Recent proposals, including constitutional amendments to provide 33% reservation for women in state and central legislatures, have sparked wide discussion. In this context, it is important...
Through detailed reliance on fear, timing, intelligence inputs, and administrative response, the Court stretches “public order” to justify preventive detention—raising difficult questions about liberty, evidence, and constitutional limits
Adivasis and supporting activists have petitioned the authorities against what they term as the ‘forcible re-location” of Chenchu (PVTG) Adivasis in the Amravad Tiger Reserve and urged a ‘co-existence’ model of conservation
The Allahabad High Court recently struck down a 2021 decision of the District Level Committee (DLC), Lakhimpur upholding the land rights of the Tharu tribe while observing that the authorities cannot short-circuit the existing statutory rights of the forest dwellers by blindly relying on court orders issued before the enactment of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 (FRA, 2006). This law recognises the individual and community rights of Adivasis.
Communities resisting the proposed 11,200 MW project fear the loss of ancestral land, livelihoods and cultural heritage, with activists detained under the APUAPA
In Karnataka, during the pandemic and lockdown, mid-day meals in government schools and anganwadis under the National Food Security Act (2013) [1], shut down indefinitely [2,3] amidst growing concerns about how this would affect vulnerable communities. In spite of demands, the state government has not yet undertaken a detailed post pandemic and lockdown survey to identify the immediate and long-term interventions to address and prevent malnutrition. Several visits have been made by civil society organisations, students, nutritionists and academics to different districts of Karnataka, during and after the Covid-19 pandemic and this commentary gives a broad overview of the observations made. There is a need for an in-depth quantitative and qualitative study.
A four-day door-to-door audit in Trilokpuri found voters marked absent, shifted or dead who were still living at their registered addresses, with 47.57 lakh names missing from Delhi’s draft roll, affected voters have until October 30 to file claims
Barely 771 “foreign nationals” identified in Karnataka and a miniscule 1,600 in six other Indian states; yet the hysterical bogey of the “ghuspetiya” (illegal immigrant) has been used to render 130 million plus Indian without the right to vote?