It was the combined cards of Communalism, Caste politics, Operation Kamala and Huge Money to woo voters that helped the BJP increase its vote share; much to celebrate but much more needs to be done
One of India’s most highly regarded former Home Secretary says “secular Hindus are uncomfortable, frustrated” adding “and don’t know what should we do in Modi’s India”. Gopal Pillai said if the present treatment of Muslims is not checked and reversed then India could be 10 years away from danger point which he described as “civil disturbance”. At one point in the interview he even briefly accepted India could face “civil war”.
PM Modi has taken up the cause of ‘Pasmanda’ Muslims in order to woo them to the BJP fold in the run-up to the 2024 elections. Ironically, it was his government too that refused reservation benefits to Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Christians: infamously the BJP’s official stand under Modi has been that, since “Islam and Christianity were egalitarian religions, did not have untouchability, hence no need to accord SC status to ‘Dalit Muslims’”
The Dalit Pasmanda Justice Collective (DPJC) has, in a tweet, strongly objected to a prevalent instance of casteism by the Puthoorpally Muslim Jama-ath" mosque in Changanassery, Kerala; a letter sent by the Secretary of the Masjid Committee directs exclusion of Dalits Muslims from a meeting, stating that “traditionally your ancestors were prohibited from attenting the general meeting”
Hearing a PIL, the bench took serious note of the meagre wage offered to inmates, tremendous overcrowding, murders inside jails, grants one last chance to the state to act firmly
The Supreme Court of India broadened the ambit of who can be granted the right to forest rights, cites that certain communities may not have had the documents to come under governmental categories.
The protests that paralysed Noida’s industrial belt in April 2026 exposed not only worsening labour conditions but also the growing tendency of the state to treat democratic labour mobilisation as a law-and-order problem
Relying on ASI findings, historical records and the Ayodhya framework, the Court held the structure was built over a pre-existing temple and Sanskrit learning centre linked to Raja Bhoj
Given the flip-flops by India’s constitutional courts on protection of the environment, this three part legal investigation delves deep: In Part 1, we look at how High Courts across different regions of India are contributing to, or departing from, the trajectory of environmental jurisprudence. This part looks at Central India: Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Jharkhand. A region that is home to some of the country’s richest forests, its most significant mineral reserves, and its most vulnerable tribal populations.