‘Beware, the enemy within!’

June 30, 1999

(We reproduce below excerpts from the J.P. Memorial lecture delivered by Justice Tarkunde at a function organised by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties, on March 23, 1993 in New Delhi. The principal focus of the lecture remains relevant even today)

THE 23rd of March is observed by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties every year as the J.P. Memorial Day. It was on this day in 1977 that the emergency which had been
declared by Mrs. Indira Gandhi on June 25, 1975, was lifted by the Janata government which came to power by defeating the Congress of Mrs. Indira Gandhi in the 1977 election. Jayaprakash Narayan played a pivotal role in forging unity of the opposition parties and fashioning the electoral defeat of the Indira Congress. March 23, 1977 is rightly regarded as the day of India’s liberation from authoritarianism, and it is very appropriate that the day should be observed to express our regard and gratitude for Jayaprakash Narayan.

The danger of Indian democracy being replaced by personal dictatorship did not altogether disappear with the lifting of the emergency on 23rd March 1977. The danger of authoritarianism re–appeared with the success of Mrs. Gandhi the post–emergency election of 1979–80 and it continued even under the unprincipled regime of Rajiv Gandhi. After Rajiv Gandhi’s tragic death, however, the Gandhi–Nehru family has ceased to be in possession of political power and, the danger of personal dictatorship has receded into the background.

In the meantime, however, a graver and more serious danger to Indian democracy has appeared on the horizon. It is represented by the growing strength of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the power behind it – the R.S.S and the Sangh Parivar consisting of such organisations like the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal. They are giving to the Indian people a heady mixture of aggressive Hindu communalism and an equally aggressive Hindu nationalism. In that process they are promoting animosity between Hindus and Muslims. The events which led to the destruction of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya on December 6, 1992 show that the forces involved in this communal – nationalist movement have no regard for the rule of law and the institutions of judicial administration.

As I will show later, the movement which is being fostered by these forces contains all the essential characteristics of fascism. By promoting communal animosity the BJP has during a short time of about two years increased its strength in Parliament from

two to 119 members. During this process, more than 2,000 persons have died as a result of communal riots prior to the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and more destructive communal riots have taken place thereafter all over the country. As the Congress (I) is now much weaker than before and the opposition parties are unable to unite to form an anti–communal secular platform, the BJP expects to come to power in the next election. If this happens, secular democracy in India is liable to be replaced by a potentially fascist theocratic State.

I am of the view that the communalist nationalism which is being propagated by the BJP and the sangh parivar represent a far greater danger to Indian democracy than the personal authoritarian rule which Mrs. Indira Gandhi and the Gandhi–Nehru family were likely to impose on the country. A personal authoritarian rule is a lesser danger because it is largely external to the people. Most of the people do not approve of it, although they are usually too afraid to stick out their necks and openly oppose it. It is true that those who are in favour of the status quo are positively in favour of such an authoritarian rule, but they do not form the majority of our people. In the course of time, an increasing number of bold spirits come forward to openly oppose the imposition of individual authoritarianism. That is what happened during the emergency between June 1975 and February 1977.

Communalism, however, particularly when it is the communalism of the majority and can therefore take the form of ardent nationalism as well, can find a positive response in the minds of the people who are still prone to religious blind faith and among whom the humanist values of democracy — the values of liberty, equality, fraternity – are yet to be fully developed. Communalism in such cases is an internal enemy residing in the human mind and it is far more difficult to eradicate than an external enemy like an autocratic ruler.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999. Year 6 No. 51, Tribute 1

AFTER KARGIL KASHMIR

June 30, 1999

The surreptitious bid on India’s part to divide the people of multi-religious, multi-cultural J and K into Muslim K ashmir, Hindu Jammu and Buddhist Ladakh fits well into Pakistan’s communal agenda. And the RSS view of the latest conflict in Kargil as an integral part of the 1,000–year–old face–off between ‘Muslim barbarians’ and peace–loving Hindus’ echoes the call for ‘jehad’ from across the border

Kargil has quite naturally dominated the Indian media’s attention ever since intruders from Pakistan were discovered on its glaciated peaks. Every aspect of the situation has been analysed form every possible angle by experts from every discipline. But I have yet not come across any mention of the impact of the event on the minds of the Muslims in Ladakh, in Kashmir and Jammu, on Buddhist–Muslim relations in Kargil, and Muslim–Hindu relations in the other two regions which have important implications for the future of the state.

While writing in the present context, many experts have re–examined the lessons of earlier experiences of Indo–Pak wars, from diplomatic, strategic and other angles, viz., terms of cease fire agreements, territories gained or lost. But again, no one has made any mention of the relationship between external involvement and the local mood of the people, and the impact of war on them.

The present tilt of international opinion against Pakistan is being variously explained as the achievement of able diplomacy of the BJP government, realisation on the part of America of the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, which has become powerful in Pakistan, or the importance that India has acquired as a market and an investment avenue.

These explanations may be true to some extent. But the fact that is being completely ignored is that international opinion is also influenced by the merit of a case. The package is important but not more than the material it covers. Every nation watches its national interest but that concern must also include its influence and image among the rest of the nations.

That India did not get much international support against Pakistan during the decade–long insurgency in Kashmir was due to the fact that, inter alia, people of the Valley, rightly or wrongly, supported it. Kashmiri youth used to cross the LoC and get arms and training and return as militants for the cause of ‘Azadi’. The ruthless manner in which the insurgency was sought to be suppressed in the initial phase invited universal ondemnation.

In contrast, today it is essentially an operation of the Pakistan army with the support of specially recruited and specially indoctrinated Mujahids in an area where there is no freedom movement. Of course, India’s restraint in dealing with the situation has also paid diplomatic dividends.

But why did Pakistan change its position as a champion of the rights of Kashmiris to that of an aggressor? The BJP blames the Congress Party for defeating its government, which tempted Pakistan to exploit the consequent political instability in the country. The Congress blames the naivete and gullibility of the Prime Minister who was mesmerised into complacency due to the euphoria created by his bus diplomacy.
More objective experts offer a number of strategic theories for the gamble that Pakistan played in Kargil, viz., it wanted to do a Siachen on India, or to open an alternative route of infiltration to the Kashmir valley.

In short, all debate on Kargil that dominates the national agenda is based on the presumption that the entire conflict between India and Pakistan over Jammu and Kashmir is based on the title over real estate. This approach errs in ignoring the fact that Pakistan’s behaviour is influenced by the political mood of the people and that it has political motives also. In other words, it means a ref usal to accept the vital fact thatpeople of the state also matter.

If the way the situation was developing or drifting within the state in the recent period was watched carefully, any observer could not have missed the writing on its political wall regarding what has happened in Kargil.
A further confirmation would have been available if turmoil across the LoC, too, had been noticed. For understanding Kargil, an understanding of the wider ethno-cultural milieu of which it is a part is necessary. But that requires much more rigorous homework which is beyond our tribe of Kashmir experts.

Let me recount some of the evidence that gave an indication of the shape of things to come. Pakistan was under a compulsion to convert the Kashmiri movement for Azadi into a Muslim movement for Pakistan.
For, Kashmiri nationalism was a double–edged weapon. India used it against Pakistan from 1947 to 1953 and from 1975 to the mid–eighties. The ideological gap between the Kashmir movement and Pakistan could be a political threat to the latter. Thus Pakistan wriggled out of its commitment to the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, the pioneer of militancy in Kashmir, for Azadi. Pakistan gradually reduced and then withdrew all support to it. Instead, it sponsored pro–Pakistan and Islamic fundamentalist groups of militants. The leadership of its verground political wing, under the banner of All Parties Hurriyat Conference, too, shifted accordingly.

Meanwhile the J and K chief minister, Farooq Abdullah, shifted his allegiance from the Left–supported United Front to the BJP and issued a certificate of patriotism to the RSS. The effective political choice for the people of Kashmir was thus confined to a pro–RSS face of India and a pro-Pakistan Jamaat–led Hurriyat Conference. But to close their options, Jammu and Ladakh needed to be communalised. Hence the Muslim pockets within them became a target of the militants.

Their task was facilitated by the communal polarisation of Jammu between the National Conference and BJP, and of Ladakh between the former and the Ladakh Buddhist Association. The voting in the parliamentary election of 1998 was a neat reflection of this polarisation. It suited the National Conference rulers if the perennial regional discontent in Jammu and Ladakh was divided along communal lines.
Thus as a reaction to some voices for separate statehood of Jammu and Union Territory status for Ladakh, the National Conference started a campaign for separation of Muslim majority parts from their respective regions. In April 1999, the state government formally proposed re–demarcation of these regions on communal basis, of course for public discussion.

By this time, fresh initiatives came from America–based think tanks for the solution of the Kashmir problem on the basis of traditional official American thinking that the problem must be resolved “accordingly to the wishes of the people, Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists”. This simplistic thinking completely ignores the ethnic identities and their aspirations.

Reflecting the same thinking, the US–based and influential Kashmir Study Group recommended that “the state be reconstituted through an internationally supervised ascertainment of the wishes of the people on either side of the Line of Control”. This portion be constituted “as a sovereign entity (but without an international personality)”. Two Indian representatives who had participated in the meeting which made
this recommendation later clarified that it meant the reconstituted state should be within Indian sovereignty. But obviously they did not object to reconstitution.

Pakistan came nearer to this position when its foreign minister proposed a district–wise plebiscite to determine the future of the state; thus limiting its claim to, besides the Kashmir Valley, to the Muslim majority districts of Rajouri, Poonch and Doda in Jammu region and the district of Kargil in Ladakh. After extending militant activity to the former area, Kargil appeared to be its natural target. It may merely have been more encouraged by internal developments and external proposals on the subject.

The Pakistan government had not properly taken into account the lack of response of the Muslims of Kargil, the formidable military challenge of the Indian armed forces and hostile international reaction to its action. But India’s decisive victory would depend on how far it can meet the political fall–out of Kargil. Can it help Kargil to feel a secure and proud part of a secular Ladakhi identity, which requires restoration of traditional friendly and cordial relations between Buddhists and Muslims? Can a part of the solidarity and sympathy that the whole nation is expressing for valiant soldiers and their families be extended to the patriotic people of Kargil and about 30,000 homeless, famished refugees?

Again, how would India meet the international pressure, which would turn on it after Kargil crisis is over, to solve the Kashmir problem with some semblance of popular satisfaction? Can India satisfy the urge for identity, democracy and good administration of the people of Kashmir and help them to have friendly relations with peoples of the other two regions of the state?

There are some lessons of Kargil for the nation as a whole, too. While it has generated sentiments of patriotism, sacrifice and fellow feeling, a few reactions exceed legitimate limits of patriotism and, in fact, undermine its moral and psychological basis. The government ban on PTV is, for instance, a reflection on the patriotism of an average citizen which is supposed to be so fragile that it cannot stand a hostile propaganda. If Pakistan can continue its confrontation with India in Kargil, and if India has fought earlier four wars without a ban on the foreign media, why should the present government presume that Indians have become less mature now.

What makes the ban silly is the fact that it is totally unimple-mentable in Kashmir and on the entire Indo–Pak border. Moreover, PTV’s non–news programmes, particularly its plays, are very popular in many parts of India. Why should even the entertainment offered by PTV be banned? Another display of misplaced patriotism is the plea by veteran cricketer Kapil Dev to snap all sports relations with Pakistan. It is true that Indo–Pak matches often arouse jingoist sentiments in both countries and, on this ground, a case could be made to suspend them till tempers cool down. But to argue a sort of sport boycott of Pakistan for its action in Kargil is a case of over–reaction. Does Kapil suspect that every sportsman and sportswoman or sports lover in Pakistan is involved in sponsoring intrusion in Kargil and is an enemy of India? In the past persons belonging to the fields of sports, culture, literature and music have in the worst of times, been messengers of peace and friendship
between the two neighbours. We have to draw a distinction between the people of Pakistan and their rulers. Among the former there has always been an India- friendly constituency which, in our own interest, we
should not let down.

There are some voices demanding of some eminent Muslims that they prove their patriotism, or advocating a ‘final solution’ to the centuries–old aggression upon India from Mohammad Bin Kasim to Mian Nawaz
(Bal Thackerey and the RSS weekly, Panchajanya, respectively. These are too absurd to be discussed; but if such views gather more support, that would pose a greater threat to the existence of a united and civil
India than the military, political, ideological and diplomatic threat ever posed by Pakistan.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 1

From ‘azadi’ to ‘jihad’

June 30, 1999

Pakistan and Afghanistan’s role in transforming the movement for ‘Kashmiriyat’ and ‘azadi’ in Kashmir into an Islamic ‘jihad’ is well established

Excerpts from the report, ‘The New Islamist International’ of the Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare set up by the US House Republican Research Committee (February 1, 1993).

Sponsoring international terrorism and separatist subversion and insurgency is not new to Pakistan. Since the 1970s, Islamabad has been training Sikh and other Indian separatist movements as part of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s strategy of “forward strategic depth”, and also as a part of his effort to gain revenge for India’s support of an independent Bangladesh.

The extent of the external, that is Pakistani and Afghan, influence on the Islamist transformation of the Kashmiri insurgency is quite clear. Indeed, Kashmir was the only area in India where, as of the mid–1980s, Islamic revivalism had “taken a radical political stance” and where “the slogans of the Islamic state have been publicly raised” and had been received with growing popularity. The population was increasingly adopting the leadership of Jamaat–e–Islami of Pakistan and Khomeinists representing the “following of the line of Imam Khomeini” as their own leaders. Consequently, by 1984, an Islamic radicalisation had developed that saw the rise of such movements as the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, Mahaz–i–Azadi and the Liberation League.

Later, by 1985, both the Jamaat–e–Islami and Al–Jihad movements, the latter “a clandestine organisation influenced by the ideology of the Iranian revolution,” were becoming highly influential in Kashmiri politics. Indeed, the Al–Jihad movement publicly raised the issue of an “Islamic Revolution” as “the only way to liberate” Kashmir in the mid–1980s.

Thus, in the space of a few short years, “there was a marked erosion of the secular Kashmiri personality
and a Muslim identity with fundamentalist overtones started emerging rapidly”. Therefore, it also became
imperative for the emerging separatist leaders to “give the struggle a Pan–Islamic character and
extra–territorial dimension.”

Indeed, as noted, this trans-formation was assisted and reinforced by an active ISI program. Initially, the emphasis of this program was on using the Afghan-support infrastructure in Pakistan to support Kashmiri militants. Indeed, during the main escalation of Islamist violence in Indian Kashmir in mid–l988, Pakistan provided assistance in the training and arming of Kashmiri terrorists, as well as sanctuaries to Kashmiri insurgents across the border.

The rise of Islamist ideology to predominance throughout Indian Kashmir facilitated the emergence of a tight link between the Kashmiri insurgents, their supporters, and Islamabad.”Muslim fundamentalists in Pakistan see the Islamic surge in Kashmir as the long awaited hour for jihad against Indian infidels, a holy war for which Pakistan must funnel material and moral backing.”

There is a profound difference between support for Sikh terrorism in Punjab, which is a matter of harassing New Delhi, and Islamist terrorism in Kashmir, where there is a genuine whole–hearted commitment to jihad. The ISI estab-lished and runs its own “Kashmiri organisation”. The most important among these are the Hizb–e–Islami, which is comprised of former Kashmiri Mujahideen who were trained by the ISI and then fought with Gulbuddin Hikmatyar’s organisation in Afghanistan. Also, there is Harakat–ul–Jihad another highly professional terrorist group created in Pakistan. It is made up of veteran ‘Afghans’ from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Kashmir who receive extensive ISI support.

In the early summer of 1992, some 200 highly–trained and well–armed Afghan Mujahideen infiltrated into Indian Kashmir in order to assist in what was by now a full blown armed struggle. They are directly responsible for the increase in violence in Kashmir, in itself a part of a concentrated effort sponsored and backed by the ISI. Another group of 300 Afghans in command of a larger force of Pakistani–trained Kashmiris are waiting in Pakistani Kashmir for the opportune conditions in order to infiltrate into Indian Kashmir and open a new terrorist front.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 2

‘Islam is just a facade for Pakistan’

June 30, 1999

We reproduce below excerpts from the website run by the Shabir Shah-led Jammu Kashmir Democratic Freedom Party, castigating Pakistan for using the façade of a ‘jihad’ to impose its own agenda in the Valley

The ruling elite and the military establishment of Pakistan is paranoid about an independent Kashmir — and I really don’t understand why. Pakistan talks about "self–determination" as long as it means Pakistan will be able to gain. Pakistan is completely allergic to the "I" word. They have an agenda to suppress, undermine, and prevent any organized movement that begins to harness the natural aspirations of the people of Jammu & Kashmir for independent Kashmir.

Pakistan has backed groups that have a destructive approach to the freedom struggle and have a distorted agenda which exploits the name of Islam. In 1990, Pakistan realised that JKLF would not serve its selfish interests so they went to the old habits they learnt from the CIA in the Afghanistan war theatre — they backed multiple groups, most notoriously Jamaat-e-Islami and Hizbul Mujahideen and encouraged them to wipe out the pro–independence struggle while they fought India. The battle or "jihad" waged by these groups was designed to create chaos and create desperation but it never was disciplined, organized, strategic, or aimed to empower the common people of Kashmir to stand up for themselves.

Pakistan supported extremists with a Pakistani nationalistic agenda in Kashmir. It must be understood that their agenda is separate from main stream Islam and they only exploit the name of Islam for their political agenda. As such they tried to create a desperation in the Kashmiri society and force a communal revolt. There are reasons for this. An activist of Jamaat Islami once explained that they must wipe out tourism and education in order to make the common people desperate and ready for "revolution".

I never understood why in Kashmir schools were burnt or why blasts were placed in civilian, non–military zones. Why bridges were destroyed. Why Kashmiri people were kidnapped. I know of people who would have sacrificed everything for freedom who were kidnapped and told to pay so many lakhs of rupees or give their son for their organisation or be killed. Why did this happen? And why did this continue with full knowledge of the leadership of these organisations? Its absolutely inexcusable.

A Jamaat supporter once explained to me that sometimes you have to force a people to wake up and realise what is best for them. He said without jobs and education "jihad" will be the only avenue. These politicians call this creation of chaos, this self–destruction "jihad"? I call it a "facade". Do these organizations think you can call something "Islamic" and that is enough?

(T)hey manipulated and extorted. Their methods broke down political and social institutions when what was needed was a strengthening of these institutions so they might be utilised for the cause of freedom. What’s more, these organizations directly targeted JKLF boys and then they fought even among themselves. How could these organisations be expected to succeed with this type of treachery and lack of morals?

We have seen what was done to Kabul in the name of Islam — the blood of Muslims was made to run through its streets at the hands of other Muslims. Hekmatyar had a dispute with Prof. Rabbani and it resulted in the death of thousands of Afghans. Mosques were destroyed. An entire city which survived the evil Soviet onslaught was razed to the ground. This was a dispute between two Jamaat Islami supporters. And both sides called it "jihad". What’s more, the Taliban have taken their place, also in the name of Islam and also with the backing of Pakistan.

Tolerance is the epitome of Jammu and Kashmir and all the people of the state of different faiths have, do, and will live in peace with each other. And the communal flames of the last nine years have been ignited by foreign hands and have nothing to do with Kashmiri actions. And if Islam is to spread further in Jammu and Kashmir it will spread by example and by practice and according to the will of Allah— just like it did when Islam first came to Kashmir.

The truth is the people of Kashmir are sincere Muslims – meaning that they are also tolerant, positive, and caring human beings. There is a profound love for Islam and the people of Kashmir embrace tolerance and compassion towards all as part of their belief. Likewise, the people of Jammu and Kashmir are not just Muslim. In fact a significant portion of the population is Buddhist, Sikh, and Hindu. And Kashmiris have co–existed in a peaceful way for centuries.

Much to the dislike of Pakistan and pro–Pak groups, the majority of Kashmiris want re–unification and independence. And they are going to have to come to terms with this reality sooner or later. And no matter how much they cloak their rhetoric in terms of "Islam" this fact is not going to disappear.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 3

‘Teach them a lesson now’

June 30, 1999

If the Pakistani establishment is training and arming ‘mujahideen’ to the teeth for the ‘jihad’ to liberate Kashmir from the clutches of the ‘kuffar’, for the sangh parivar, the current conflict in Kargil is but a part of the 1,000–year–old clash between ‘Muslim barbarians’ and ‘peace–loving Hindus’. This is evident from articles and editorials in the Panchjanya (Hindi) and Organiser (English), of the weekly mouthpieces of the RSS, as well as statements made and letters written to the editors of mainline newspapers. In short, there are forces on both sides for whom the conflict between India and Pakistan is not one between two nations but a Hindu–Muslim dharam yudh, a jihad. The preceding two documents are indicative of the Pakistani mindset. We reproduce below samples of the communal venom spewed by representatives of the saffron world–view.

‘India cries out at the barbarism of the cowardly, Islamic Pakistan’
‘Enough is enough’

(Reproduced below, in full, is an English translation of the editorial in the June 20, 1999 issue of Panchjanya):

This has been going on for centuries now. Bharat’s northern borders have always been assaulted by Islamic invaders. The cause for the long chain of evil deeds from Mohammed Bin Qasim to Nawaz Sharif were never that we had occupied their land, attacked or looted them. The only reason for the animosity has always been that Bharat has always been a peace–loving land, wealthy and loyal to its faith. This was intolerable for them. To loot our land of its wealth, to change our faith and to shatter our peace — that is why these attacks have always taken place. These people have always come under the garb of looters and barbarians. From the story of Raja Dahit to squadron leader Ajay Ahuja and lieutenant Saurabh Kaliya, we can see the imprint of the same barbarism and inhumanity of these invaders. These invaders have always been ruthless and devious. They have always attacked us stealthily in the dark of the night.

They have always fought in the name of religion and given their deception the name of jihad. Even when they kill animals, they bleed it to a tortuous death and then call it halaal. Forget granting life to men, how can one expect from them even a dignified death? This is their way, this is their nature. And they never change their ways except when the hands of brave soldiers goes for their jugular. This inhuman lot can never forget 1971! Like bleating goats, 94,000 jihadis had then stood their heads bowed in abject surrender before our brave soldiers. Had it been some Islamic country in our place, it would have beheaded the entire lot and despatched 94,000 skulls to Islamabad. But true to our own civilised values and culture, we even fed milk to these 94,000 snakes. Fed on our generosity, they all returned well fattened to their homeland.

Look at them, now! So "brave" are they that when they encountered six of our soldiers on patrol, they would not fight them like men would. Instead, they were encircled, disarmed and then, crossing all limits of bestiality, tortured in such inhuman ways that even hearing or reading about it is intolerable. The blood of every Indian is on the boil today. From Ladakh to Kanyakumari, the entire nation is raising only one demand — Revenge! Revenge!

The time has come again for India’s Bheema to tear open the breasts of these infidels and purify the soiled tresses of Draupadi with blood. Pakistan will not listen just like that. We have a centuries’ old debt to settle with this mindset. It is the same demon that has been throwing a challenge at Durga since the time of Mohammed Bin Qasim. Arise, Atal Behari! Who knows if fate has destined you to be the author of the final chapter of this long story. For what have we manufactured bombs? For what have we exercised the nuclear option? The courageous give their enemy time to retreat. In the beginning, they even forgive. But if the perverse and incorrigible are bent on inviting his own death, the brave never disappoint them.

just recall, with what crookedness and violence Pakistan has responded to our magnanimity since 1947. In 1948, it sent its soldiers dressed as tribals and through deception captured a large part of our Kashmir. And this, when only a few months earlier, Mahtama Gandhi had used the ‘weapon’ of fasting to get India to grant Rs. 52 crore loan to Pakistan. The very money that we loaned them was used by Pakistan to attack us and grabb our territory. It perpetrated atrocities on our Hindu brethren, violated Hindu women, forcibly converted them, demolished our temples and has persisted in constantly provoking Bharat.

In 1965, they attacked us but faced a humiliating defeat when our jawans unfurled the triocolour right to the Haji pir. Then it groveled and we had the Tashkent agreement. But India again made the mistake of showing its magnanimity and returned the captured Haji Pir.

But Pakistan turned around from Haji Pir only to war against us yet again. After 1965, 1971. Bangladesh was born, and the story of India’s victory echoed through the world. Pakistan went down on its knees and begged for mercy. That’s when the Shimla agreement was signed. We again showed magnanimity and without resolving the issue of Kashmir once and for all, we returned the 94,000 captured serpents!

Even then Pakistan did not change. Zia–ul–Haq launched ‘Operation Topak’ in a bid to deal a serious blow to India. The bloody game of terrorism and militancy in Kashmir is a direct result of this. Of how many Indian lives are you going to ask Pakistan to account for? Is there any count of how many thousand Indian lives have been taken by these cowardly jehadis in Kashmir? And will you forget the terrorist assault on Punjab? Even today, blood–stained Punjab is unable to forget the slaughter of thousands of its innocent sons and daughters. Pakistan has spread the ISI’s web all over India. From the far east to the far south, from the deserts of Jaisalmer to the Terai region of Nepal, ISI is hell bent on killing Indians and crippling the Indian political system. Every day, hundreds of kilograms of RDX, AK–47 rifles, bombs and other ammunition are intercepted in Delhi and in every nook and cranny of the country.

And this only shows us that Pakistan’s animosity towards India is forever on the increase. Yet, behold the extent of our magnanimity! Despite all this, we took bus all the way to Lahore, the peace flag aflutter in ourhands! The Lahore Declaration was made. With what warmth the Pakistanis had greeted us! On one side they were embracing us, on the other the dynamite was being laid, bunkers were being erected. This is their character, this is their culture.

Enough is enough. To tolerate any more would be sheer cowardice. To teach them a lesson now is the only dharam now.

The over 1,000 years of our struggle with barbarians and religious bigots and their vandalism is written with the blood of martyrs who were subjected to the most inhuman torture unparalleled in history. The terrorist state of Pakistan is the continuation of that gory past.
— Seshadri Chari, editor, Organiser, in a signed article in the Organiser, June 20, 1999.
The barbaric and cruel behaviour of Pakistan with Indian soldiers is a good indicator of their mindset and their ‘civilisation’. The same mindset was at work during the time of Guru Tegh Bahadur; his colleagues, too, were martyred in the same cruel way. Killing a person in the normal fashion is alien to their culture. By behaving with Indian soldiers today with the same bestial as in case of Bhai Matidas, Bhai Satidas, Bhai Dayala etc., Pakistan clearly shows that even today its outlook is anything but humanitarian.
— Rajendra Singh, RSS sarsanghchalak (chief), in the Organiser, June 20, 1999.
The celebration of Hindu rule is being observed this year at a time when through treachery and deceit Pakistan has intruded into Indian territory.And coward–like, they have chosen to give this back–stabbing the label, "Islami Jihad’. This reminds us of those chapters of Indian history which are full of revolting accounts of the deceit and ill–will of Islamic marauders. While remembering Shivaji on this occasion, the best way to finish off the crooked ‘jehadis’ is the way Shivaji dealt with Afzal Khan.
— Narsinh Pandit, in an article titled, ‘Pursuing Shivaji’s Afzal policy is the way to teach the croooked Pakistanis a lesson’, in Panchjanya, June 20, 1999

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 4

War and Peace

June 30, 1999

As would be evident from many of the opinions expressed through the Viewers’ Forum opened up by Pakistan’s ‘Jang’ group of newspapers on its website, there are enough Pakistanis who would fit into the stereo-type of the ‘jihadi’ Muslim. But equally well, there is no dearth of sober voices. We reproduce below a few samples of both.

WAR

‘Mujahideen are fighting with Jazba-e-imaani’

Indian air strikes on freedom fighters are showing world that Kashmiri Muslims and India can not be together any more. I think this is the last stage of this guerrilla war and I want to salute the Mujahideen who are fighting for themselves with Jazba-e-imaani (conviction of faith), and there is victory waiting for them. It is very good that Pakistani forces are on high alert, as this is going to be the last conflict in Kashmir.
— Zahid H. Syed, USA

‘Muslims the world over (including India) should live under Islamic Rule’
Muslims the world over (including India) should live under Islamic Rule. Indian Muslims who live in the illusion that it is alright to live under non-Muslim rule should re-evaluate their stance under the light of the Quran, the Sunnah and the lives of the four Righteous Caliphs. Muslims have become slaves to economic forces and the Western Paradigm – Allah only punishes those whom He judges have gone astray from the True Path. Let this also come as a warning to those greedy Pakistanis who think that they are safe from the Wrath of Allah and Insha Allah the day will soon come when only Islamic Rule and Law will govern Muslims. Allah Hu Akbar.
— Naseem Raza, ‘Azad Kashmir’ (PoK)

‘Hindus do not have brains to make bombs’
If Pakistan had not left the job undone in 1965 we would not be seeing this day. Hindu fanatics have never accepted Pakistan and there is no way they will ever live like a peaceful neighbour. Pakistan should therefore strike India with full force and capacity and destroy their imported nuclear structure and teach them a lesson which they cannot forget for centuries. Responding to one of the opinions, Hindus do not have brains to make bombs that is the reason they have got a Muslim doing it for them. If this is not enough explanation, pick up some history books and find out our capabilities. Anyhow Pakistan should and can only get out of this mess if they follow the slogan of Tipu "It is better to live a day like a lion than a thousand days like a jackal".
— Nasim Malik, Scotland

‘Hindus must be punished for their actions’
We know the Hindu nation very well as we once lived together with them before Pakistan and now after we are Pakistanis. Hindus must be punished for their actions. Neither Europe nor America can stop them from their foolish thoughts; only the Muslim nation can teach them a lesson.
— Sajid Rashid, Pakistan

‘Pakistan has more than 13 crore Mujahids’
I want to ask those Indians who are saying that Indian forces are so great and powerful, that if they are so powerful why have they been so unsuccessful for the last 11 years to stop the freedom fighters? Remember these freedom fighters broke your father Russia. Can you count its pieces these days? India can’t control hundreds of thousands of Kashmiris in Occupied Kashmir. Do you think you guys have the guts to control the whole of Pakistan which has more than 13 crore Mujahids? Indians feel pride in saying that they are the biggest democracy in the world. If that is true, give the Kashmiris the right to choose where they want to live; if they choose India we will not even spit on it.
— Shahzad, Pakistan

‘It’s a war against evil’
It’s a war against evil. We’re proud that we’re fighting against evil. We’re not afraid of the consequences. We are doing our jobs. And we will get our reward from God.
— Basharat Ali, USA

‘We desire to be killed in a jihad’
India is not interested in implementing the UN resolution that it signed, and had first called for. India is not interested in an honourable peace. Muslims are commanded by Allah to do jihad if an honourable treaty cannot be achieved. And Muslims are like one body, when one part hurts the whole body hurts. We all remember the Babri Masjid that Hindu fanatics destroyed in India, and the Indian (Congress) government looked on and did nothing; nor has any successive government made any amends for that or arrested any culprits.

And the Indian police and civilians brutally beat Muslims in India when they protested that heinous act. In fact they arrested thousands of Muslims who wanted to make a civil protest, in India, on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Babri Mosque. We all know that the Indian government has killed, raped and tortured thousands of Kashmiri Muslims since they first started demanding that the UN resolution regarding holding of plebiscite in Kashmir be held. Indians, wake up.

You cannot rule anyone who refuses to be ruled. And Muslims believe, as is written in the Quran, that Paradise is under the shadow of the sword. We are not afraid to die; in fact we desire to be killed in Jihad. What about you?
— Asif Patel, Canada

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 5

War and Peace

June 30, 1999

PEACE

‘Don’t we know that there are more Muslims in India?’
I just want to know from anybody on this forum whether we have the military might to encounter India. Can anybody please answer this question? What is the whole Kashmir issue about? How can we claim to support the rights of Muslims when I step out of my home worried that I will be killed by a Shiite terrorist here in Karachi itself? A group of Shiite were killed right after Namaz the other day, and we claim we’re protecting Muslims! Don’t we know that there are more Muslims in India than here in our land? Can anybody please clarify this issue?
— Shahid Anwar, Pakistan

‘Pakistan is promoting terrorism in the name of Islam’
Pakistan is a country engaged in promoting terrorism in the name of Islam. My heart bleeds when I hear that they have undertaken offensive action against Indian brothers. I have been to India and I’ve seen that it’s a country secular to the core and a protector of true democracy as against Pakistan. I regret to say that this warfare throws Pakistan in poor light and hope that the leaders of Pakistan gain some wisdom from their Indian counterparts. When India is trying to fight Pakistani-supported terrorism, we should not interfere in India’s affairs. After all Pakistan is a child of India if you consider it originated from Hindustan. Does Islam preach to go against Mother? And that is the very fact that makes my heart bleed. Jai Kashmir!
— Fakruddin Ahmed–ul–Safah, USA

‘Pak should not send soldiers disguised as Mujahideen’
Pakistan should not send regular army solders disguised as Mujahideen fighters to invade India. One shall always reap as one sows. Also the Pakistani press should not misinform the Pakistani public. I love my country and want to put an axe on its own feet. My father is a retired army major and hence I know what is going on behind the scenes and how the Pakistani army is virtually ruling the country with all our politicians only worried about their seats.
— Yousuf Malik, Pakistan

‘Allah embraced everybody in the Quran’
Start a war and see what happens; nothing but pain and suffering to ordinary people. When will the religious fanatics realise that if Allah wanted to destroy the other side, he would do a far better job and more swiftly than you moron politicians, who are the real evil behind all this. Does a new-born baby know when you burn him? That he is dying for the right God, clear your mind of hate and see that Allah embraced everybody in the Quran, there is no stupid god or religion only stupid people who are blind and want to stay blind.
— Inzaman–ul–Haq, Pakistan

‘We’ve already wasted 50 years’
It is an open secret that these "freedom fighters" are backed by Pakistan both morally and financially. Our government, in an effort to divert attention from recent follies at home, has encouraged the "freedom fighters" to create trouble at the LOC. India had no choice but to respond. It’s about time we realised that such adventures are very costly to our country. We already have wasted more than 50 years fighting over Kashmir and in the process neglected human development in Pakistan.
— Nadeem Iqbal, USA

‘India can defeat us in two days’
If there is a war between India and Pakistan, it will take not take more than two days for India to defeat Pakistan. The Pakistani economy is so screwed up that I do not understand how Pakistanis can even think of going to war with such a great country like India. "God save Pakistanis."
— Rehmat Khan, Pakistan

‘India can wipe us out completely’
It’s Pakistan which tortures and violates the rights of Mohajirs, Sindhis and other ethnic groups in Pakistan. Kashmiris in India were living a much better life than most of the Pakistanis until Pakistan started sponsoring terrorism in Kashmir. Be friendly with India and leave India and India’s Kashmir alone. India can wipe us out completely. It’s a bigger country and most of it will be safe where as we will be totally destroyed.
— Farida Mahamood, Pakistan

‘Kashmir belongs to the Kashmiris’
It seems to me that some of the extreme opinions expressed by your readers emanate from not knowing the other’s point of view or accepting that the other point of view may be rational, albeit one you disagree with. Personally, I feel that Kashmir belongs to the Kashmiris and both India and Pakistan should give up their respective pieces and leave the Kashmiris to it. This way neither India nor Pakistan will lose face, as each can claim the other has given up its land for the sake of peace as itself has….and the Kashmiris get what they want, a united Kashmir.
— Amer Husain, UK

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Cover Story 5

Love, the only Truth

June 30, 1999

Over the last fifty years, Hyderabad has witnessed large–scale violence. Although deliberately engineered by political parties and vested interests in mot cases, they have been sought to be projected as ‘Hindu–Muslim riots’. Hyderabad is home to numerous Sufi dargahs, where people of all faith traditions come together to worship collectively. Such indigenous shared cultural and spiritual resources need to be further researched and promoted. In what follows, 74–year old Ranoji, from a Hindu Rangrez family, a resident of Hyderabad, speaks to Yoginder Sikand about his long association with a famous Qadri Sufi dargah of the city.

My name is Ranoji, I am 74–years–old. I belong to the Marathi Rangrez caste. Our ancestral profession is dying cloth. Although I know that art, I used to work as a tailor. I was born and have lived all my life in Hyderabad.

I am a poor man and have not even been to school. Yet, I have always been in search of a guru. My first guru was a swami from my own caste. Then, I became a disciple of a Brahmin and after that of the head of a Lingayat math. I have been coming to this dargah for almost forty years now. Nowadays, I spend the whole day here helping visitors. At night I sleep at the foot of the tomb of the late pir, who was my guru. All my four gurus taught me the same wisdom (gyan). Only the forms (roop) and language (bhasha) were different.

Some people ask me, "You were born in a Hindu family, then why do you live in a dargah and eat and sleep with Muslims?" But I tell them that just as the sun shines on everybody and the winds blow across every one’s fields, so also the same God has created and looks after every human being. The third eye of Shivji is the same as what Muslims call the nazar–i–nur (the eye of light), in whose sight there is no Muslim or Hindu or anything like that.

I never used to go to dargahs before. Once, when I was around forty and was working in a tailoring shop, the pir of this dargah, who passed away three years ago, came to the shop. He spoke to the seth (owner) of the shop and said that someone had told him that Ranoji makes good caps. My seth was a very short–tempered person. He told the pir sahib, ‘Caps? Who makes them nowadays?’ The pir sahib then turned to leave, but I entered the room and said to him, "Sahib, were you looking for the seth of the shop or for Ranoji?" He looked at me and said, "I was asking for Ranoji, my son". Then I told him, "Sahib, I am the Ranoji you are looking for. Tell me, of what service can I be to you?"

The pir sahib told me that he wanted me to make a cap for him. I drew various designs for him, but he kept saying, "No, no, not this one". Then I folded my hands and said, "Forgive me sahib, I am an uneducated man, but can I ask you a question?" He said, "Certainly, by all means". I said, "Sahib, please tell me, where did you get the idea of making this special sort of cap, whose design is so difficult for me to draw?" He replied that he had recently gone on the haj to Mecca Sharif, and there he was told in a dream that he should make a cap of a particular design for him to wear.

My pir was a devout Muslim, but he never asked me or any of his other Hindu disciples to become Muslim. He used to say if you realise yourself you will realise God. He used to tell me that all the Sufis had only one teaching: love (ishq). Love not only for God but also for all of His creatures.

I was so astonished on hearing that! Well, after that we managed, together, to design the cap he wanted. I asked him what colour he wanted it to be and he said the blue of the throat of a peacock (mor ki kanthi). So, I made the mor ki kanthi colour cap and he was very pleased.

That is how I first came in touch with the pir sahib and the dargah. Oh, that was so many years ago! After that I used to go sometimes to thedargah to meet the pir sahib, especially when I was not well or had somepersonal or family problem and he would pray for me.

One evening, I went to the dargah to meet the pir sahib. He had gone to another dargah for urs, so I waited for him to return. He returned at two in the morning after the qawwali was over. I thought he was tired, so I did not want to disturb him. I just sat on a bench in the porch of the dargah.

In the morning, I suddenly awoke to find people running here and there, shouting loudly. I asked them what the matter was. Somebody told me that the pir sahib had had a heart attack and he had been rushed to the hospital. When I heard this I went running to the hospital. The guard at the door told me I couldn’t enter because the pir sahib had been prohibited from speaking to anyone. So, I stood outside the door, crying. Just then the pir sahib told the nurse, ‘My disciple (chela) is outside, tell him to come in’. She tried to reason with him, saying that the doctors had given strict orders that he should not speak to anyone. But he would not listen and insisted that I be let in. So, the nurse relented and allowed me to come inside the chamber.

When I entered, the pir sahib sat up in his bed and embraced me. I helped him to the toilet and then changed his clothes for him. The nurse brought him some soup, but he refused to eat. His wife and daughter were there. They, too, tried to convince him to eat but he wouldn’t listen. Finally, I took some bread, soaked it in the soup and said, "Sahib, please eat, for my sake". He agreed and I fed him with my own hands. After finishing his food, he looked around and asked me if anyone else had come to see him. There was no one else apart from his family and me. He asked his daughter to give him a notebook and a pencil. He wrote my name on a piece of paper and gave it to me. I think what he wanted to say was that I was the only one who had come to him in his hour of need. This world is really selfish, brother, what can I tell you?

The pir sahib remained in the hospital for several weeks till he recovered. Every evening, after finishing my work in the shop, I would go to the hospital to be with him. That is how I became so close to him and he accepted me as his chela.

One day, when the qawwals were singing at the dargah, the pir sahib took me in front of the main grave and said a dua, praying to God for me. At that time I was keeping the fast (vrat) of Narsimha Dev and so had grown my hair long. After that I said to him, "Sahib, can you please show me a place here where I can recite the name of God (ishvar ke nam ka jap karna)?" He took me to the main chamber of the dargah, where the graves of the founder of this dargah and his wife are located. He pointed to the gap between the two graves and said, "Sit here and do your meditation".

He let me pray in whatever way I wanted to. He used to say that the Sufis believe that though different people use different names for God, it’s all the same thing. In my zikr I generally recite the kalima, ‘lailaha ilallaha, muhammadur rasul allah’ (‘There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His Prophet’).You know, that is the same as Ram nam satya hai (‘Ram’s name is the Truth’) or Om namah Shivaye.

My pir was a devout Muslim, but he never asked me or any of his other Hindu disciples to become Muslim. He used to say if you realise yourself you will realise God. He used to tell me that all the Sufis had only one teaching: love (ishq). Love not only for God but also for all of His creatures.

My pir would treat me like his own son. He would hug me and say, "Ranoji is my very life" (Ranoji meri jaan hai). He would tell me, "Son, this world is a toy which lasts only for a few days. The real life, which shall never end, comes only after death". He would constantly think of death. In fact, he dug his own grave eighteen years before his death. He told me that I must be present at his burial.

The pir sahib passed away three– years–ago. We do not believe that pirs die. Their spirits continue to guide us. That is why I spend all my time in the dargah at my pir’s feet. I am a poor illiterate man, I have never been to school. But, my pir was a spiritual university by all by himself.

You know, my brother, all this talk about Hindu–Musalman is really wrong. Love alone is true religion (saccha dharm).

Mandir dhoya masjid dhoya

mal mal ke ang dhoya

dil ka mayl na dhoya

tu kya paya?

(You cleaned the temple, you cleaned the mosque

You scrubbed all the parts of your body clean

But if you didn’t remove the dirt in your heart,

Then, what have you achieved?)

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 1999, Year 6 No. 51, Ethos

1...2,6892,6902,691...2,698 Page 2,690 of 2,698

‘Beware, the enemy within!’

AFTER KARGIL KASHMIR

From ‘azadi’ to ‘jihad’

‘Islam is just a facade for Pakistan’

‘Teach them a lesson now’

War and Peace

WAR

War and Peace

PEACE

Love, the only Truth

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