge the death of Hindu kar sevaks in Godhra. Some of the Hindu villagers were swayed by this talk. Local Muslims heard about the communal tensions throughout Gujarat and were worried about their future in the village. Rashid Khan Karim Khan Pathan, a resident of Nainpur, recalls that the news of communal riots in other parts of the state was disturbing but somehow he could not bring himself to believe that similar incidents would occur in his hometown. Fortunately, he was proved right.

Chhaganbhai was very clear in his mind. As long as he was alive, he would not let communal forces take hold of his village. He first called a meeting of the Hindu residents where he stressed that there should be no communal tension in their village. Some residents talked about the neighbouring villages and the situation throughout Gujarat but Chhaganbhai told them that these things would pass. After some time the tension would ease and the riots would stop. But relations between the two communities, once broken, would take several decades to mend. Hindus and Muslims of the village live side by side and have adjoining fields. They have to live together, come what may. By giving in to a momentary phase, they could be inviting trouble for years to come.

Thus he was able to convince the Hindus of the village to maintain peace. Next, he talked to Muslim leaders and assured them that they would not be harmed in any way. He did not stop t that. Every day, he went all over the village on his motorcycle, ensuring that the village was trouble free and reassuring the Muslims with his presence. He also informed the police about the threat to the village and the police patrolled the village at regular intervals. The Hindu villagers also prepared themselves to face any mob that might enter their village and create trouble. But once word got around that the Hindu villagers were willing to defend their Muslim neighbours, the mob left the village alone although threatening phone calls and other means of intimidation continued.

The Muslims residents felt safe in the village and even rejected a police offer to take them to a relief camp. "What about our land and property, which would be left behind?" reasoned Rashid Khan. In fact, Muslim refugees from Kanij and other neighbouring villages were given shelter in Nainpur. The tension finally eased after about 90 days and today the relations between the Hindus and the Muslims of Nainpur are as cordial as ever. Interestingly, Chhaganbhai is a member of the BJP. When asked about his party affiliations and the BJP’s role in the Gujarat genocide, he said that his party membership was only for the purpose of getting votes. It did not interfere with his response to the call of humanity.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 9

May his tradition live on forever!

May 31, 2004

Rajendra Singh Jaidev Singh Dabi, farmer, Ghodasar village, Kheda

Muslims of Ghodasar village in Memdavad taluka, Kheda district, firmly believe that it was fate that brought Rajendra Singh to their rescue in February-March 2002.

Rajendra Singh belongs to the royal family of the erstwhile princely state of Ghodasar. His uncle, Mahendra Singh Kesar Singh Dabi is the sarpanch of Ghodasar village. Their forefathers came from Rajasthan and brought Muslims with them to work on their lands and in their houses. It is believed that the village did not have any Muslim residents before that. This relationship of total trust and loyalty continues to this day.

Rajendra Singh’s mother, Bhanu Kunwarba avers that she trusts the Muslims of the village completely, perhaps more than the other residents of Ghodasar. It was perhaps this relationship, nurtured over the years, which made the Muslims turn to Rajendra Singh for help on March 1, 2002.

In Rajendra Singh’s own words, he was in Ghodasar on that day "by accident". He was at the time working in a hotel in Udaipur but he also managed the family’s land and crops. He came to Ghodasar on the morning of February 27, 2002, for just a day, in order to sell the cotton harvest. He had booked his return journey for February 28. That, however, was not to be. And Rajendra Singh stayed behind to save over 150 Muslim lives in the village.

On February 28, Rajendra Singh realised that the situation in Ahmedabad was tense so he decided to stay on in Ghodasar for an extra day. The following day, the situation worsened and there was no question of his going back. While Ghodasar had remained calm on February 28, there had been incidents in neighbouring villages where Muslims had been targeted. Muslims in Ghodasar also started feeling insecure and vulnerable. Rajendra Singh, however, could not imagine riots ever taking place in his village and assured the Muslim villagers that he would see to their safety. He made regular rounds of their colony and spent time with them to reassure them.

On March 1, communal strife reached Ghodasar. In the afternoon, a mob of around 200-300 persons collected at the bus station outside the village. It looted some stalls and shops owned by Muslims and then set them on fire. When Rajendra Singh heard about this, he rushed there and tried to dissuade the mob but they were intractable. This incident rattled the Muslims of the village. Despite Rajendra Singh’s assurances, they felt increasingly insecure. He advised them to hide in the fields and told them that they were free to seek shelter in his house if necessary. Most of the villagers hid in the nearby fields but three families, a total of 18 Muslims, took up his offer and sought refuge in his house. He brought them home at about 9 p.m.

After dinner, he made another round of the now deserted basti, to ensure that things were fine. He was sitting outside the mosque with Nizam Khan Nawaz Khan Pathan, a family retainer, at about 10.30 p.m. when a mob of 200-300 people, perhaps the same mob which had collected at the bus station, came to the basti. There were no Muslims around and this angered the mob. They wanted Rajendra Singh to tell them where the Muslims were hiding.

Normally, Rajendra Singh always carried a firearm with him but that night he had no weapon. Yet, not only did he refuse to reveal the whereabouts of the Muslims, he also spoke up against destroying the mosque. The mob was in no mood to listen to reason. Frustrated in its thirst for blood, it turned on him. People started screaming for his blood and wanted to burn him alive. Such was the mood of the mob that for a few moments Rajendra Singh thought that this was the end. However, he was not about to give up. He went for the leader of the mob. He caught him by the collar and told him that if he had some personal scores to settle with him, he should do so without involving innocent people. This aggression was unexpected. The leader was disconcerted and without a leader to egg it on, the mob soon calmed down. Rajendra Singh managed to get them to turn back and he walked them out of the village to the bus station.

At about 9 p.m. the next day, Rajendra Singh got a call that some Hindus had been killed near the canal outside the village. He went there and found that it was indeed true. However, he was unwilling to believe that it was a communal attack and tried to reason with the people there that there could be more to it, some other purpose behind these murders. However, he soon felt that the mood was turning against the Muslims and that he would no longer be able to protect them. He called up his mother and asked her to inform the Muslims hiding in the fields that they were no longer safe here and should leave for the nearest safe village.

Nizam Khan recalls that the Muslims were gathered around the well in the field, when they received Rajendra Singh’s message at about 2 a.m. on March 3. Realising that there was no other option, the Muslims started walking towards Jinjar, the nearest Muslim majority village. However, about 14 Muslims, mainly old people, who were unable to walk the distance over an uneven terrain, decided to remain in the fields, convinced that no one would ever harm them since they were so old and had no enemies. These people, about whom even Rajendra Singh did not know, became easy fodder for the mob the following day. The brutality of the killings of these old and innocent residents whose bodies had been mutilated and maimed beyond recognition remains ingrained on all those who witnessed the violence in Gujarat 2002 to this day.

Hearing about the three Hindus who were killed, a mob of about 3,000-4,000 people then collected at the bus station outside the village. Rajendra Singh stayed with the mob, trying his best to keep them away from the village. At the same time, he was worried about the safety of the 18 Muslims hiding in his house. Someone in the mob found out about the refugees in his house and approached Rajendra Singh, offering to take these Muslims to safety. Rajendra Singh erred in trusting him. As they approached the house, Singh stopped and asked him to wait there. Though the Muslims were reluctant to leave, Rajendra Singh convinced them that this was the best course of action for them. He dressed them up as Hindus and brought them out.

In his anxiety, he did not notice the crowds that had collected some distance away. As the Muslims stepped out, the crowd started shouting, baying for their blood. Rajendra Singh realised his mistake and immediately, took the Muslims back. He decided that come what may, he would not sacrifice these people for the safety of his family. They were in this together, for better or for worse.

The crowd waited outside the house, shouting slogans and asking for the Muslims to be handed over to them. There was considerable personal danger but Rajendra Singh’s mother and sister supported him completely. His mother, Bhanu Kunwarba says that she was willing to pick up the gun herself to protect those who had sought shelter in her home. "Being a Rajput woman, I am not afraid of dying," she affirms. But ultimately, Rajendra Singh’s perspicacity and the traditional respect his family commands saved the day for them.

The crowd stayed where it was and did not approach his house out of respect and fear. However, Rajendra Singh realised that this could not last. Although he had a few firearms for protection, a solution had to be found. He hid the Muslims in the basement and then insisted that two or three leaders from the mob themselves come and see that there were no Muslims in the house. The leaders entered the house but were completely overawed at entering a house that they had never dared step into before. They were willing to take Rajendra Singh at his word. Yet he took them around the house, but they did not dare to look too closely or to confront him directly. After this, the mob melted away but there was still danger in the air. On the way back, they looted the Muslim basti and attacked the mosque. They also discovered the 14 Muslims hiding in the fields and set them on fire.

Rajendra Singh had been in touch with the SP, asking the police to take the 18 Muslims in his house to safety but no help was forthcoming. Finally, he gave them an ultimatum saying that he was no longer sure of the Muslims’ safety. At about 4 a.m. on the morning of March 5, a police jeep with seven policemen came to his house. A mob of about 100-150 men was still assembled in the village, waiting for the Muslims who, they were sure, were still at Rajendra Singh’s place. The policemen were unwilling to take the Muslims with them, fearing an attack by the mob. Also, though Singh had asked for a van, only a jeep was made available. Finally, Rajendra Singh made the Muslims lie on the floor of the jeep, piled one on top of the other. Armed with a gun, he then escorted the jeep to the village boundary and ensured that the Muslims reached a relief camp safely.

Despite Rajendra Singh’s best efforts, 14 Muslims were burnt alive in Ghodasar. However, he still managed to save over 150 Muslims in the village. A modest man, Singh was surprised that someone wanted to ask him about what he did in March 2002 because he genuinely believes that he did nothing out of the ordinary. "Anyone else in my position would also have done the same," he protests.

Today, most of the Muslims families have returned to the village but stay about one km away from their former basti, in newly built houses provided by the Islamic Relief Committee. However, three or four families have returned to their old houses in the basti, confident that in case of any trouble, Rajendra Singh will always be there to help them. He still visits them regularly and insists that they should not leave their lands and homes to move to a new place. The Hindu villagers are still angry with him for helping the Muslims and no longer consider him to be a Hindu but he says that this does not bother him in the least.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 10

A brave officer the Muslims could trust

May 31, 2004

Kuldeep Singh, Police Inspector, Jinjar village, Memdavad, Kheda

Jinjar village in Memdavad taluka of Kheda district has about 150 Muslim houses and 40 Hindu houses. It is the only Muslim predominant village in the area, surrounded by Hindu villages on all sides. As a result, it became an important village, both
for Muslims who sought refuge from trouble in their own villages and for Hindu fanatics who wanted to spread communal poison. However, Jinjar remained calm, due mainly to the efforts of the village sarpanch, Moiuddin Malik.

After the Godhra incident, although there was considerable tension in the area, Malik did not think that the village would be attacked because they had good relations with neighbouring villages and their residents. However, tension was in the air and soon, well-wishers in other villages informed Jinjar’s Muslims that an attack was imminent and they should take measures to protect themselves.

The Hindu residents of Jinjar were also worried, not because they expected their Muslim neighbours to turn against them but because they feared an attack from the neighbouring Hindu villages. "In a riot, who cares whether the victim is a Hindu or a Muslim?" asks Dalpatbhai Karsanbhai Solanki. Leaving the village was out of the question. "The sarpanch told us not to leave," says Jeevabhai Otabhai Bhoi, another Hindu resident. So Hindus and Muslims decided to brave it out together.

A minor attack on Friday night warned of things to come. Sure enough, the next day a mob of about 20,000 people, mainly residents of neighbouring villages, surrounded Jinjar. "We recognised many people who were leading the mob as we had known them well," says Malik. However, this did not prevent them from threatening Jinjar’s residents. The villagers came out and stood together to ward off the attack. The two sides stood face-to-face within an arm’s length of each other. Malik warned them that another step forward would lead to trouble. The attackers were not willing to talk or listen to reason. This standoff continued from morning till afternoon. Attempts to get police help were met with the standard response that there were no forces available.

At around 3 p.m., when it seemed as if the mob was about to attack and there seemed to be no escape, Moiuddin called Memdavad and Ahmedabad for help. Influential friends there convinced the police to come to their rescue. Inspector Kuldeep Singh was dispatched to their aid. The road to the village had been blocked with trees and boulders and it took him half an hour to cover a distance of about 10 km. When he reached there, he realised the gravity of the situation and called for additional reinforcements. Moiuddin believes that they were lucky to get a police officer like Kuldeep Singh, a brave and trustworthy man. Singh asked the villagers to help him. Fifty village lads were asked to assist PSI Goyal who was put in charge of Jinjar’s safety. The BSF was posted there for three months but fortunately there was no further trouble in the village.

Muslims from neighbouring villages like Kanij and Ghodasar sought refuge in Jinjar. They were sheltered and cared for here. However, Malik did not allow this to upset village harmony. No one was allowed to talk of revenge. Hindus were cared for and protected. Even their temple was protected. The wheat distributed by the Congress party as a relief measure was shared equally with Hindu residents. Dalpatbhai is all praise for the way in which Malik handled the situation and feels that the sarpanch made all the difference.

Today the situation is completely normal and Jinjar and its residents have re-established cordial relations with the neighbouring villages. Malik says that the Hindus in these villages are now repentant and ashamed of facing him but he believes in letting bygones be bygones and moving forward.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 11

Braving the mobs, he rescued many lives

May 31, 2004

Ramesh Ram Singh Thakur, ex-Minister, Vadodara

Ramesh Ram Singh Thakur was minister for urban development when the Congress was in power. He lives in Mehboobpura in Vadodara, an area with a 50-50 mix of Hindu and Muslim residents. He has extremely cordial relations with his neighbours, Hindus and Muslims. During the tense days of March-April 2002, Hindu and Muslim leaders of Mehboobpura used to sit together in the chowk of the mohalla till late at night. They also talked to people from their communities and tried to control the fringe elements. By sitting together, they managed to quash all rumours and clear any misunderstandings as soon as they occurred.

Yet, despite their best efforts, sporadic incidents of stoning did take place. Instead of subjecting themselves to police searches, the communities formed a pattern whereby they voluntarily handed over miscreants to the police. If the police rounded up any innocents, leaders of both communities went together to get them released. In this manner, they managed to keep the area calm and peaceful.

Apart from working in his area, Rameshbhai was also available for any kind of help, 24 hours a day. He managed to rescue many Muslims trapped in hostile conditions either on his own or with police protection as and when it was made available to him.

Rameshbhai’s work attracted the attention of the Hindu extremists and threatening phone calls started coming in.

At around 10.30 p.m. on March 3, he got a call informing him that a crowd had attacked the Rifaiyya Dargah near Machchhipeeth. Rameshbhai is a regular faithful at this dargah and has very good relations with the caretaker, Baba Syed Kamaluddin Ahsamuddin Rifai. Rameshbhai called the police for help but the police authorities pleaded lack of manpower. He then decided to go there alone in his car. On the way, he saw several armed mobs. At the dargah, Baba refused to leave the shrine but he wanted his family to be moved to the safety of their family home at Tandalja. With the help of Baba’s driver and another disciple, Rameshbhai took 12-13 members of Rifai’s family to Tandalja, through the curfew and the mobs on the streets.

In another incident, Rameshbhai got a call from Machchhipeeth about some women and children who had gone to Lalpura and were stranded there. A hostile crowd surrounded them, pelting stones. Once again Rameshbhai swung into action. He went to Lalpura in his car. A two km stretch of the main road near Lalpura was covered with huge stones that had been used to attack the trapped Muslims. To make matters worse, at a military post that had been set up to control the mob, the military detained Rameshbhai, letting him go only after he had called the police commissioner and identified himself. He then managed to reach the stranded Muslims and rescued over 25 women and children.

In yet another case, some families were trapped in Bajuwada, a very communally sensitive area with hardly any Muslims living there. It is also the constituency of a prominent BJP minister, Nalin Bhatt. Arifbhai recalls that he received a call for help from a family that was trapped on the third floor of their house because the first two floors had been set on fire. He immediately called up Rameshbhai because he was sure that he would help. And help he did.

Rameshbhai called the SP, BM Patel, for help. Although Bajuwada was just two km away, the SP felt that it was dangerous even for Rameshbhai to venture there and asked him to stay at home while they carried out the rescue. However, Rameshbhai did not trust the police completely and insisted on accompanying them. He stood at a safe distance and watched the rescue operation. Even so, his car was stoned and there was some trouble. About 450 Muslims were rescued in three trips made to the area on that day. The atmosphere was extremely tense and it was only because he had the police with him that he was able to bring the Muslims out to safety.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 12

Shining example of mutual co-existence

May 31, 2004

Machchhipeeth, Rifaiya dargah, Vadodara

Machchhipeeth is a Muslim predominant area in the old city of Vadodara. Here, about 75-80 Hindu families live in the midst of over 2,000 Muslim families. While the rest of Vadodara fell victim to the communal virus, Hindus in this area, who were in a minority, believed they were completely safe. None of them thought of moving out to ‘safer’ areas.

"We did feel slightly scared but we trusted the Muslims in our area. Our relatives asked us to come and live with them but we refused to move out," says Taraben Mohanbhai Patel, a resident of Machchhipeeth. The Muslims went out of the way to make them comfortable and Hindus were assured that they would not be targeted.

Since the Hindus in this area are mainly poor and work as daily wagers, they were badly affected by the violence in the town. Their Muslims neighbours pitched in to provide them with groceries and other necessities whenever possible. Within the mohalla, the Hindus felt safe enough to go out for their daily chores. In the areas where they felt insecure, the Muslims went and did their chores for them. On their part, the Hindus pitched in whenever a Muslim neighbour needed anything from the Hindu dominated areas nearby. Here, both communities helped each other and maintained peace and harmony within the area. Most of the major incidents that affected Machchhipeeth took place on the main road, between its Muslim residents and either the police or Hindu mobs from outside. Within the mohalla there was no communal tension.

Even today, the Hindu families continue to stay in Machchhipeeth and good neighbourly relations between them and the Muslims of the area continue.

Near Machcchipeeth, the Rifaiya dargah is visited by several devotees, Hindus and Muslims, every day. It is surrounded by Hindu localities on all sides. While there is a Kahar basti in front, Marathi Hindus live behind the dargah. During the period of communal violence, there was considerable tension in the area. However, the Kahars assured the caretaker of the dargah, Syed Kamaluddin Ahsamuddin Rifai or Baba as he is popularly called, that nothing would happen to the dargah, not even a stone would be hurled at it. Even the Marathis were alert to the possibility and determined to prevent any such incident.

However, on March 3, 2002, about 14-15 armed men managed to reach the back door of the dargah, which opens into the kitchen, and tried to set it on fire. They were chased away by those who were inside. The Marathi residents helped to chase them away. After this incident, Baba sent his family to their family home in Tandalja with Rameshbhai but he himself refused to leave the dargah. The Kahars and Marathis also decided to sleep within the compound to guard the building and any further incidents were prevented.

Three months after the violence started, the annual Urs was to be celebrated at the dargah. Usually this involves a huge procession that passes through both Hindu and Muslim areas of the city. In 2002, Baba wondered whether that would be a good idea and whether he should scale down the celebrations in view of the prevailing tension in the city. However, the Hindu leaders insisted that the procession should go on along its usual route and that Urs should be celebrated on the same scale as in previous years. Even the police agreed with them. Baba complied with this request and the Urs celebrations were conducted with much fanfare.

Everything went off peacefully and there was an overwhelming response from the Hindu community as well. Many Hindus felt that this event proved that the violence was finally behind them and helped to bridge the gap between the communities.

Similarly, during Ganeshotsav, the Marathi settlement behind the dargah usually installs a Ganesh idol for worship. When it is taken out for immersion, it is customary for the visarjan procession to stop in front of the dargah, as many prominent Hindus in the visarjan procession offer chadars at the shrine. On their part, Muslims offer sherbet to all the faithful in the visarjan procession. This custom was observed even in 2002, thus proving that the dargah remained immune to the communal virus sweeping through the town. Even today, the dargah attracts followers from both faiths and is a symbol of the age-old pluralistic tradition of Vadodara city.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10 No. 98, Cover Story 13

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His compassion fetches him a rich poll harvest

True to his Hippocratic oath

‘Vaishnav jan to tene kahiye, dard paraya…’

Human compassion above everything else

May his tradition live on forever!

A brave officer the Muslims could trust

Braving the mobs, he rescued many lives

Shining example of mutual co-existence

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