Home Blog Page 2658

Risking his life to rescue others

0

Fariduddin Khan, Congreessman, Odh, Anand

Fariduddin Khan is a resident of Sureli village in Umreth taluka of Anand district. He is also a member of the Umreth taluka Panchayat. About 50 per cent of Sureli’s residents are Hindu and the other 50 per cent are Muslim. There was no communal problem in Sureli throughout the troubled period in 2002 and it became the centre of a major relief camp in the area.

When trouble started brewing in the village of Odh, seven km away, a few Muslims fled to Umreth. There, they told the district Congress president of the Minorities Cell, Fariduddin Khan about the terrible conditions in Odh. At about 7 a.m. on March 2, 2002, Faridbhai received an emergency call from Odh. The Hindu population of the village had turned against their Muslim neighbours and there was no chance of survival. Dhiru Khan Rehmu Khan, a resident of Odh, says that Faridbhai was their last hope but they were sure that he would help them. Faridbhai called an emergency meeting of the Muslims of Sureli to decide how the Muslims in Odh could be saved. However, no one volunteered for the rescue mission. Faridbhai decided to take the lead and along with a friend, Bismillah Khan Akbar Khan, left for Odh with two tempos. He was on good terms with the DySP of the area and asked him for police protection, which was provided.

Faridbhai managed to reach Odh within an hour of receiving the call for help. There, he realised that the entire Muslim neighbourhood was burning. The chowk in front of the dargah was the only area still untouched, mainly because all the Muslims had gathered there and the Hindus found it difficult to approach. He parked his tempos in the chowk and piled in as many Muslims as he could. Thus, he was able to take about 600 Muslims out of the village. When the Hindus realised that Muslims were being rescued in the tempo they threw stones at it and even chased it over a distance. But Faridbhai was able to outmanoeuvre them and take these Muslims safely to Sureli. However, there was still a sizeable number of Muslims trapped in Odh. He had planned on making another rescue trip to Odh but the Hindus, realising that the Muslims could be rescued by road, blocked it with tree trunks and huge stones, making a second rescue operation impossible. And, in one of the worst instances of violence in Gujarat in 2002, 27 Muslims were burnt alive in Odh the next day.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 15

 

AnandPunished for preventing violence

0

Kader Khan Pathan, police officer, Umreth, Anand

Kader Khan Pathan was posted as ASI at the Umreth police station during March-April 2002. He merely tried to do his duty honestly and paid a price for it.

In March 2002, when many other parts of the state were burning, Umreth taluka, including its 33 villages, remained peaceful. However, not everyone was happy about this. It became a prestige issue for the local BJP chief, Lal Singh Bhadodia. Those who were itching for a bloodbath sent Bhadodia bangles and a sari. Bhadodia felt compelled to salvage his pride and openly declared that "something should happen" in Umreth.

So one day in the second half of April 2002, when other parts of Gujarat were limping back to normalcy, looting and arson "happened" in different parts of Umreth under the alleged supervision of Bhadodia. Muslim shops and property were exclusively targeted in this operation, although adjoining Hindu shops also suffered some damage in the process.

ASI Pathan says he received special orders from BJP office-bearers telling him not to interfere and to let things take their own course. However, he refused to comply with their unofficial ‘orders’ and brought the situation under control within 2-3 hours. He did not allow the looting and arson to escalate into full-scale violence. By his timely action, he prevented the situation from taking an ugly turn.

Pathan was transferred out of Umreth police station the same day, for his audacity in disobeying the dictates of local BJP leaders. He was asked to join the Mehlar police station but his reputation preceded him there. The local Patels and BJP party members clearly did not want him in their midst and refused to allow him to join duty there. Finally, he was transferred to the police headquarters.

ASI Pathan feels that though the communal situation has improved marginally in the past two years, people in power and in important positions still harbour a communal mindset. No real improvement can be expected until this mindset undergoes a significant change. Today he sees fresh hope after the change in government at the Centre.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 16

‘Sticking his neck out for a friend among ‘enemies’

0

Rai Singh Parmar, Kavitha village, Anand

Rai Singh Parmar lives in Kavitha village of Borsad taluka in Anand district. Parmar and his friend Shamshuddin Allauddin Malik are banana traders. Kavitha has about 70 Muslim families and over 2000 Hindu families. Rai Singh’s eldest brother is the deputy sarpanch of Kavitha.

Hindus and Muslims in Kavitha have had very good relations and have been living like brothers for generations, says Malik. However, on March 1, 2002, three or four Muslim houses in the fields were set on fire. Muslims were surprised at the turn of events but believed the sarpanch and other Hindus when they assured them that nothing would happen in the village, that they were safe there. The sarpanch even went with Rai Singh to lodge an FIR at the Borsad police station.

At the police station, the police was not very helpful. When they asked for police protection, the taluka vice president told them that the police was not going to interfere. According to Rai Singh, this was a signal to the Hindus that they were free to do as they liked without any fear of punishment. The Hindus had been waiting for just such a signal.

On March 3, a mob of about 2,000, consisting mainly of Hindus from the village itself, started attacking the Muslims. It set fire to a Muslim-owned cabin on the outskirts of the village and moved towards the Muslim locality. Rai Singh rushed to Malik and told him that it was time for them to leave the village. Malik called his friends in other towns and discovered that the only safe place for them was Napa, about seven or eight km away. He asked the Muslims of the village to pack and get ready to leave.

A truck that had arrived in Anand town on February 27 to transport some bananas was stranded because of the violence. The driver contacted Malik and then drove to Kavitha to wait until the trouble subsided before going back. Both the driver and the cleaner of the truck were Hindus. Malik pressed this truck into service to transport the Muslims of the village to safety. Afraid for his life, the truck driver refused to drive but luckily, a Muslim bus driver came forward and the Muslims boarded the truck to make their escape. As the Hindu mob armed with kerosene, petrol, diesel and soda bottles moved forward along the main road, sure that any escape vehicle would have to pass that way to get out of Kavitha, the driver found a route through the back-lanes of Kavitha and took the Muslim residents to the safety of Napa — all but 11 of them, including Malik and his family, who were to follow in Malik’s car. But before these 11 people could leave, the mob was upon them.

By now, it was late evening. The mob realised that most of the Muslims had escaped and this made them all the more determined to get the 11 who remained. They stoned Malik’s car and set it on fire. Next, they attacked his house. Malik jumped over the terrace wall of his house and sought refuge in his neighbour’s house, a Patel. His wife, who has mobility problems, was also brought there in a similar manner, as were the others. The mob realised that the 11 Muslims were hiding in Patel’s house and asked Patel to turn them out. From there, the fleeing Muslims were forced to move to another house before Patel could invite the mob leaders into his home and convince them that no Muslims were hiding there. However, the mob soon discovered the Muslims’ new hiding place and targeted it, forcing them to move again. In this manner, Malik and his family shifted 6 houses that night.

Meanwhile, the Hindus were certain that Rai Singh knew the whereabouts of the hiding Muslims and kept an eye on his movements. Rai Singh tried to find a way out for his friends. He asked the sarpanch for help. The sarpanch promised help and asked Rai Singh to go home but he did not provide a tractor to take the Muslims to safety. Finally, Malik was able to call on influential friends in Borsad and a few BSF vehicles arrived in the village. They asked Rai Singh to take them to the stranded Muslims. From a distance, Rai Singh showed them the house in which the Muslims were hiding. He wanted them to park their vehicles some distance away and take just one vehicle closer to carry out the rescue in an unobtrusive manner. However, seeing the large mob still hanging around waiting for the Muslims to come out, the BSF felt that it did not have the wherewithal to carry out the rescue and went away. They dropped Rai Singh off at the other end of the village. As Rai Singh walked back through the village, the mob again followed him and tried to find out where exactly the Muslims were hiding. Here, Rai Singh told a neat lie, that the Muslims had been rescued by the BSF and were already out of the village. Everyone had seen Rai Singh with the BSF and had no reason to disbelieve him. The mob realised that there was no more action to be had and soon melted away. At about 5 a.m. on March 4, after the mob had disbanded, Malik contacted a friend who sent him a tractor, which took him and the other 10 Muslims to Napa, to safety.

Rai Singh stayed behind to face the wrath of the villagers. His brother, the deputy sarpanch, was particularly angry. An hour or so after Malik and others escaped, Rai Singh was asked to swear on Ganga Jal that he would never interact with Muslims again. Rai Singh refused, saying that he would never ever betray a friend, Hindu or Muslim. For this, he was severely beaten up by his brother; a beating that stopped only after the neighbours intervened. But Rai Singh still stood firm by his friendship with Malik and his belief in what was right. He filed an FIR on the incident and also gave evidence in various investigations. He visited Malik regularly, first at Napa and later at Borsad, where he stayed before returning to Kavitha.

Even today, the Hindus of Kavitha do not interact with Rai Singh but his friendship with Malik is stronger than ever.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 17

AnandFacing boycott for saving Muslim lives

0

Manubhai, Sanabhai, Sandesha village, Anand

Sandesha is a village in Anand taluka of Anand district. It has about 70 Muslim families and 700 Hindu families. Hindus in Sandesha saved Mustafabhai Umerbhai Vora and Mohammadbhai Umerbhai Vora, traders and shopkeepers in this village, from a bloodthirsty mob.

Soon after the Godhra incident, rumours started circulating that riots would take place here too. However, the Hindus dismissed these stories and tried to convince the Muslim residents that nothing would happen. Mustafabhai recalls that one Govindbhai Patel even avowed that he would chop his head off if there was any trouble in the village. However, the Voras were not convinced and as a precautionary measure, sent their families to stay with their sister in Napa.

Two days later, a mob of 2,000 came for the Muslims. Govindbhai Patel was a part of this mob. The attack was sudden, unexpected and vicious. Mohammadbhai was at his shop in the village when he realised that there was trouble. He closed up his shop and was headed home when he saw the mob. Manubhai S. Parmar saw him and realised his predicament. He asked Mohammadbhai to step inside his house and let the mob pass. Mohammadbhai took refuge in Manubhai’s house and survived. Five hours later, when the police arrived, Mohammadbhai left for Napa in the police van.

Mustafabhai was at his house when he heard the mob. Across the road, Sanabhai Thakur’s family also heard them. His daughter-in-law, Ritaben remembers that it sounded so menacing that her children and even she herself got scared and started crying. Sanabhai’s immediate thought was for Mustafabhai’s safety. The mob attacked Mustafabhai’s house from the rear. This gave Sanabhai the opportunity to go and help Mustafabhai escape from the front door and take him to his own house. Realising that Mustafabhai had escaped to Sanabhai’s place, the mob followed him there, demanding that Mustafabhai be handed over.

But Sanabhai and his family refused. The mob then turned on the Thakur family and threatened to burn their house. They even tried to burn the shed outside it. But Sanabhai refused to give in and threatened to leave the village along with Mustafabhai until finally, the mob turned away. Five hours later, when the trouble subsided, Sanabhai took Mustafabhai out of the village in his own car and dropped him off at Napa.

To this day the Hindus of Sandesha remain angry with Manubhai and Sanabhai for helping the Voras to escape. They are not invited to social functions and face social boycott in many other ways. But the two men have no regrets about what they did and are convinced that they would do the same thing all over again if they had to.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 18

Treading novel ground

0

Pushben Bhatt, Social Worker, Himmatnagar

Since April 2003, I have been involved with two entirely new initiatives in Himmatnagar, Sabarkantha district, the town where I work and live. Before this I have been a social worker for 20 years, having come into the struggle after a dear friend, Shakuben, pulled me out of the exclusion and depression that I felt being a deserted woman and a single mother.

My work involved the education and training of rural women communities but never before did I have the opportunity or perspective with which to work on the issue of developing communication between two communities, Hindus and Muslims.

February and March 2002 will be etched in our memories forever. The strained relations and tensions, the violence, the fears and insecurities that we experienced entrenched themselves deep into the soul of Himmatnagar where much interaction had existed before. When we volunteered to help dishoused persons to rebuild their homes in three villages through relief agencies and even managed to complete some of them, our own relations would tell us, "Do not risk your lives entering Muslim areas."

During one such effort the process had been especially painful. The Hindus adamantly refused to even think of letting the affected families, who had lived by their side for generations, back into the village. Political propaganda and hatred had seeped deep even into our rural areas.

I started this work through two initiatives. One is a programme that works with children and teachers and the other through local communities.

We had close and intense discussions on how to even begin the work of dialogue and understanding within the parameters of Gujarat, given how deep the schisms ran. Himmatnagar had had its bouts of violence in 2002 but they were not as prolonged and bitter as those in Ahmedabad.

When we started this work in Himmatnagar, for the first few months we worked among separate groups of women, Hindu and Muslim. There were two kinds of sections and groups. One section was extremely poor, self-employed women of both the Muslim and Hindu community in Chhaparia; a really poor large urban dwelling that also suffers bitterly at the hands of the police. Setting up a Mahila Mandal and library, and beginning work on accessing government assistance and programmes (BPL cards etc.) was a step to build camaraderie with and between the women while constantly speaking of the divide and schisms between the two communities.

After several meetings we managed to establish the Pragati Mahila Mandal with a membership of 30 women in the Hadiyolpur Chhaparia area of Himmatnagar. Most women are domestic workers with a monthly income of Rs. 900. We opened a bank account for the Mandal on September 1, 2003 and we have already effected savings of Rs. 11,000. The Mandal chief is Mehmoonaben while Najmaben and Shabanaben are next in line. To enable a vibrant and regular working relationship to emerge where the issue of communication and co-existence with different communities takes centre stage, we held meetings where we discussed the women’s immediate problems and needs. The severe economic crunch they all faced was always a dominant issue.

Intermingling with Hindu women of the same vocation and from the same area was easier in Chhaparia than in the middle class areas of Himmatnagar. Here among the domestic workers and the self-employed, a certain amount of intermingling took place and there was participation at the level of daily needs and sharing and symbolic sharing at festival time.

But the women identified certain key persons in the area and community who they felt were out to create trouble and fuel suspicion. Women recalled how when a noted figure like Rasikbhai Kadia passed away, Muslim women participated in large numbers at the condolence meeting or besna held for him. There were also occasions during the violence in 2002 when attempts to aggravate the situation were controlled by spontaneous interventions from local women and men who appealed for reason.

Though this has been the background in this locality, women of the Mahila Mandal have felt even more empowered after the consistent interventions over the past year. That a Hindu woman like myself would take the trouble to go to this extremely poor Muslim locality twice a week and listen to their problems was itself a novelty for the others. But most importantly, we found that within us a collective courage to discuss and take on issues was born.

We had three or four meetings where suggestions were exchanged about the immediate desires of the group. There was and remains an overwhelming need for training in economic self-advancement, ie, in attempting self-employed businesses at home so that the women could get out of the drudgery of domestic work.

There was also a distinct feeling of insecurity in continuing to work as domestic workers in Hindu homes after the violence in 2002. Mothers who often took their young girls to help with the work distinctly felt that this was not safe and should be avoided.

Through some assistance from officers in the administration, we managed to organise some training on candle and shampoo making through government departments in January 2004. Our greatest success, however, was what we managed to do together on the issue of the BPL (below poverty line) card to which all these women are entitled but which they (the Muslim women) had been so far denied. The entire experience: appealing to the state government official, a Mr. Prajapati, writing a memorandum to him, and standing firm and unafraid when he made an inspection, has instilled a tremendous sense of satisfaction within the group. Representatives of the Mahila Mandals undertook the whole exercise themselves with only some help from me.

The other group that we have successfully managed to form is the Sadguru Krupa Mahila Mandal also from the Chhaparia Hadiyolpur area. This is a much poorer locality where women are also domestic help but also sell small eatables on the highway. There are 11 women here who managed a total savings of Rs. 100 each. So far this Mandal has saved Rs. 1,200. Laxmiben Dudhabhai Bhoi and Jayantiben Rameshbhai Bhoi are the two main functionaries.

There has been no group working here before this and our work has been welcomed. Chronologically speaking, since this Mandal was formed and established after the Pragati Mahila Mandal, the ‘leaders’ of the latter, Muslim women, have stepped in to help at every stage. When the Sadguru Krupa Mahila Mandal wanted to formally establish itself, the Pragati representatives chipped in, attended meetings and gave them advice. When the latter’s bank account had to be opened, it was the office bearers of the Pragati Mahila Mandal who accompanied them to the bank.

Personally speaking, I find great satisfaction in the means of communication that have developed. Today, if I need to send a message to the area about scheduled meetings, all I have to do is inform one of the women and the message is then passed from woman to woman, all acting as vital links in an organised chain to ensure that everyone receives the information. They communicate without constraint, moving freely in and out of each other’s homes and areas. Laxmiben, especially, finds courage and collective strength in the others’ physical presence and support. Today one of the most urgent needs is for a medical camp in the area.

The initiatives and meetings among the middle class residents, Hindu and Muslim, have been more complex. The first thing that struck me after I started going to the Gulabbhai Memon School and having informal discussions with Memon women was how little I myself knew about Islam and Muslims.

This was a startling revelation. I felt I needed to know more. I started attending the Thursday katha with Muslim women, which is a kind of sermon of their faith. For me this has been the first opportunity to work on the issue of communal amity. I have never done it in the past and I find it tremendously fulfilling. If through the work that we are doing, Himmatnagar once more allows all of us to intermingle freely, what greater satisfaction can there be?

My decision to attend these Thursday kathas built a huge sense of trust and camaraderie with the Memon community. This is a traditionally well-off community. (In 2002, the Memon community in Sabarkantha district was a target of brutal violence and many families were reduced to penury). We have had three special internal meetings to discuss the intrinsic value of dialogue.

All of us felt that for the first such meeting, only those women from among the Hindu community whom they named and trusted should be invited there. Meetings took place first in February and then again in April 2004.

In the Alkapuri area, Polloground, we have not had as much success in starting a Mahila Mandal. Women here work in small government jobs or home businesses. But there are some women like Dharmisthaben who are interested in furthering a collective strategy. I believe that this will happen, but perhaps more slowly than in other areas.

The work in Chhaparia means immediate uplift and benefit for women who need such access and facilities, be they Hindu or Muslim. These areas also fall victim to the worst kind of violence. Police mistreatment of women and of young Muslim males in Chhaparia has been a sore and recurrent issue. On one occasion, over 1,000 Muslim women from Chhaparia went and protested ill–treatment at the police station. There was comment on this locally but it got the women an assurance that they would be taken into confidence whenever the police made searches and that they would not be harassed at night. This has instilled tremendous faith and strength among the women.

Today, on our own initiative, we have started a Balmandir, a crèche for our children funded by our own contributions and attended by 22 children from different sections of society. We have started organising creative activities for them. How better to begin the issue of dialogue than with our young?

For frank dialogue and understanding, we feel that there is tremendous scope among the middle class. For the Muslim women, despite the hardships that they have suffered, the humiliations and penury, there is hurt but also a deep desire to re-establish a lost relationship and equation with their sisters from the Hindu fold. For the Hindu women, along with a sense of guilt and shame, there is a strong need for reassurance from Muslims that wrongdoing (read criminal activities and terrorism) will not be tolerated.

There was much coming and going between the two communities prior to 2002. There were some differences in lifestyles but also much intermingling. All that was ruptured. Old bridges need to be rebuilt.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 19

Polls 2004: A welcome breather

0

THE REsults of elections 2004 provided a welcome breather for the country when the NDA alliance, dominated by a hard-line BJP was swept out of power,and despite the scepticism displayed by large sections of the media, a Congress led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) stepped into government. No mi-nor role in this unbelievable drama was played by the president of the Indian National Congress, Sonia Gandhi, who had single-handedly driven her beleaguered party back to power after being the silent architect of clever alliances and the astute allocation of tickets. The mass hysteria sought to be whipped up by a Sushma Swaraj or a Uma Bharati in accepting the popular mandate, through the clever rhetoric of ‘not being able to bear a foreigner in the Prime Minister’s chair’ were silenced by her single act of strategic renunciation.

Having savoured this drama, however, some reflection on the mandate and the task ahead may be in order. India voted, and voted decisively against the cynical, ‘feel good’ campaign of an NDA that sought to ignore the common man. It was deprivation, hunger, starvation even, farmer suicides and unemployment that made a decisive difference in this year’s election results. But the populace that identified the NDA as architect of a Marie Antoinette-like cold distance from it’s own people nationally and simultaneously dealt a blow to BJP faithful, Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra Pradesh, were equally unsparing of Congress’ version of Naidu in neighbouring Karnataka – SM Krishna. In this state, the BJP has not only broken new ground but also cornered 29 per cent of the vote share in the assembly polls and 18 of the 26 parliamentary seats with 36.7 per cent of the vote share in the parliamentary elections.

So, though the BJP is definitely and deservedly down, it is by no means out. The clear message from the mandate is that the majority of Indians have given the marching orders to parties and politicians for whom people didn’t seem to matter. The NDA’s misery was compounded by the firm rejection of its politics by the socially ostracised and oppressed, be it the religious minorities or the Dalits. The BJP’s rhetoric in ‘wooing Muslims’— remember the Najmas, the Arifs and the oh-so-many ‘Atal Himaayat Committees’ — fell flat. The drama that hogged headlines obviously did not impact on the numbers game. Analysis of poll results 2004 show that a huge 47 per cent of Muslims voted for the Congress while only 11 per cent (two per cent down from 1999) cast their lot with their baiters, the BJP! Among Dalits, at a national level, the Congress still commands 35 per cent of the vote; the Bahujan Samaj Party is a major competitor with 30 per cent of the Dalit vote share while the NDA got only 23 per cent.

While we breathe more freely now, analysis of the poll results should awaken us to the reality that the BJP and its allies remain serious players and contenders for power in Indian politics. The Congress plus its allies won 35.82 per cent of the votes, 26.59 per cent of this being the Congress’ own tally. This is 1.6 per cent down from 1999, but since the Congress contested only 417 seats its vote share in these seats is up by two per cent. The NDA polled 35.91 per cent of the vote with the BJP’s share in this being 22.16 per cent. Of the 361 seats that the BJP contested, its vote share is down by five per cent.

However, the NDA still commands 55 per cent of the caste Hindu vote and 40-50 per cent of the OBC vote. Besides, the traditional adivasi voter base of the Congress stands reduced to 9 per cent with the BJP making serious inroads here and gaining 5 per cent of the tribal vote. Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh continue to ride a BJP wave with 21 of the 25 Lok Sabha seats in Rajasthan going to the BJP (49.0 per cent of the vote share) and 25 seats in Madhya Pradesh being retained by the BJP with 47.1 per cent of the vote share.

The task ahead for all Indians concerned with issues of social justice and deepening of democracy lies in keeping the spotlights focussed on the dark spots of our polity. India can remain one and whole, body and soul, only if it remains a secular democracy. But fresh life and meaning need to be given to these terms. Issues of gender disparity and deprivation cut across class, community and caste. So, while the Dalit and/or the Muslim woman remains thrice oppressed bearing the burden of both her community, gender and class label, feticide is rampant among upper caste Hindus.

While Dalits continue to suffer rank indignities as urban yuppies cringe in horror at the very mention of the word ‘caste’, Muslim plight is worse than ever before in socio-economic terms. Not enough schools for secular education, mushrooming madrassas, less jobs, gross under-representation in the police force are part of the problem. With violence against religious minorities increasingly assuming the form of full-blown pogroms, with Gujarat 2002 being a case of state sponsored genocide there is an urgent need for a special legislation on mass crimes. (See Crimes Against Humanity, CC November 2002). For the Muslim woman, its worse. The abhorrent practice of triple talaq continues unchecked because of the stranglehold of an insensitive male-oriented community leadership. We hope that some of these real issues that impinge on, give life and meaning to the word secularism and democracy figure in mainstream political discourse over the next five years.

Gujarat, however, was for us the real story, and victory of polls 2004. Voters from 12 parliamentary seats out of 26 rejected the BJP under chief minister, Narendra Modi, a politician who shows no remorse for the brutalisation of Gujarat and the carnage of 2002. The tribal belts of Gujarat that, unfortunately, had succumbed to sectarian violence in 2002 – Sabarkantha, Mehsana, Panchmahals, south Gujarat –rejected the BJP and voted for Congress candidates. Acute farmer discontent translated into the Patels’ (who account for 29 per cent of the vote share) disenchantment with the ruling party. All things combined the writ of Modi and the BJP in Gujarat stands seriously challenged today. In several seats, the BJP’s margin of victory has also reduced. For example, the vote share of Kashiram Rana, who was elected from Surat for the sixth consecutive time, has fallen. In Baroda and Dahod, the BJP won by small margins. Top BJP leaders like LK Advani and Haren Pathak managed to increase their vote share in their traditional stronghold Gandhinagar and Ahmedabad but this was due to multiple opponents.

This verdict then is a vindication of the people of Gujarat who, with nearly half the electorate rejecting the BJP’s cynical politics even in the December 2002 Assembly polls. In 2002, 49 per cent of Gujaratis expressed displeasure with the ruling party and 51 per cent cast their lot behind the BJP. This time, 47.2 per cent of the votes polled in Gujarat went to the BJP and 45.1 per cent to the Congress.

This turnaround is only one of the reasons behind our cover story of the month. Gujarat, ravaged as it has been by suspicion and violence, has always thrown up accounts of individual and collective acts of bravery and conviction. These we have documented in past years. The cover story this time documents more such examples that give hope for a new dawn in the state. The people of Gujarat in their small and myriad ways are striving to break out of the clutches of an administration and government that does not believe in the credo of peaceful co-existence and non-discrimination.

We thank the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation for permission to publish some of the stories that are part of a special volume to be released by them soon.

— Editors

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Editorial

Judgement — Best Bakery case

0

Archived from Communalism Combat, April-May 2004 Year 10   No. 97, Judgement 2