These events, which are meant to showcase religious pride and unity, have increasingly turned into platforms for radicalisation and hate, with organisers and speakers using the stage to openly call for violence, demonise minorities, and propagate the toxic ideology of Hindutva. What is most troubling, however, is the active collusion of the authorities in allowing these hate-filled gatherings to take place with impunity. Despite clear violations of laws that prohibit hate speech and incitement to violence, these events continue to receive routine approval from local police, demonstrating a disturbing pattern of state inaction or even complicity.

From encouraging communal unrest in cities like Indore, Mandsaur, and Sitapur to the violent calls echoed in smaller towns like Rudrapur and Curchorem, these yatras are marked by leaders, including elected MLAs, delivering speeches that glorify historical violence, spread unfounded fears about Muslim ‘conspiracy theories,’ and even openly incite the crowd to take up arms. Yet, remarkably, these actions are often not met with any meaningful intervention. Police authorities, tasked with upholding law and order, routinely turn a blind eye to the inflammatory content of these rallies, providing permits and facilitating their execution without so much as a word of caution. In some cases, police officers can be seen participating in or condoning these hate-fuelled events, raising questions about the selective enforcement of law and the complicity of the state in fostering an environment of religious tension.

This permissiveness is not a coincidence but a deliberate strategy employed by various state and political actors who benefit from the deepening communal divide. The political establishment, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allied Hindutva groups, have long sought to consolidate their base by stoking Hindu-Muslim animosity and presenting themselves as the sole defenders of Hindu identity. The unchecked rise of such yatras is an outcome of this broader political strategy, wherein hate is weaponised to galvanize support and suppress dissent. The consequences of this are deeply troubling: instead of upholding India’s secular constitution, these rallies contribute to a toxic environment of fear, alienation, and violent polarisation, where Muslims are increasingly portrayed as enemies within, vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence.

Moreover, the very fact that these events are allowed to proliferate despite their clear violation of laws against hate speech speaks to a breakdown in the rule of law and the erosion of democratic norms. The failure to prosecute organisers or speakers, or even arrest those who incite violence, sends a clear message that the rights of minorities are secondary to the political needs of those in power. The environment in India today is one where the state has become complicit in the perpetuation of hate, and the idea of communal harmony seems to be a distant memory, systematically replaced by fear, mistrust, and violence. The unchecked rise of these yatras is a symptom of a deeper malaise that threatens the very fabric of Indian democracy.

Themes of hate speeches in Shaurya Diwas and Shaurya Yatra events

The hate speeches delivered, details of which are given below, during these rallies consistently present a few dangerous themes, which are crucial to understanding the ongoing communal tensions in India. These themes not only seek to deepen divisions but also actively promote hostility and exclusion.

1. Glorification of historical violence: A recurrent theme is the glorification of past acts of violence, particularly the demolition of the Babri Masjid. By framing these events as triumphs of Hindu unity and honour, speakers encourage a violent, revisionist narrative. In cities like Mandsaur, Indore, and Sitamau, participants celebrated the destruction of the Babri Masjid and called for similar actions in other religious sites such as the mosques in Kashi and Mathura. This narrative casts such acts not as crimes but as righteous deeds, and it emboldens further acts of aggression.
2. Portrayal of Muslims as threats: Numerous speeches depicted Muslims as an existential threat to the Hindu community, with claims that Muslims are engaged in covert warfare (e.g., “love jihad,” “land jihad,” “game jihad”). Speakers regularly framed Muslims as invaders or aggressors, with language like “sleeper cells,” “Jihadi population,” or “terrorists” used to demonise them. In some instances, the rhetoric escalated to violent calls for the removal of Muslims from India, particularly in speeches by figures like those in Dhampur and Sitapur, where a genocidal tone was evident.
3. Conspiracy theories and fear-mongering: A key tactic in many speeches was the propagation of baseless conspiracy theories. Claims about “love jihad,” a fictitious notion alleging that Muslim men are systematically targeting Hindu women for conversion, were a common thread, as were fears about a “demographic shift” and “Muslim population growth.” These theories aim to sow fear and suspicion, portraying Muslims as part of a coordinated effort to undermine Hindu identity and take over the country. Such rhetoric is intended to create a climate of distrust and hostility, polarising communities.
4. Rejection of coexistence: Many of the speeches explicitly rejected the notion of Hindu-Muslim coexistence, framing the two communities as fundamentally incompatible. For example, the speaker in Sitapur framed Hindus and Muslims as “eternal adversaries” and representatives of “two separate civilizations,” reinforcing the divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric directly undermines the pluralistic foundation of Indian society, rejecting the idea of a unified, multi-religious nation.
5. Incitement to violence and aggression: Multiple speakers openly incited violence, urging Hindus to take up arms and defend their religion against alleged Muslim threats. In multiple rallies, participants were seen brandishing swords, tridents, and other weapons, with leaders openly encouraging violence. For instance, in Curchorem, Goa, and Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, speakers called for violent retaliation against Muslims, while in Rudrapur, Uttarakhand, a leader described Muslim-majority areas as “sleeper cells” that needed to be eradicated. These speeches create an atmosphere of fear and aggression, normalising the idea that violence is justified in the name of religion.
6. Hindu supremacist ideology: The overarching narrative of these speeches often revolved around the idea of Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology that seeks to define India as a Hindu-only nation. This ideology is used to justify the exclusion and marginalisation of Muslims, with calls for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, as seen in Balunda, Rajasthan. The speeches also portrayed Muslims as “outsiders” who should either convert or leave the country, further alienating the community and denying them their rightful place as citizens.

Together, these themes reflect a growing trend of radicalisation and exclusion in Indian politics and society, particularly among far-right groups. The use of historical grievances, fear-mongering, and direct incitement to violence threatens the fragile communal harmony in many parts of India, contributing to an environment where hate and violence are increasingly normalised. These speeches also illustrate how political and religious leaders, including elected representatives, are systematically fostering division to consolidate power, rather than promoting unity and peace.

Details of the hate speeches and hate mongering

Below is a detailed account of some of these events:

1. Samastipur, Bihar (December 6)

In Samastipur, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal gathered to mark “Shaurya Divas.” The rally featured participants openly brandishing swords, a symbolic act that evoked aggression and intimidation, while commemorating the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The event took place against the backdrop of presently heightened communal tensions in the country, amplifying fears among local Muslim communities. Such displays of weaponry at religious processions are not just provocative but also serve to instil a sense of impunity among those perpetuating hate.

2. Ambala, Haryana (December 6)

A similar rally was organised in Ambala, Haryana, where the VHP and Bajrang Dal again celebrated the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Although less overtly violent, these events contribute to a growing normalisation of hate-filled rhetoric under the guise of cultural celebrations. Ambala, with its historical communal harmony, has increasingly witnessed such events disrupting the delicate social fabric of the region.

3. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 6)

In Mandsaur, the VHP chose a temple setting for their “Shaurya Divas” observance. While framed as a prayer meeting, the event subtly glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, embedding it within religious rituals to legitimise and sanctify communal violence. The choice of a temple as the venue further solidified the narrative of Hindutva as a defender of faith, using historical grievances to fuel contemporary animosities.

4. Bazpur, Uttarakhand (December 8)

In Bazpur, participants in a Shaurya Divas rally chanted inflammatory slogans, including “Put on Dabur’s oil and erase Babur’s name,” linking consumerism with communal hatred. Such rhetoric cleverly plays on cultural pride while stoking animosity against Muslims, whom Hindutva ideology associates with “Babur,” the Mughal emperor. The slogans exemplify the subtle but calculated mobilisation of everyday language to deepen religious divides.

5. Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

Mathura, a city with historical and religious significance, witnessed a particularly charged Shaurya Yatra. During the rally, participants raised slogans like “Cut the hands of those who cut cows,” a direct threat aimed at Muslims. The choice of Mathura is deliberate, as it is a site of ongoing disputes over religious spaces, with extremist groups seeking to replicate the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir narrative. The rally further strained communal relations in a region already fraught with tensions.

6. Curchorem, Goa (December 8)

In Goa’s Curchorem, BJP legislator T. Raja Singh used the Shaurya Yatra as a platform for hate speech, as he does habitually and with impunity. He spread conspiracy theories such as “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “demographic change,” all of which have been repeatedly debunked but continue to fuel anti-Muslim narratives. The involvement of a public representative, as he in an elected MLA from the ruling party, in such rhetoric underscores the institutional support these divisive agendas enjoy. Raja Singh’s 48-minute speech exemplifies how Shaurya Yatras are not isolated events but part of a larger strategy to systematically marginalise minorities.

Some extracts from Singh’s speech are as follows:

“I was reading a statement made by the Governor of this state. He said the percentage of Muslims in Goa, which was 3 per cent 10-15 years ago, has now risen to 12 per cent. This is something to consider and carefully think about.”

“Wherever Hindu population has decreased, conversions of Hindus have occurred there.”

“If the Jihadi population in India continues to grow and if their MPs are 300, then which community will the Prime Minister be from? Unka hi hoga, na (from their’s, right)? And in countries where ‘their’ Prime Minister is elected, what has been the condition of Hindus. History is witness to that.”

Brandishing a sword, Singh could be heard saying, “This sword is not just to be kept in its sheath. This should be in the home of every Hindu.”

“Love Jihadis don’t only target Hindus. I want to appeal to our Christian brothers from Goa. You should watch the Kerala Files (Story) movie even though the film doesn’t tell the entire story. The movie shows how in the name of love jihad, Hindu and Christian girls were lured. Hindus have kept their doors open for Christian brothers to fight against love jihad. Do join hands…our strength will increase.”

“They are appealing for help. I want to say that ‘Bajrangi’ is ready to fight for the protection of Hindus in Bangladesh. Modi ji, just open the gates for 15 minutes and we will do it.”

“In the next 20-25 years, if Hindus follow ‘hum do hamare do’ dictum, then they will suffer the same fate and atrocities as Hindus in Pakistan.”

7. Ved Mandir, Masani, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

At a Shaurya Yatra rally, Bajrang Dal National Convenor Sohan Singh Solanki delivered a provocative speech, declaring that Hindus were ready to reclaim “Krishna Janmabhoomi” at a single call from the saints. He propagated conspiracy theories like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “thook jihad” while alleging an “anti-Hindu” conspiracy to convert Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. The speech not only incited division but also aimed to stoke fears and grievances, weaponising religion to justify aggression.

8. Barsana, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 10)

In Barsana, a Shaurya Yatra rally organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal saw participants brandishing swords, and several speakers incited violence under the guise of protecting religion and the nation. The choice of Mathura—an area central to Hindutva’s ideological focus on reclaiming “Krishna Janmabhoomi”—further underscores the agenda to exacerbate communal divides in a region already fraught with sensitivities.

9. Angul, Odisha (December 11)

The VHP organised a Shaurya Sanchalan (display of valour) rally in Angul, where members of the Maa Hingula Paika Akhada Seva Sangha paraded with swords and other weapons. This display of arms, framed as an assertion of cultural pride, masked a deliberate attempt to intimidate minorities and assert dominance. Odisha, historically less prone to communal violence, has seen a steady rise in such events after the change in the state government, reflecting a worrying trend of polarisation.

10. Indore, Madhya Pradesh (December 15)

At a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Sanchalan event in Indore, speaker Vinod Sharma openly praised the demolition of the Babri Masjid as a symbol of Hindu unity. He declared Ayodhya was merely the beginning, with plans to reclaim Mathura, Kashi, and temples in Bangladesh and Pakistan as part of an “Akhand Bharat.” Sharma also propagated vile conspiracy theories like “spit jihad” and “urine jihad” while dehumanising Muslims as deviants. His statements not only glorified violence but also legitimised future communal confrontations, painting them as part of a larger nationalist agenda.

11. Rudrapur, Udham Singh Nagar, Uttarakhand (December 15)

In Rudrapur, a speaker at a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Yatra spread conspiracies about Muslims “taking over” Hindu properties, recounting a fabricated story about a Maulana promising Muslim children possession over Hindu households. The speaker described areas with Muslim populations as “sleeper cells,” drawing parallels to Kashmir and Pakistan, thereby equating minority communities with security threats. This narrative seeks to delegitimise the presence of Muslims as citizens, portraying them as invaders within their own country.

12. Balunda, Pali, Rajasthan (December 15)

Far-right leader Yogi Laxman Nath addressed a Shaurya Sanchalan organised by the VHP-Bajrang Dal, calling for an economic boycott of Muslim-owned businesses. Promoting the conspiracy theory of “love jihad,” he incited economic and social ostracisation while sowing fear about the Muslim population’s growth. His rejection of communal harmony underscores the agenda to fracture India’s pluralistic ethos by fomenting suspicion and hostility.

13. Khajuha, Rae Bareli, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Rae Bareli, participants of a Shaurya Yatra openly displayed swords and other weapons. This visual spectacle of aggression, staged in the heartland of Uttar Pradesh, is emblematic of how these rallies aim to intimidate minority communities. Such public demonstrations of force create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, undermining communal harmony.

14. Rampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

At a Shaurya Yatra in Rampur, participants raised inflammatory slogans like “Tel lagao Dabur ka, naam mitao Babar ka” and “Hindustan me rahna hoga, to Jai Shri Ram kehna hoga (if you want to continue living in India, you have to say Jai Shri Ram.” These chants not only invoke the Babri Masjid demolition but also demand conformity to Hindutva ideology as a precondition for living in India. The slogans are a direct threat to the secular character of the nation, weaponising religious identity to exclude and marginalise minorities.

15. Chandausi, Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

During the Shaurya Jagran Yatra, a VHP-Bajrang Dal leader propagated conspiracies of “love jihad” and “land jihad,” which are frequently used to vilify Muslims. By portraying Muslims as aggressors engaged in covert “jihad,” these speeches aim to radicalise Hindu audiences and perpetuate a cycle of fear and hatred. It is essential to note that in the past moth itself, Sambhal saw instances of communal violence and state excess, which resulted in the death of five Muslim men.

16. Mumbai, Maharashtra (December 15)

In Mumbai, Bajrang Dal leader Vivek Kulkarni used a Shaurya Sanchalan event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition and spread conspiracies like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” The speech, delivered in India’s financial capital, highlights how communal polarisation is being pushed even in urban, multicultural spaces. The glorification of historical violence is intended to legitimise similar actions in the future, normalising hate and exclusion.

17. Dhampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Dhampur, a leader at the Shaurya Jagran Yatra glorified the Babri Masjid demolition while spreading a range of conspiracy theories, including “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “game jihad.” He explicitly urged violent retaliation against Muslims and called for their removal from India, underscoring the increasingly genocidal tone of such rallies. This event reflects the extreme rhetoric becoming normalised in public discourse, with open calls for violence going unchecked.

18. Morigaon, Assam (December 16)

A Shaurya Divas event organised in Morigaon included a speech dismissing the Babri Masjid as “just a structure” where no prayers were ever offered, reducing it to a relic unworthy of recognition. The event also featured a “Trishul Deeksha” ceremony, where participants swore oaths while holding miniature tridents, symbolising a militaristic approach to their ideological goals. These ceremonies are emblematic of efforts to radicalise attendees and normalise aggression under the guise of cultural pride.

December also saw multiple “Trishul Deekha events” being organised across India, a detailed report of which may be read here.

19. Sitamau, Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 17)

In Sitamau, Bajrang Dal district in-charge delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra rally. He glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, called for the “liberation” of Kashi, Mathura, and Bhojshala, and spread the “love jihad” conspiracy. Explicit threats were made, including a vow to “find all Bangladeshi supporters and give them a beating.” His declaration that “Yes, they should be scared of us” while referring to the Muslims highlights the deliberate cultivation of fear among minorities as a strategy to consolidate communal polarisation.

20. Allipur, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh (December 20)

Speaker Narendra Hindu delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra, predicting a dystopian future where Hindu women would be captured, cows slaughtered, temples demolished, and Hindus exterminated. His rhetoric framed Muslims as existential threats, stoking communal fear and legitimising divisive and violent actions.

21. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

At a Shaurya Yatra, a Bajrang Dal leader glorified the demolition of the Babri Masjid, chanting slogans like “Ek dhakka aur do, Babri dhancha tod do (give another push, break the structure of Babri).” He called for similar actions in Kashi and Mathura mosques, and suggested adopting confrontational strategies to claim religious sites like Bhogshala and Sambhal. This narrative promotes an aggressive and revisionist agenda, seeking to rewrite history through violent reclamations.

22. Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

During a Shaurya Divas event, Bajrang Dal leader Tarshvee Upadhyay used dehumanising language, referring to Muslims as “illegitimate children of Babur.” He boasted about breaking barricades to demolish the Babri Masjid, framing the act as a triumph over centuries of oppression. Such statements glorify past violence and incite further hostility.

23. Haridwar, Uttarakhand (December 22)

In Haridwar, Sohan Singh Solanki’s speech at a Shaurya Yatra demonised Muslims as terrorists and promoted a slew of conspiracies, including “land jihad.” He described Muslims as “pigs” and framed them as existential threats targeting women, cows, and land. Solanki also blamed Muslims for the caste system and untouchability, distorting historical realities to create a divisive narrative.

An extract from his speech is:

“When they are in the minority, they make idols; alleged when they become the majority, they destroy our idols.”

24. Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh (December 24)

In Jabalpur, a Shaurya Yatra escalated into a physical altercation between VHP-Bajrang Dal members and police officers, after the police halted the rally for lacking proper permissions. Participants carried lathis and miniature tridents, symbolising their readiness for confrontation. This incident underscores how these events disrupt public order and embolden participants to defy legal authorities.

25. Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh (December 25)

During a Shaurya Diwas event in Sitapur, organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal, an unidentified far-right leader delivered an incendiary speech portraying Muslims as eternal adversaries to Hindus. The speaker framed Hindus and Muslims as representatives of two fundamentally irreconcilable civilisations, reinforcing a divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric sought to deepen communal divides, explicitly rejecting the idea of coexistence or fraternity between the two communities. Such speeches amplify societal polarisation, legitimise exclusion, and fuel animosity, contributing to an environment where prejudice and violence against minorities can thrive.

A map showing the Shaurya Yatras held across India may be viewed here.

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These events, which involve distributing tridents and administering oaths to “protect Hindu identity,” have become platforms for promoting exclusionary ideologies and inciting communal hatred. Leaders at these gatherings propagated baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ while openly vilifying minorities, calling for economic boycotts, and glorifying vigilantism. Such incendiary remarks not only deepen social divisions but also normalize the idea of violence under the guise of cultural or religious defence.

The complicity of law enforcement, as seen in Sirohi, Rajasthan, where a police officer publicly joined the procession, further highlights the institutional challenges in addressing the rise of hate speech. The spread of these events, coupled with the lack of accountability for their organisers, underscores a broader campaign to marginalise minorities, undermine social harmony, and escalate communal tensions. This piece examines these recent incidents, the dangerous narratives they perpetuate, and the urgent need for robust legal and administrative intervention to counter this alarming trend.

Details of the incidents

1. Date: December 15, 2024

Location: Nurmaha, Jalandhar, Punjab

A Trishul Deeksha event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal took place in Nurmaha, Jalandhar. During the event, a far-right leader made several inflammatory remarks, invoking controversial issues tied to communal tensions.

The speaker declared, “Now that Ram Mandir is built, Kashi and Mathura remain!”—a direct reference to the ongoing demands by right-wing groups to reclaim the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura. Such rhetoric stokes communal sentiments by framing these mosques as illegitimate structures atop Hindu temples.

The unidentified leader also commented on incidents in Sambhal, a district that saw communal tensions and use of excessive force by police forces that resulted in the death of five Muslims, stating, “What’s happening in Sambhal is natural because these people have built structures over many of our temples.” This remark further perpetuated communal antagonism, implying a justification for tensions in the region.

The distribution of tridents, coupled with speeches of this nature, raises concerns about the potential for communal violence. Events like these often serve as a breeding ground for hatred, normalising exclusionary ideologies under the guise of cultural or religious ceremonies. The local administration’s response—or lack thereof—will be crucial in determining whether such provocative activities escalate tensions in the region.

The video may be viewed here:

2. Date: December 15, 2024

Location: Delhi

A Trishul Deeksha event organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal in Delhi witnessed incendiary remarks by Kapil Khanna, the president of VHP Delhi. Khanna declared that the next agenda of the VHP would be the “liberation” of Kashi and Mathura, referencing ongoing demands to reclaim the Gyanvapi and Shahi Idgah mosques. He claimed that the successful construction of the Ram Mandir had garnered public support for these contentious objectives.

Khanna targeted Ajmer Sharif Dargah, a revered Sufi shrine, warning its devotees, “Go and put chaddar there, but next year you’ll have to do kanwar yatra instead.” This remark not only denigrated Muslim religious practices but also sought to provoke hostility against a significant symbol of interfaith harmony. He further propagated conspiracies about ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ accusing Muslims of building mazars (shrines) as a challenge to Hinduism and vowed to oppose such structures in Delhi.

The video may be viewed here:

At the same event, Surender Jain, International Joint General Secretary of the VHP, also delivered a speech rife with hate and xenophobia. Jain called for the expulsion of alleged Bangladeshi and Rohingya “infiltrators” from India, accusing them of destabilising the country. He further claimed that Muslim vendors defile food with spit and urine, a baseless allegation aimed at inciting an economic boycott.

Jain escalated communal fear by alleging that Muslims were attacking Hindu festivals and spreading conspiracies about ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad.’ He demanded that shop owners display their religious identity, an act that could lead to further discrimination and segregation. He also encouraged Bajrang Dal members to assist the police in identifying alleged Bangladeshi infiltrators, effectively endorsing vigilantism.

The video may be viewed here:

These events illustrate the alarming use of Trishul Deeksha gatherings as platforms for spreading communal hate and mobilising against minorities. The speeches not only vilify Muslims but also weaponise divisive narratives like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad’ to perpetuate fear and mistrust. The direct targeting of religious symbols, such as Ajmer Sharif Dargah, further fuels inter-religious tensions.

The endorsement of vigilantism and calls for economic boycotts undermine social harmony and the rule of law, posing a grave threat to communal peace in Delhi and beyond. The complicity of organisers and lack of accountability underscore the urgent need for legal and administrative action to curb such activities.

3. Date: December 15, 2024

Location: Nalagarh, Solan, Himachal Pradesh

A Trishul Deeksha event organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal in Nalagarh featured hate-filled remarks by Tushar Dogra, a prominent figure associated with these organisations. Dogra propagated the baseless ‘love jihad’ conspiracy, alleging that outsiders were taking jobs in Himachal Pradesh and using their positions to “trap” Hindu women. This narrative sought to stoke fear and resentment against minority communities, particularly Muslims, portraying them as threats to both economic stability and societal norms.

Dogra went further, demonising Muslims by likening them to “monsters” and accusing them of contaminating food consumed by Hindus, a dangerous falsehood designed to provoke hostility. He used the anti-Muslim slur “Kathmulla,” adding to the dehumanising rhetoric often employed to target the community.

In addition to spreading communal hatred, Dogra advocated for an economic boycott of Muslims, urging Hindus to disengage from businesses run by the minority community. Such calls for economic exclusion not only deepen societal divisions but also threaten the livelihoods of vulnerable groups. The repeated emphasis on ‘love jihad’ and other conspiracies underlines the strategic use of these events to normalise hate speech and incite violence.

This event highlights the dangerous role of such gatherings in fostering communal divisions and legitimising hate speech under the guise of cultural or religious activity. By equating Muslims with existential threats to Hindu society, Dogra’s remarks not only stoke inter-communal hostility but also encourage vigilantism and violence.

The spread of conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and calls for economic boycotts are emblematic of a broader campaign to marginalise Muslims and erode social harmony. The local administration’s failure to act against such provocative statements risks emboldening similar activities in the future, posing a significant challenge to peace and coexistence in the region.

The video may be viewed here:

4. Date: December 20, 2024

Location: Chamba, Himachal Pradesh

A Trishul Deeksha event organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal took place in Chamba, where participants were administered an oath to combat the alleged conspiracies of ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad.’ The event, part of a broader strategy by these organisations, focused on propagating divisive narratives that vilify minority communities, particularly Muslims.

The oath-taking ceremony highlighted the commitment to “resist” what the organisers termed as threats to Hindu culture and identity. The invocation of ‘love jihad’—a conspiracy alleging that Muslim men deliberately target Hindu women for marriage to convert them—and ‘land jihad’—a claim that Muslims are strategically acquiring land to alter demographics—has become a recurring theme in such gatherings. These baseless narratives are often used to foster suspicion and hostility against minorities, promoting social polarisation. The focus on administering oaths at the Trishul Deeksha event in Chamba signifies an organised effort to ideologically bind participants to extremist agendas. By framing communal antagonism as a duty or moral obligation, these events normalise discriminatory behaviour and justify hostility towards minorities.

Such ceremonies not only deepen communal divisions but also embolden individuals to act on hate-filled propaganda, potentially leading to acts of discrimination or violence. The lack of accountability for these activities highlights the pressing need for legal and institutional intervention to prevent the escalation of communal tensions in Himachal Pradesh and beyond.

The video may be viewed here:

5. Date: December 22, 2024

Location: Sirohi, Rajasthan

A Trishul Deeksha procession organised by the Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP) and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal witnessed a controversial and highly unprofessional incident involving a police officer in uniform. The officer greeted Rashtriya Bajrang Dal leader Rakesh Rajguru with a hug and joined the rally, marching alongside the participants. This incident has raised concerns about the impartiality of law enforcement, as it signals implicit support for organisations known for propagating communal agendas.

The video may be viewed here:

Later, at the same AHP event, a far-right leader delivered a dangerously inflammatory speech targeting the Muslim community. The speaker referred to Muslims as “jihadi cow killers” who “eat our mother cow” and declared they “can never be our brothers.” The speech glorified extremist Buddhists for their attacks on Rohingyas and propagated the conspiracy of ‘love jihad.’ The leader urged attendees to “pick up weapons and be ready for war,” describing Muslims as “termites eating our nation” and calling for their extermination.

The video may be viewed here:

Several other leaders had also delivered speeches filled with hate and false narratives targeting Muslims and Christians.

One speaker claimed that Muslim leaders were plotting to create a “Bangladesh-like situation” in India and alleged that Hindus were under existential threat in several states. Muslims were accused of destroying temples, slaughtering cows, and promoting “love jihad.” Christian missionaries were described as “poison,” and the waqf board was accused of illegally grabbing land.

Another speaker encouraged Hindus to marry Muslim women, asserting that they face harassment from Muslims and want to convert to Hinduism. Additionally, the speaker called for a financial boycott of Muslims to “weaken” their community economically.

The video may be viewed here:

The Trishul Deeksha event in Sirohi illustrate a deeply troubling escalation in communal rhetoric and extremist mobilisation. The participation of a uniformed police officer in the procession signals a dangerous breach of neutrality, potentially emboldening hate groups.

The speeches, filled with incendiary language and baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad,’ ‘land jihad,’ and claims of a “Bangladesh-like situation,” aim to instill fear and incite violence against minorities. The targeting of Muslims and Christians, combined with calls for economic and social ostracisation, serves to deepen societal divisions. These events reflect the increasing normalisation of hate speech and vigilantism under the guise of cultural and religious activities. They underscore the urgent need for strong legal and administrative action to curb the spread of hate and preserve communal harmony in Rajasthan and beyond.

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In a complaint before the District Administration of Ahmednagar, CJP stated that the event’s agenda remains unclear, but based on the track record of the organizers and possible that it could escalate into inflammatory speeches and provocative statements that may jeopardize the peace and harmony of the region. In its complaint, CJP urges the authorities to take pre-emptive measures, in line with the directions from the Hon’ble Supreme Court and Bombay High Court, to avoid any escalation of communal tensions.

A dangerous precedent: the risk of provocative rhetoric and hate speech

The primary concern of CJP lies in the potential for hate-filled speeches and provocative rhetoric at the event, which could easily stoke communal discord. The Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, known for its history of making incendiary statements against religious minorities, has previously been involved in organizing events that led to communal disharmony. CJP anticipates that the upcoming event could follow a similar pattern, as there is no transparency regarding the speakers or their content. Given the organization’s controversial stance, it is highly likely that speeches at the event will include inflammatory statements that could provoke violence.

CJP draws parallels to recent incidents in other parts of India, where events centered around religious issues, particularly places of worship, have spiraled into violence and unrest. For instance, in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, clashes erupted over a mosque survey, resulting in loss of lives and severe communal tensions. Such incidents have shown how sensitive issues involving religious spaces can be exploited by extremist groups, with catastrophic consequences. The CJP complaint warns that the event in Shirdi could follow this trajectory, affecting the communal harmony not just the region but the entire state of Maharashtra.

CJP’s urgent appeal to the authorities

In its complaint, CJP stresses that the authorities must act promptly to prevent any incitement of violence or hate speech. The complaints highlight the importance of not just monitoring the event but ensuring the accountability of the organizers for the content of the event. The local law enforcement agencies must take the necessary steps to prevent any inflammatory statements, ensuring that no one uses religious spaces or gatherings as platforms to sow division and hostility between communities.

Supreme Court appeals to authorities to uphold peace and harmony

The petition also references recent Supreme Court directives that emphasize maintaining peace and harmony, particularly in situations involving religious sensitivities. CJP invokes the Court’s appeal in the case of the Sambhal Jama Masjid incident, where the Supreme Court stressed the need for authorities to take preventive action to avoid violence stemming from disputes over religious matters.

“In light of the Supreme Court’s recent appeal for peace and harmony in the case concerning the Sambhal Jama Masjid, CJP submit this preventive complaint regarding the “Third Maharashtra Mandir Nyas Parishad” scheduled for December 24-25, 2024, in Shirdi. The Supreme Court, during its hearing on November 29, 2024, urged that “peace and harmony must be maintained” and expressed the desire for no further escalation, following the violence that erupted in Sambhal over a mosque survey. The survey, which was ordered based on claims that the mosque was built on a demolished temple, triggered violent clashes, resulting in the loss of four lives. This tragic event highlights the serious risks of escalating tensions when sensitive issues related to religious sites are addressed in provocative ways. The upcoming event in Shirdi, organized by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, raises similar concerns. Given the known history of inflammatory rhetoric associated with the organization, there is a real danger that the event could inflame communal tensions and lead to violence, particularly around religious spaces” according to CJP’s complaint.

Shirdi: a city of coexistence, at risk of unraveling due to extremist agendas

Shirdi, known for being the home of the revered saint Sai Baba, is a symbol of religious unity, where both Hindus and Muslims coexist in harmony. The city has long been a beacon of peace, where Sai Baba’s teachings of tolerance and respect for all religions have been embraced by millions of devotees. However, with the “Third Maharashtra Mandir Nyas Parishad” event scheduled to take place in the heart of Shirdi, there is an alarming risk of disturbing this delicate balance.

CJP further mentioned in its complaint that, the potential for divisive rhetoric to erupt at the event and provoke tensions between communities cannot be underestimated. If left unchecked, the event could cause irreparable damage to the social fabric of Shirdi, turning a city once known for religious unity into a flashpoint for communal conflict. CJP urges the authorities to prevent this by ensuring that the event remains peaceful and free from hate speech, in line with the constitutional guarantees of equality and religious freedom.

Inflammatory speech threatens religious Harmony & Safety

The CJP complaint outlines the risks posed by inflammatory statements that target religious minorities, calling attention to the broader implications such rhetoric can have on society. The recent spate of violence related to religious issues underscores the dangers of allowing hate speech to flourish unchecked. It is not only a threat to public safety but a violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution. CJP cites several previous Supreme Court rulings, which have emphasized the importance of preventing the spread of hate speech and ensuring the peaceful conduct of public events.

By urging immediate preventive measures, CJP asks the authorities to take their responsibility seriously and act swiftly to avoid any potential escalation. As the complaint notes, the events organized by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti have a history of causing communal polarization, and it is imperative that the authorities intervene to prevent any harm to the social and religious harmony of Maharashtra.

CJP’s complaint dated December 23, 2024 can be read here

Related:

CJP seeks preventive action against Hindu Janjagruti Samiti’s Hyderabad event

Mahim Police refuse permission to HJS August rally, reassure CJP delegation

CJP files 5 hate speech complaints before CEO Maharashtra as violated MCC

The post CJP files preventive complaint to safeguard Shirdi’s religious harmony appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Addressing the Hindu Mahapanchayat, convened on the call given by Devbhoomi Vichar Manch and supported by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang dal and other affiliated organisations of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), T Raja, BJP legislator from Hyderabad known for his hate speeches in the past, said he had come to Uttarakhand to “awaken Hindus in the state”. He called upon them to get united.

Addressing the gathering, Raja advised the Uttarakhand Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami to hold a dialogue with neighbouring Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath over a cup and tea and get a cue on “how to tackle the issue of illegal mosques and mazaars”. Darshan Bharati, another hate monger from Uttarakhand, was also present during the mahapanchayat, as per media reports.

Suresh Chauhan, a ruling BJP legislator from Gangtori, said efforts should be made to declare Uttarkashi as a Hindu religious town since many revered Hindu shrine and temples were located in the district. He also called for complete ban on selling of meat, eggs and non-vegetarian food in the district.

On the issue of the Uttarakashi mosque, Chauhan said a re-inquiry, as ordered by the Uttarakhand Chief Minister, would be held and if any illegality was found, the mosque would be demolished. He also made a strong pitch against “outsiders” coming into Uttarkashi and getting involved in small businesses. Without naming Muslims, he warned locals against renting out their houses to “outsiders”.

Earlier, Congress party was attacked by the speakers, who drew parallels with ‘jehadis’ and terming the party as the “bane” of the entire Hindu community, responsible for the Partition of the country and resultant killing of Hindus and Sikhs.

Heavy security arrangements were made for the Hindu Mahapanchayat, which was called to demand demolition of the Uttarkashi mosque, which Hindutva forces claimed, was built illegally. Extra forces from neighbouring districts were also deployed in the town.

Interestingly, the Uttarakhand government gave permission for the Hindu Mahapanchayat despite giving an undertaking in the Nainital High Court last Wednesday that no permission had been granted.

Uttarkashi district administration gave permission with several conditions, which included not making any hate speech, not taking out any rally, not obstructing traffic, not inciting religious sentiments and maintaining peace.

A division bench of Acting Chief Justice Manoj Kumar Tiwari and Justice Rakesh Thapliyal of Nainital High Court issued directives to the Uttarakhand government and state Director General of Police to maintain peace and security related to the ongoing agitation by Hindu outfits demanding the demolition of the 55-year-old mosque. The division bench had the heard a petition related to the case on November 22, 2024.

The police holding a march in Uttarkashi town a day before holding of Hindu Mahapanchayat.

Meanwhile, the ‘Alpsankhayak Seva Samiti’ had filed a writ petition in the High Court seeking its intervention in the issue alleging threats by the Sanyukt Sanatan Dharam Raksha Sangh, a Hindu outfit, against the Uttarkashi mosque and hate speeches directed against the minority Muslim community.  The petition had also sought the court’s intervention in preventing the Mahapanchayat called by the Hindu Right-wing groups in Uttarakashi on December 1, 2024.

Admitting the petition, the court directed the Uttarkashi District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police (SP) to ensure tight security around the Uttarkashi mosque. The court also directed the registry to list the petition as a fresh case on November 27, 2024.

In a hearing before the division bench of the High Court last Friday, senior counsels Kartikey Hari Gupta, Imran Ali Khan, Pallavi Bahuguna, Rafat Munir Ali, and Irum Zeba, representing the petitioners, raised serious concerns regarding hate speeches directed at Muslims.

The state government, through its counsel, informed the court that permission for holding any such Mahapanachayat would not be issued.

The senior counsels for the petitioners also pleaded that the  mosque on Bhatwari Road in Uttarkashi was constructed in 1969 on privately purchased land. It was further stated that “in 1986, the Assistant Waqf Commissioner of Uttar Pradesh conducted an inquiry and confirmed that a mosque existed on Khasra No. 2223, built by members of the Muslim community using charitable funds and used since then by the Muslims and in 1987 was officially registered as Wakf property.”

The petitioners alleged that members of the Sanyukt Sanatan Dharam Raksha Sangh and their associates had engaged in “extreme hate speech” against Muslims and the mosque which, they argued, were in complete violation of the directions issued by the Supreme Court in the case of Ashwini Kumar Upadhyay vs. Union of India Others.

The petitioners asserted that in September 2024, Hindu outfit leaders —Jitendra Singh Chauhan, Swami Darshan Bharti, Sonu Singh Negi, Lakhpat Singh Bhandari, and Anuj Walia—who identify themselves as members of the Sanyukt Sanatan Dharam Raksha Sangh and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, began threatening to demolish the mosque. They alleged that these leaders had also spread false information about the mosque’s legality. The next date of hearing t is fixed for December 5, 2024.

Uttarkashi town saw violence on October 24, 2024, when Hindutva groups tried to take out a procession toward the mosque and had violent confrontation with the police force which tried to prevent them by erecting barricades. Several protestors and policemen were injured in the lathi-charge and police arrested eight Hindutva leaders and registered cases against 200 unidentified persons for violence.

Interestingly, Hindutva groups reportedly continued to spread their communal agenda despite the fact that the Uttarkashi district administration, after a through inquiry, found the mosque to be legal. But following the October 24 incident and pressure from Hindutva groups in the run-up to the Kedarnath bye-elections on November 20, Chief Minister Dhami went to Uttarkashi on November 6, in a bid to assuage the ‘hurt’ feelings of his fellow political travellers, and announced that the papers of the land on which the Uttarkashi mosque was built would be re-examined by the administration.

Uttarkashi Mosque

The Chief Minister, during his visit, reiterated that ‘land jehad’, ‘love jehad’ and ‘thook(spit) jehad’ would not be tolerated in ‘Devbhoomi’ Uttarakhand  and his government had “freed” 5,000 acres of encroached land. He further said that the administration would re-examine the land papers of the Uttarkashi mosque to see if there was any illegality.

A delegation of Hindu organisations, led by district BJP chief Satinder Rana, also met the Chief Minister and complained against police lathi charge on October 24. In a bid to “placate” them, the state administration acted swiftly, and finding no scapegoat, transferred a Muslim officer, Raza Abbas, Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM), to  the state headquarters in Dehradun, while Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Prashant Kumar, Uttarkashi was also attached with the police headquarters in Dehradun with immediate effect.

On November 28, 2024, before the proposed Hindu Mahapanchayat, Uttarkashi Superintendent of Police Amit Srivastava, who acted tough against any law breaker and was on the target of Hindutva groups, was also transferred and replaced by Sarita Dobhal.

The writer is a freelances based in Dehradun, Uttarakhand.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Uttarakhand: Despite BJP Govt Assurance to Contrary in HC, Hindu Mahapanchayat Held in Uttarkashi appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The letter highlights the pivotal role civil servants play in implementing laws and policies, which must be executed impartially to ensure the public’s confidence in government neutrality. Permitting civil servants to associate with political organizations—especially those with a distinct political agenda—risks compromising this essential impartiality. Political neutrality is fundamental to ensure that government actions genuinely reflect the diverse interests of all citizens, rather than aligning with any particular ideology.

Furthermore, the letter underscores that the RSS, through its mission statements and actions, operates as a political entity closely aligned with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The RSS’s involvement in promoting political ideology—particularly the ideology of Hindutva—establishes it as more than a cultural organization. Historical actions, statements by its leaders, and foundational principles reveal active political engagement, making it inappropriate for civil servants to participate as members of this or any similarly positioned organization.

The appeal also raises concerns about the broader implications of allowing political affiliations among civil servants. If the ban is not reinstated, it risks creating a precedent that could see government officials affiliating with other political organizations, undermining the principle of a neutral and independent civil service. Such affiliations could erode the essential separation of state functions from political interests, which is a cornerstone of India’s democratic framework.

The letter reminds us that the Indian Constitution upholds the independence of civil servants, shielding them from political affiliations and retribution to ensure they serve without bias. Articles 309 to 311 of the Constitution reflect this value, aiming to guarantee that public servants operate free from political pressures, serving only the broader national interest. Removing the ban jeopardizes this safeguard, threatening the democratic structure that has held India’s diverse and pluralistic society together.

Additionally, the letter proposes a mandatory “cooling-off period” of three years for senior officials, judges, and regulators following retirement before they assume roles with politically affiliated organizations. This cooling-off period is seen as essential to uphold public confidence in the judiciary and administration and to maintain their objectivity.

In closing, the appeal calls upon the President to reconsider the government’s decision to lift the ban, warning that its continuation could destabilize India’s democratic foundation. By re-imposing the prohibition on political affiliations for civil servants, India would make a critical stand to uphold the values of impartiality, transparency, and unity essential to its democracy.

This appeal has been issued to emphasise the importance of an apolitical civil service and to safeguard the values that make India’s democracy strong and resilient.

The entire text of the letter is below

Date: November 18, 2024

Hon. Rashtrapati ji,

We believe that it is desirable to re-impose the recently revoked ban on the members of the senior civil service from being also formal members of the RSS. In support of our position we would like to bring to your notice the following:

1. The administration is led by the civil services personnel, to further the policies of the government of the day, provided these are consistent with the Constitution of the country, and have their basis in the law, and have the sanction by the legislature. In order to ensure these policies, programmes, measures, interpretations of the law (such as laying out the rules under various laws and provisions), forming and managing organisations for the pursuit of various goals including those of legitimate policy, it is important that the administration is neutral to all its citizens, and appears as such irrespective of the personnel’s own political leanings and position. This cannot happen unless the senior administrators and those in sensitive positions do not engender partisan actions and bias in administration. This follows logically from the design of a democracy. And Indian democracy, as one of the great working democracies, has this provision of not allowing its civil servants (in many sensitive positions, and in authority) to be members of political parties.

2. Civil servants are not elected, and so should not have the power to determine policy, independently of the elected. This is also an important aspect of democracy.

3. If senior administrators are allowed to be members of political parties, they could bias the very working of those entities as much as they could the very orientation of the entity in its working.

4. India being still in the developmental stage has functionally a large role for the state, which means senior administrators and public enterprises have to intervene in society and markets. Partisan bias is clearly an anathema then in a democracy. (See Box 1: India’s Democracy)

5. All the great democracies have provisions that are functionally in line with the requirement stated above (1, 2, and 3 above). But the form of law and action may vary somewhat. Thus, both the UK and the US have provisions that restrict the civil service. India too has such requirement which is what would be violated if the ban on RSS members from being officers/sensitive staff of the government is removed. (See Box 2: The Civil Service in the UK and US)

6. The RSS is de-facto a political entity, a political super-party that is able to hold together its many political entities to the coherent pursuit of its agenda that includes “Hindutva”. (See Box 3: The RSS and its Origins).  The well-established judicial approach of “penetrating the veil (of the form) of an organisation or of a legal person” to expose its real function and identity is important.  That approach would tell us that form apart, the RSS is a political party (or super-party). Thus, consider the “Vision and Mission” on the website of the RSS[1]. We draw your attention specifically to:

i. Involvement in Political Fields: “Sangh-inspired institutions and movements today form a strong presence in social, cultural, educational, labor, developmental, political, and other fields of nationalist endeavor.” This statement highlights the RSS’s involvement in various fields, explicitly mentioning “political” as one of them, suggesting their active role and influence in politics.

ii. Political Movements and Concerns: “Sangh initiated movements—be they social-reformist or anti-secessionist—evoke ready response and approbation from the common multitudes as well as from vast numbers of elite of different shades.” The reference to “anti-secessionist” movements indicates a direct involvement in political activities, particularly those dealing with national integrity and political unity.

iii. Influence in the Political Sphere: “Dr. Keshav Baliram Hegdewar (1889-1940) … anticipated the need for strengthening the foundations of the Hindu society and for preparing it for challenges on social, economic, cultural, religious, philosophical, and political planes.” This shows that the founder of the RSS envisioned addressing political challenges, reinforcing the organization’s political ambitions.

iv. Political Relevance and Advocacy: “Sangh’s alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern amidst the cacophonous politically inspired shibboleths of undefined secularism, etc.” This suggests that the RSS positions itself against what it perceives as misguided political ideologies, advocating for its vision of nationalism, which inherently involves political stances. Its antipathy towards socialists and communists makes it an extreme right-wing organization with broad political objectives. The RSS’s journal and the speeches of its leaders are not confined to special interests but are broad and political.

v. Formation of Political Parties and Influence: “With the end of the British Raj, Bharat became a democratic republic with a constitution of its own when the need for a strong political alternative to the ruling party with unalloyed nationalism arose. The Sangh, though it preferred to remain apolitical, was well aware of its commitment to social transformation, including in the political field, based on Hindu values.” The RSS acknowledges its influence in the political field, demonstrating its involvement in shaping political discourse and policies based on its ideological values.

vi. Direct Political Action: “A few senior Sangh functionaries … decided to form the Bhartiya Jan Sangh in 1951 under the presidentship of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.” The formation of a political party, Bharatiya Jan Sangh (which later evolved into the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), directly ties the RSS to political activities and aspirations.

7. We could also consider the many actions of the RSS in recent times as well as in the past to support its parties, including the BJP. Today it is the working force of the BJP. It’s cadres, since 1991 if not earlier, have always been deployed to benefit the Jan Sangh, and now the BJP its successor. Many RSS personnel have participated on the side of the BJP (often without another representative of the BJP) in national debates especially on TV. Its leaders and cadres have participated in movements that have created for the  BJP its political capital in Hindutva, through such movements as the Ram Janmabhoomi -Babri Masjid agitations and participation in very localised conflicts and struggles to further the core agenda of the BJP. Indeed, the core agenda of the RSS is Hindutva and it sees the BJP as an important instrumentality, but with little separation de-facto between the two.

8. Many leaders of the BJP are typically drawn from the RSS, and no political leader in the BJP can survive without the concurrence of the RSS. The BJP must be seen as an extended body of the RSS in reality, whatever are the legal forms of these organisations.

9. RSS ideologues, are often appointed to positons of importance (board of directors, “independent directors” etc.) in the governance of public educational and research and public enterprises, whenever not explicitly barred by law, by the BJP when in power.

10. The agenda of the RSS is also not always in harmony with the Constitution [anti-constitutional] and no political grouping [(other than possibly the Naxalites] have an agenda that is so directly anti-constitutional.

11. The agenda of the RSS and by extension of the BJP, its instrumentality, as revealed by the public statements of these very organisations, even if their actions are ignored, reveal that they are prima facie antagonistic to important constitutional provisions of the Republic of India covering the following:

• Equality
• Freedom of religion
• Secularism
• Rule of law and constitutionalism and institutionalism
• Fundamental and human rights
• Justice (in the modern sense)
• Judicial independence

(For details see Box 4: The Contradiction of the Hindutva Agenda of the RSS with the Constitution of India.)

12. The Constitution of India separates the state from the party, even when the party is in power. This is sacrosanct to a democracy. One significant measure to ensure this is through the set of articles relating to the role of the Civil Services (Articles 309 to 311). Through these articles civil servants have to operate independently of political parties. Civil servants are expected to be politically neutral, and the Constitution protects them from political retribution, thus contributing to the separation of state functions from party politics.
13. If the recently lifted ban on civil servants joining RSS is not revoked, it will set an unhealthy precedent to other political parties do likewise, allowing civil servants under their purview to join their own sister political groups, leading to a chaotic situation that cuts at the very root of India’s democratic and Constitutional values, which will not augur well for the nation.
14. Not revoking the ban on the RSS would mean that the government is acting in contradiction to important provisions in the Constitution of India.

Conclusion

Hence, the government should revoke the removal of the ban on RSS members from being officials in government, or government servants associating themselves in the activities of the RSS

Hence, the Supreme Court  should suo motu reverse the decision of the government. [Naxalites who do not believe in the Constitution are both banned and not allowed to hold positions in government.] And the President has avows to his or her ability “..[to] preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the Law..” (Article 60 of the Constitution of India).

The RSS, which is also actively opposed to certain provisions of the Constitution and is also a political party in disguise, should therefore not have its members being part of the administrative machinery of the government.

In our considered view, the ban on government servants joining the RSS should be extended to all public functionaries. We believe that individuals entrusted with statutory responsibilities should remain completely apolitical and neutral.

[However, neither the Naxals nor the RSS should be banned outright, as that would be unconstitutional.]

Additionally, we hold that, in the interest of democracy, senior judges (both High Court and Supreme Court) should not hold party positions. We also believe that democracy in India would be strengthened if senior judges, officials, civil servants, regulators, and public enterprise managers who hold high positions or roles with significant discretion observe a cooling-off period of at least three years, after leaving their positions (whether due to retirement or otherwise), before accepting new appointments.

Otherwise, we would have already lost a great democracy, and India as we all know and love, may cease to exist. We would then have reversed perhaps humanity’s greatest political achievement of the 20th century i.e. the making of India, a country of unity in diversity that is democratic; since democracy is what makes India and holds India together, India with its humongous diversity and variety.

There have been reports of members of the higher echelons of the judiciary taking part in the activities of RSS and joining the BJP immediately upon retirement. Such association with the RSS, or for that matter, with any other body that has political connotations, affects the credibility of the judicial system. We, therefore, appeal to you to arrange for banning such association and imposing a restriction that, within three years from the date of retirement/ departure from government and its parastatals, they should not join any body that has such political connotations

Yours in earnest

Members of the People’s Commission for the Public Sector and Public Services and Concerned Citizens.

________________________________________________________________________

Box 1: India’s Democracy

The world has completely changed since the Age of Enlightenment. The following key ideas and orientations, emanating from that age, guide humanity all over the world. And India as much as the Western world, or China, or any other country or social grouping cannot but accept these. It would be entirely unethical to hold any other position:

• All humans, being moral persons, are equal. Therefore, nationalism is necessarily inclusive. (Past divisions and conflicts have to be actively forgotten, with the state playing a major role in inclusion. This is nation-building).
• Only a democracy can be ethical. Democracy is not just “rule of the people by the people and for the people” but constitutionalism, institutionalism, and rule of law where every person is held equal under the law in both design and practice, ensuring the freedom of every person subject only to the need for the freedom of other persons. From here arise laws that restrain human behavior, as well as human rights, and habeas corpus.
• As a corollary, the autonomy of universities, think tanks, and the media follow; and the role of the state, besides governance, includes active inclusion (as in India’s Directive Principles) and tolerance for political dissent.

India becoming independent as a constitutional democracy is perhaps the greatest political achievement of the 20th century. History will vindicate this if India remains democratic and united. India’s achievements, despite some correctable flaws, are uniquely humanistic. Constitutional democracy that is based on the three principles above, have the potential to make us a great nation, drive the economic transition to a developed and modern society, and liberate us.

________________________________________________________________________

Box 2: The Civil Service in the UK and USA

UK

In the UK, civil servants are generally expected to remain impartial and neutral in their roles, and they are discouraged or even barred from engaging in political activities or joining political parties, especially when in positions that involve high levels of responsibility. This principle is a cornerstone of the British Civil Service, ensuring that civil servants can serve successive governments regardless of the political party in power. The Civil Service Code lays out clear guidelines regarding political impartiality. It states that civil servants must not act in a way that is determined by party political considerations or allow personal political views to influence the decisions they make in their work. Furthermore, the code emphasizes that certain civil servants are subject to stricter rules on political activity. For example, those in senior or “sensitive” positions are prohibited from taking part in national political activities such as campaigning or running for office.

The Civil Service Management Code (Section 4.4) also details restrictions on political activity for civil servants, stating that they “must not engage in any activity that could conflict with their official duties or bring the Civil Service into disrepute.” Civil servants who wish to engage in political activities must seek permission, and certain grades of civil servants are not allowed to engage in political activities at all. These rules help maintain the political neutrality that is essential to the functioning of the Civil Service.[2]

USA
In the United States, civil servants are similarly restricted from engaging in certain political activities to maintain impartiality and prevent conflicts of interest. The primary legislation governing these restrictions is the Hatch Act of 1939. The Hatch Act imposes strict limits on federal employees’ involvement in partisan political activities, though it allows some participation in nonpartisan politics. Recently, the same outright restriction has been removed, but functionally there are many barriers against the membership of political parties.

All political participation is subject to approval by the OSC (Office of Special Counsel). And in certain sectors, and at higher levels , and in positions that involve discretion, participation continues to be banned altogether.
According to the Hatch Act, federal employees are barred from:

• Running for partisan political office.
• Using their official authority or influence to interfere with or affect election results.
• Soliciting, accepting, or receiving political contributions, especially in connection with a political party, campaign, or partisan political group.
• While federal civil servants can join political parties as private citizens, they are discouraged from publicly engaging in partisan political activities such as organizing campaigns, making political speeches, or distributing party materials, especially while on duty or in an official capacity.

The Office of Special Counsel (OSC), which enforces the Hatch Act, explains that while federal employees are permitted to express opinions on political subjects and participate in political activities outside of work, those in certain roles or higher positions (such as those in the Senior Executive Service) face even stricter limits. The OSC’s official guidelines make it clear that political impartiality is essential to ensure the civil service remains dedicated to serving the public interest rather than partisan interests.

For further reading, the Hatch Act and the OSC’s guidelines are available on the Office of Special Counsel website and on official government portals.[3]

________________________________________________________________________

Box 3: The RSS and Its Origins

The Rashtriya Swayam Sevak (RSS) is an organization born as a reaction to colonization.[4] The counterpart of this reaction was the very progressive reform of society to which many Indians—Dadabhai Nowroji, Gandhi, Tagore, Naicker, Shree Narayanaguru, Rammohan Roy, Ambedkar, Nehru, Ranade,  Phule, and so many others—contributed, resulting in the modern democratic and inclusive India that we know and live in.

The RSS, while in some ways advocating the reform of Indian society, has a core orientation that is reactionary and anti-minority[5]. Thus, the militarization of Hindu youth propagated by the RSS arose out of the false understanding that India was dominated by colonialism because of Indians being unarmed. Similarly, the value it placed on an “organization” to guide Hindus arose from the perceived “deficiency” of Hindus in not having a church or being in control of the state.

Anti-Muslimism as Essence
The RSS, while focused on Hindus and their organization, came under the influence of the Hindu Mahasabha, which became explicitly communal from about 1910 under the leadership of Veer Savarkar with its Hindutva ideology. Savarkar, a great patriot until his incarceration in the Andamans, was subject to inhuman torture by the British, but the actual torture was carried out by Muslim Pathan guards. The British had a particular knack for using one group—caste, language group, or religion—to divide and rule over India, and this practice of using Muslim Pathans guards over political prisoners was one element of their approach. Unfortunately, Veer Savarkar was psychologically broken and, since his incarceration, saw Muslims as the ‘natural’ enemy of Hindus[6].  This is the core of his thesis of Hindutva. Since then, Savarkar lived only to hate Muslims and to organize Hindus against Muslims, even if it meant collaborating with the British.

The original anti-Muslimism of the RSS was strengthened with the agenda that, over the longer term, the only choice available to Muslims (and Christian minorities) was to reconvert or accept their second-class status and not full citizenship, which would be available only to Hindus (including Jains, Sikhs, and Buddhists)[7]. This aspect of the agenda of both the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha was strengthened after independence with the creation of Pakistan.

Hindutva
The essence of Hindutva can be stated as[8]:

• Religion as a driver of human identity, and in the face of conflict between religious and national identity, the religious identity would hold strong and the national give way.
• Only the followers of religions that are born in India can, therefore, be completely loyal to India considered as a geographical entity.
• Hence, only Hindus, Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs (HJBS), besides Indian animists, can be considered as true Indians.
• To the ideologues of Hindutva, true independence is only when India establishes Hindu Rashtra, i.e. where all non-Hindus – Muslims and Christians-  whose religions arose outside, are evicted, or become subservient relative to the citizens who belong to the HBJS religions. As such it does not recognize the rights of minorities to be free and equal citizens.

The first two premises are completely wrong in the modern world. There is ample evidence of both kinds: some HJBS have been disloyal to India as a modern nation, and many Muslims and Christians have been patriots.

The Hindutva position glosses over the deep retardation of Indian society that caste brought about over many centuries: hardly any innovation, genetic weaknesses due to endogamy and the high levels of homozygosity that it has brought about,  fighting for the nation being limited to a caste (which allowed many invasions to take place); inhuman treatment of the lower castes; a belief that man was unequal, very low levels of learning and literacy, little marriage of thought with production technology.

Most importantly, it is evident that no nation whose core identity is based on religion has successfully modernized. The Western world experienced a prolonged battle between the church and the state for over 600 years, which ultimately saw the state prevail. This victory was a prerequisite for modernization and the Age of Enlightenment. In contrast, the primary burden of many countries in West Asia, the Middle East, and Pakistan is that they have chosen to define their identity and nationhood in religious terms. This choice has condemned them to remain underdeveloped, regardless of any other advantages they may possess.

The RSS’s Beliefs
The contrast between the RSS’s beliefs and modern democracy cannot be sharper. Thus:

• Hindu Rashtra, by definition cannot be inclusive nor can it be democratic in the modern sense. Therefore, the RSS is, by definition, a organization that does not accept modern inclusive India.
• Hindutva takes the essential form of antagonism (hate) against minorities, especially Muslims, because they are the largest minority, and many invaders in historic time professed that religion. [The reality, though, is that many others who invaded—Yavanas, Yuechi, Shakas, Hunas, etc which happened earlier—merged into Indian caste society with the invaders occupying relatively upper caste positions). The Muslim invaders, though, with their monotheism, retained their identity as a different religion. But the invaders, including Muslim, have become part and parcel of Indian society. The Indo-Saracenic tradition in architecture, in the arts and crafts, and in so many aspects of life created Indian society as it is today. What we recognize as Indian culture and being is an amalgam and mutual co-existence of pre-Islamic Indian (Buddhist, Jain, and the many Hindu orientations, animist tradition) with the Islamic and Christian, and since colonization, of an orientation informed by the “Age of Enlightenment” and its universalization. Moreover, newer Islamic traditions emerged in India, and syncretism too found expression. Hinduism itself was immensely influenced by Islam with both reactionary trends and trends that involved accommodation and adaptation. Thus, many anti-caste movements, including those that ultimately morphed into sects or altogether new religions, emerged as well. There is nothing Hindu about Hindutva; only the hate for Muslims defines Hindutva].
• The RSS believes that antagonism is the only way to “unite Hindus,” given the existing caste divisions. This indirectly suggests that the RSS has a pessimistic view of caste ever being overcome or of any meaningful positive reform taking place in Hindu society. As a result, they see creating a common “other” as the only way to unite Hindus.
• Similarly, the RSS does not believe in a settling date before which our divisions and contestations are forgotten and underplayed in the task of building the nation. Thus, in its antagonism with Islam, it actively encourages the reopening of past conflicts, some of which go back more than a millennia. Conflicts over mosques that may have been the sites for temples are its favorite ways to further its agenda of hating Muslims with the hope that this would unite Hindus. [All successful modern nations have a forgetfulness of the past conflicts that have the potential to divide, and look forward to democracy, humanism, and progress as values to which the state and people commit themselves. Thus, the French actively forget the past conflicts between Franks and Anglos, the Catholics and Protestants; the US, the conflict with the Native Americans (being officially apologetic about their decimation)][9].
• The RSS also does not exclude violence in the pursuit of its agenda. [It has provided support to the Hindu Mahasabha and other groups that include violence as part of their action set. For example, Savarkar argued for violence in the fight against Muslims even after India had become independent and a constitutional democracy that, besides the channel of elections, clearly provides for peaceful methods for protests and the expression of political aims].
• The RSS also does not recognize India as being politically independent. It hankers for an “independence” when the country is free from Islam and its impact. [The idea is so utterly inane and destructive of the country as is the belief that removing the weft of a cloth would allow the cloth to exist].
• It believes that a “religion”—what it calls the “Hindu Political”—which is under construction can and should guide the country and its state. [Even if India had only one “religion,” the very idea of religion guiding the construction of the state and society is antithetical to everything modern and progressive].
• The above positions are negative and hurtful not only to minorities but to the vast majority of Hindus as well since hate cannot sustain a society, and as it unfolds it can be self-destructive. There ought to be modernism and democracy in its true sense for people to be free and prosper.

However, Indian democracy has to be tolerant and allow all kinds of ideologies to exist, including those who do not believe in democracy. This would mean that Indian democracy cannot and should not ban the RSS as a political party.

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Box 4: The Contradictions of the Hindutva Agenda of the RSS with the Constitution of India.

The idea of Hindu Rashtra and the agenda of the RSS are also in deep contradiction with the Constitution of India. This is obvious but needs reiteration by reference to the ideologues and leaders of the RSS.

Equality
The Constitution of India provides for (1) under Article 14: Equality before the law and equal protection of the laws. (2) Under Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth.

• In his “Bunch of Thoughts”, S. Golwalkar, a key RSS ideologue, says that the true identity of an Indian is tied to being Hindu. He wrote that Muslims and Christians may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.  K. S. Sudarshan, former RSS Chief, argued that the Indian nation is rooted in Hindu culture, and while other religions are welcome, they should align with the Hindu cultural ethos.  He in his discussions with religious leaders of minorities mentioned that they “should earn the goodwill of the majority”[10], perspective that contrasts with the constitutional guarantee of equality for all. This only reiterated the long held position of the RSS that minorities need to conform to the majority’s (Hindu) cultural norms.
• In contrast, the RSS’s advocacy for unity and inclusion among Hindus focuses more on social harmony across different castes and communities within the broader Hindu identity, with non-Hindu populations being less than equal. The RSS has explicitly avoided the idea of absolute equality in terms of universal rights and individual liberties even among Hindus, leave aside among all Indians.
• The idea that India is inherently a Hindu nation with a common Hindu culture contradicts the constitutional principle that no citizen should face discrimination based on religion. The RSS’s approach suggests that being Hindu is normative, potentially marginalizing non-Hindu citizens.

Freedom of Religion
The Constitution of India provides for (1) under Article 25: Freedom of conscience and free profession, practice, and propagation of religion. And (2) under Article 26: Freedom to manage religious affairs.

• In contrast, M. S. Golwalkar in his “Bunch of Thoughts” (op.cit.) was critical of conversions, particularly those involving Hindus converting to other religions. He viewed conversions as a threat to national unity and integrity. Golwalkar’s writings express a clear opposition to the right to propagate religion, which is constitutionally guaranteed. His call for a ban on conversions suggests restricting this fundamental right. Similarly, Mohan Bhagwat, Current RSS Chief, in his various speeches has reiterated the need for laws to prevent “forced” or “induced” conversions, which he argues disrupt social harmony.
• Although framed as opposition to “forced” conversions, the emphasis on restricting conversion activities reflects a broader resistance to religious propagation, a constitutionally protected right.

Thus, while the Constitution guarantees the freedom to propagate one’s religion, including the right to convert, the RSS’s opposition to conversions and advocacy for anti-conversion laws suggest a desire to limit this freedom. This stance is at odds with the Constitution’s commitment to religious freedom.

Secularism
The Constitution of India provides for (1) a secular and socialist republic as in the Preamble: “India is a Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic.” (2) Article 27 prohibits the use of state funds for the promotion of any religion.

• S. Golwalkar, in his “Bunch of Thoughts”, criticized secularism as a “borrowed concept” and contended that India should be a Hindu Rashtra. Golwalkar’s rejection of secularism reflects the RSS’s vision for a Hindu Rashtra where Hindu culture forms the basis of national identity and governance.
• Mohan Bhagwat’s Speech on Hindu Rashtra frequently articulated that while the RSS respects all religions, India’s identity is fundamentally Hindu. This perspective suggests a preference for Hindu cultural hegemony, which could challenge the secular nature of the state as mandated by the Constitution.
• The Constitution’s commitment to secularism requires the state to treat all religions equally and not endorse any particular religion. The RSS’s concept of a Hindu Rashtra, where Hindu culture is the dominant national identity, is fundamentally at odds with the constitutional vision of secularism.

Rule of Law and Constitutionalism
The Constitution of India (1) in Article 13 states that the state cannot make laws that contravene fundamental rights. Similarly, Article 32 provides for the Right to constitutional remedies for enforcement of Fundamental Rights.

• From the RSS’s Vision and Mission Statements (referred to earlier): “Expressed in the simplest terms, the ideal of the Sangh is to carry the nation to the pinnacle of glory, through organising the entire society and ensuring protection of Hindu Dharma. Having identified this goal, the Sangh created a method of work in consonance with that ideal. Decades of functioning have confirmed that this is the most effective way of organising the society.”. This vision reflects a desire to align laws and governance with Hindu values, potentially at the expense of constitutional norms.
• The Constitution establishes the rule of law and constitutionalism, emphasizing adherence to its provisions as the supreme legal framework. The RSS’s view that the Constitution should reflect Hindu cultural values suggests a willingness to override constitutional principles to impose a specific cultural identity.

Fundamental and Human Rights
(1) Article 19 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, assembly, association, movement, residence, and profession. Similarly, (2) Article 21 the Right to life and personal liberty.

• Golwalkar and other RSS leaders have often criticized free speech when it is used to critique Hindu culture or advocate for minority rights in ways that conflict with Hindutva ideology. They have often stated that there should be restrictions on expressions that are anti-national or against the cultural ethos of the majority. This position implies a conditional approach to free speech, prioritizing cultural and national unity over the unfettered right to expression. The issue of constraints on free speech can be debated. However, to constrain the same in terms of whether or not the aggrieved group is the minority or majority is a clear way of being anti-democratic and purely majoritarian.
• The Constitution guarantees broad freedoms of speech and expression without imposing restrictions based on national or cultural unity. The RSS’s stance on limiting expressions deemed anti-national or culturally divisive contradicts this constitutional protection.

Justice
The Constitution of India in (1) Article 39A: Directs the state to provide free legal aid to ensure justice is not denied to any citizen due to economic or other disabilities. (2) And in Article 21: Right to life and personal liberty.

RSS Stance on Minority Rights and Justice: The RSS has often been critical of sensitivity to minorities and has instead sought to bring them to accept the practices of the majority, even when these are intrusive on public spaces. But more importantly, in glorifying Sanatan Dharma, it has not made its stand clear on the ancient discrimination that is caste and the jati system. It has never been supportive of Hindu reform that seeks to actively hasten the decline of caste in India. In contending that Sanatan Dharma should rule India’s justice system, it is arguing for a retreat from the modern idea of justice, which is enshrined in the Constitution.

Judicial Independence
Article 50 of the Directive Principles of State Policy mandates the separation of the judiciary from the executive. This ensures that the judiciary remains free from the influence of political parties, preventing political control over the justice system. Over its evolution, this provision has been strengthened, and Indian democracy has marched ahead. In contrast, the RSS/BJP, by their very anti-institutional approach, their promotion of judges who are Hindutva-oriented, and the tilt of these judges in basing their judgments on “Hindu” and “Islamic” principles, not only undermines the institutional basis of governance but also its secular fabric.

_______________________________________________________________________

The Peoples’ Commission on Public Sector and Services includes eminent academics, jurists, erstwhile administrators, trade unionists and social activists. PCPSPS intends to have in-depth consultations with all stakeholders and people concerned with the process of policy making and those against the government’s decision to monetise, disinvest and privatise public assets/enterprises and produce several sectoral reports before coming out with a final report. Here is the first interim report of commission- Privatisation: An Affront to the Indian Constitution.

[1] Vision and Mission (of the RSS).(https://www.rss.org/Encyc/2015/3/13/Vision-and-Mission.html ).

[2] Civil Service Code, UK Government. Available at: gov.uk.; Civil Service Management Code, UK Government. Available at: gov.uk.

[3] The Hatch Act (5 U.S.C. §§ 7321-7326). Available at: osc.gov; Office of Special Counsel, Political Activity and the Federal Employee. Available at: osc.gov.

[4] Golwalkar , M.S. (1968) Bunch of Thoughts, Vikrama Prakashan, Bangalore.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Purandhare, Vaihav (2019), Savarkar –The True Story of the Father of Hindutva, Juggernaut Books, New Delhi.

[7] Cf. Golwalkar, M.S.(1939) We or Our Nation Defined, Bharat Publications; Savarkar, V. D. (1923) Hindutva – Who is a Hindu?, Savarkar Prakashan; Golwalkar, M.S. (1968) op.cit.

[8] The presentation of Hindutva here follows Savarkar, V. D. (1923) op.cit.

[9] Renen, Ernest (2018) What is a Nation? And Other  Political Writings. Translated  and Edited by M.F.N, Gigilioli, Columbia Univ. Press. (https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/rena17430).

[10] Cf. “RSS Repeats Safety Sermon for Minorities”, The Telegraph Online (2002), https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/rss-repeats-safety-sermon-for-minorities/cid/899500).

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Later in October, Jagat Guru Shankaracharya Avimukteshwaranand Swami reportedly expressed his outrage and refused to visit Shimla’s famous Ram Mandir due to the presence of a Sai Baba idol in the temple.

Although not frequent, a constant sort of attack is visible from sections of Hindutva on Sai Baba, the saint of Shirdi. The reason is evident.

Shirdi Sai Baba is the latest symbol of a pluralist Hinduism where each Hindu can have her own connection with the god of her choice. Sai Baba represents a paradigm of Hinduism which the fundamentalists of the religion cannot control. To understand how he came to be revered by crores of people across the country, we will have to understand the emergence of a composite culture in India from 10^th Century to the time of Sai Baba.

Bhakti and Sufi movements in India

Bhakti and Sufi movements in India are vital points of Indian history. They have shaped how Indian society understands and follows religion today. While the Bhakti movement is said to have originated in South India during the 7^th century—Sufi saints, often referred to as fakirs had arrived in India as early as the 12th century, promoting a message of love, devotion, and inclusivity. Their teachings attracted people from various backgrounds, blurring the lines between Islam and Hinduism.[1] Sufi shrines (dargahs) emerged as important centres of social and religious interaction, drawing both Muslims and Hindus seeking spiritual solace and guidance. Meerabai, a Bhakti poet and a devotee of Krishna is a celebrated figure in India today.[2]

These movements were radical when seen against the ritual heavy Vedic religion since they spoke about a personal connection with the god without any middlemen. See the following piece written by Kabir, arguably the most important Sufi saint who some scholars say also have been an influence on Guru Nanak[3]:

मोकों कहाँ ढूँढ़े बंदे, मैं तो तेरे पास में।

(Where do you search for me? I am with you.)

ना मैं देवल ना मैं मसजिद, ना काबे कैलास में।

(I am neither in temple nor in Masjid. Neither in Kaba nor in Kailash.)

ना तो कौन क्रिया-कर्म में, नहीं योग बैराग में।

(I am neither in Karma nor in Yogic Exercises.)

खोजी होय तो तुरतै मिलिहौं, पल भर की तलास में।

(If you search for me, I will be found within a moment of such search)

This personal connection between human and God is radical and represents a powerful departure from the traditional, ritualistic religious practices prevalent during that era. Kabir’s verses emphasize the idea that God is within each individual, accessible without the need for elaborate rituals, idols, or intermediaries. This egalitarian approach of the Bhakti and Sufi movements made them appealing across social strata, reaching out to people marginalized by caste hierarchies and orthodox religious practices.

Both movements held that devotion and sincerity of the heart are the true paths to spirituality, rather than rigid adherence to rituals or scriptures. Bhakti saints like Tulsidas, Surdas, and Tukaram, along with Sufi saints like Nizamuddin Auliya and Moinuddin Chishti, embodied these ideals. They preached in local languages, making their teachings accessible to the common people and creating a new, culturally rich poetic and spiritual tradition.

The simplicity and inclusivity of these messages posed a challenge to the established social order. By focusing on personal piety, the Bhakti and Sufi movements implicitly questioned the authority of the Brahmanical hierarchy and the rigidity of caste, albeit not directly in all cases. Additionally, these movements fostered a sense of unity and tolerance, encouraging people to transcend religious boundaries.

This spirit of inclusivity and devotion influenced later figures, such as Guru Nanak, who drew from both Bhakti and Sufi teachings, ultimately leading to the formation of Sikhism. The legacies of these movements remain significant today, highlighting the enduring value of unity, love, and a direct connection with the divine in Indian spirituality.

Composite secular culture and Sai Baba

Sai Baba’s origins are mysterious, leading to differing beliefs about his background. Some accounts suggest he was born to Deshastha Brahmin parents in Pathri and was entrusted to a fakir as an infant, while others say he was born into a Muslim family under the Nizam’s rule, reflecting Nizam Shahi traditions. Sai Baba himself remained silent on his origins and grew angry when questioned, adding to the intrigue surrounding his identity. In 1858, Sai Baba arrived in Shirdi, Maharashtra, with a wedding procession, where the temple priest Mahalsapathi welcomed him as “Sai.” He embraced the name and spent his early days under a neem tree, later residing in a masjid he named Dwarkamai.[4]

His teachings emphasised love, tolerance, and the unity of all religions. In his book ‘Shirdi Sai Baba—A Practical God, K.K. Dixit writes that Sai Baba believed that every person was free to have faith in any religion or deity they wished to follow. According to Dixit, Sai Baba never compelled anyone to withdraw themselves from their religious beliefs, but instead helped them to develop a deeper faith, whether it was in Krishna, Ram or Rahim.[5]

Sai Baba embodied a blend of Hindu and Muslim traditions, creating a composite culture that welcomed everyone and was influenced by Kabir. Living in a mosque he named Dwarkamai, he maintained a sacred fire, a Sufi tradition, while also observing Hindu customs like blowing conch shells and performing ritual offerings. He celebrated festivals like Ram Navami and Eid with equal enthusiasm, attracting followers from all backgrounds through his simplicity, compassion, and rumored miracles.

By treating everyone equally, Sai Baba promoted inclusivity, welcoming people of all castes and religions, including untouchables and lepers, into Dwarkamai, which he called a “place of shelter for everyone.” His teachings on unity transcended religious labels, emphasizing the shared essence of spirituality and the equality of all beings. When pressed about his religious identity, he reacted strongly, suggesting that his focus was beyond specific labels and centred on spiritual universality.

Sai Baba’s unique blend of spirituality and charisma drew followers, many of whom were Hindu. Although he appeared as a faqīr and resided in a mosque, his Hindu followers wished to worship him in their own ways, sometimes even as a deity. Initially, Sai Baba resisted such worship but eventually allowed and adapted to Hindu rituals. By 1908, his followers began congregational worship with traditional Hindu ceremonies like āratīs and devotional songs. Though he refused a palanquin, he permitted processions with devotees. In 1913, he accepted Hindu customs, like applying sandal paste, and remarked, “As the country, so the custom,” showing his openness to diverse practices.[6]

This later culminated into many Hindus seeing Sai Baba as an incarnation of Dattatreya, a god who is a combination of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva—a supreme being. This information about Sai Baba being an incarnation of Dattatreya is also mentioned in the Shri Sai Satcharita published by the Shir Saibaba Sansthan Trust, Shirdi.[7] Sai Baba is revered across India and especially in south India and not many know of this connection of his to Hindu pantheon. He is revered nevertheless.

It is important to note that Sai Baba’s secular teachings were happening in modern India at a time when British was trying to divide and rule the Indian polity. Therefore, the spirit of his teachings—of unity and of finding one’s connection to one’s own god are of importance today too, as fundamentalist forces try to sow divisions in the society

Conclusion

Whether or not one believes Sai Baba to be a god, his contributions to a secular, inclusive view of spirituality are undeniable. His approach—encouraging devotees to honour their own gods—stood in contrast to fundamentalist ideas that promote worship of a single set of deities within Hindu society. This stance is why he faces criticism from fundamentalist forces. In an era of increasing polarization, Sai Baba and his followers serve as powerful examples of pluralism within Hinduism.

(The author is part of the organisation’s research team)

[1] Mratkhuzina, G.F., Bobkov, D.V., Khabibullina, A.M. and Ahmad, I.G., 2019. Sufism: Spiritual and cultural traditions in India. Journal of History Culture and Art Research, 8(3), pp.434-441.

[2] Das, A. and Mittapalli, R., 2023. The Contribution of Akka Mahadevi and Mirabai to Bhakti Literature: A Comparative Study from the 21st-Century Perspective.

[3] Mann, G.S., 2010. Guru Nanak’s Life and Legacy: An Appraisal. Journal of Punjab Studies, 17, pp.1-2.

[4] https://sai.org.in/en/history

[5] Dixit, K. K. Shirdi Sai Baba: A Practical God. Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 2011.

[6] der Orientalistik, H., Handbook of Oriental Studies. Erste Abteilung. Der Nahe und.

[7] Dabholkar, G.R, Shri Sai Satcharitra, Shri Saibaba Sansthan Trust, Shirdi.

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The post Sab ka Malik Ek: Sai Baba and pluralism within Hinduism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In contrast to this the streams basing their nationalism under the mask of religion not only kept aloof from anti colonial struggle but also sowed the seeds and nurtured the plants of Hate and divisiveness. Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of RSS, wrote, “German race pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races—the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.” – We, or Our Nationhood Defined (Bharat Publications, Nagpur, 1939). This set the tone for RSS to propagate hate against Muslims and Christians in India.

This Hate was the marginal tendency for decades but has emerged as the dominating ‘social common sense’ leading to series of anti-Muslim violence, their intimidation, lynching and what not leading to the phenomenon of ghettoisation, and relegating them to secondary position in society. The process is still on and different RSS-BJP leaders have used all their ‘innovation’ to create more hatred, they have kept adding on to the catchy slogans to demonize the Muslims. ‘They can be identified by their clothes’, ‘Shamshan-Kabristhan’, series of Jihads ‘Vote jihad’ being probably the latest among them. There is a long list of these. To cap it all two of their top leaders have peaked this phenomenon in recent times.

One of them is Giriraj Singh who is amongst those leading the pack of Hate promoters. Recently he stated, “If a Muslim/Ghuspetiya (infiltrator) slaps you once, everyone should come together and slap him 100 times….Keep a sword, spear and trident in the house, worship it and if someone comes, protect yourself from him…”

Immediately, this reminds us of the father of the nation who went on to say that if someone slaps you on one Cheek put forward the other cheek. The two ideologies of Gandhi’s Indian nationalism, amity and love are being totally countered by the ideology of Hindu Nationalism by provoking violence, and hate. The downslide of amity and rise of Hate have run parallel with the divisive politics of sectarian nationalism, particularly after demolition of Babri mosque, followed by series of divisive campaigns. With BJP coming to power at center, the various wings of RSS and foot soldiers of divisive nationalism have felt that now they can enjoy impunity to the fullest extent.

Around this time another divisive leader Yogi Adityanath, the introducer of bulldozer (in)justice has also thrown up a phrase ‘Batenge to Katenge’, i.e. Hindus should remain united else they will be slaughtered. This slogan has various dimensions, and the peak organization of Hindu nationalism has approved it. “The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh on Saturday (October 26, 2024) backed Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s controversial remark — ‘*batenge to katenge*’, claiming that Hindus ‘will be slaughtered if divided’ — with RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale saying that the slogan, calling for unity among Hindus, is the lifetime pledge of the Sangh.”

This has multiple dimensions. One is that RSS strategists feel that the decline of BJP fortunes in last Lok Sabha elections was due to shift of dalit votes to the INDIA coalition which stood solidly with the concept of social justice and demanding the caste based census. The threat that if dalit-OBC go to INDIA coalition Hindus will be slaughtered! By whom? As per this slogan it will be by the Muslims. On the contrary they have been left in the lurch during the last 75 years. RSS combine may even prop up the non-applicable example of plight of Hindus in Bangladesh after the uprising (2024). Pakistan is always an evergreen (pun intended) example of the worsening plight of Hindus there.

We must unite as Indians were the central plank of the freedom movement. Indian was the core theme of our unity during anti colonial struggle and it gets reflected in our Constitution. Gandhi, the greatest Hindu of 20^th Century, never called for unity as Hindus. Neither the likes of Maulana Azad, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan called for unity as Muslims.

For the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is not concerned about the welfare of ‘person standing last in line’, all its ideology, actions and utterances are contrary to what united India. It ridicules Rahul Gandhi’s (RG) call for ‘Mohabbat ki dukan’ (Shop of love) and questions as to why Rahul Gandhi does not meet RSS. Counter question is, why RSS wants to meet RG? RSS knows its politics is based on Hate (Muslims, Christians and those opposed to Hindu Nationalism), while RG is trying to put life back into the Indian National ethos of love and amity as underlined in our Constitution. Why should RG be interested in ideologues against whose ideology he is trying to raise his voice?

If the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) RSS wants to RG to meet RSS, it has to drastically change its ideology of division and adopt the values of Indian Constitution, the core of which is unity as Indians and fraternity between people irrespective of their religion. It is precisely for this reason that Nehru, Gandhi’s disciple, never gave importance to RSS, it is for this reason that Indira Gandhi refused to concede RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras’s request to meet her. RSS as per its character wants to derive its legitimacy even from those who oppose its politics.

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The divisive actions of the right-wing group Bajrang Dal mirrored a pattern observed during the Navratri and garba festivals. During Navratri, right-wing outfits sought to communalize festivities by placing posters throughout the state and banning Muslims from participating in Navratri and Garba events due to their Muslim identity.

At that time, the right-wing not only promoted communal exclusivity but also banned the entry of Muslims at such events, creating a hostile and hateful environment. The display of similar posters further reinforced the right-wings outfits divisive narrative, promoting the narrative that economic participation should be restricted to members of the Hindu community during the Diwali festival.

In Bhopal, a large billboard featuring a poster from Bajrang Dal urges Hindus to make purchases exclusively within their community and such posters have been put up at different squares and intersections in Bhopal. It is written on them, ‘Apna festival, Apno se Vyavahar’, can be seen here:

Kavita Narendra Yadav, Chairperson of the Shamgarh Municipal Council in Mandsaur district, has also shown support for these initiatives, which raises questions about the role of local governance in promoting communal agendas.

The poster can be seen here:

Bharat Raksha Manch’s poster in Ujjain:

Bajrang Dal’s poster in Devas, MP:

BJP leader also promoted the divisive agenda

Former BJP MP and Assam BJP’s state-in-charge Harish Dwivedi has also endorsed the divisive agenda of right-wing groups. On his social media platform X, he stated, “Friends, the sacred festival of Diwali begins tomorrow, and in this sequence, we will celebrate the holy festival of Dhanteras. In our Sanatan Dharma, it is believed that on the auspicious day of Dhanteras, we all should make a purchase of something new according to our means. You are all aware that right now, certain extremists from a specific community are repeatedly calling for their members to only shop at their community’s stores.”

“I urge all you Sanatani brothers to respond appropriately to these extremists by making your purchases from Sanatani shops this festival.” He added.

मित्रो दीपावली का पवित्र पर्व कल से प्रारंभ हो रहा है , उसी क्रम में कल धनतेरस का पवित्र त्योहार है । हमारे सनातन धर्म में यह मान्यता है की धनतेरस के शुभ दिन हम सब अपने सामर्थ्य के अनुसार कोई नई बस्तु की खरीदारी अवश्य करते है । साथियो आप सबको पता है इस समय एक समुदाय बिशेष के… pic.twitter.com/J7rPLkd1KA

— Harish Dwivedi (@HarishD_BJP) October 28, 2024

The Bajrang Dal’s ongoing efforts to communalise festivals are evident in their recent campaigns promoting exclusive shopping within the Hindu community, following communal agenda during the Navratri and garba festivals, where Muslim youth faced assaults and exclusion. Bajrang Dal’s “Apna Tyohar” posters in Madhya Pradesh not only encourage boycotting Muslim businesses during Diwali but also reflect a broader strategy to foster division. It is particularly concerning that local administrations have allowed such communal posters and billboards to proliferate divisive agendas. The communal narrative promoted by right-wing groups seeks to marginalize Muslims from economic activities, echoing a broader anti-Muslim agenda. This was evident in communal attempts like the UP-government’s directive (later stayed by the Supreme Court) that required hotel and Dhaba owners to display nameplates, which further alienated Muslim businesses.

It is noteworthy that in Madhya Pradesh, Chief Minister Mohan Yadav has urged people to buy goods from local shops for Diwali, setting an example by personally purchasing items from these stores. However, Bajrang Dal has put a different spin on this message.

Related:

Navratri celebrations disrupted by targeted attacks on Muslim youth and artist

VHP leader assaults Muslim youth attempting to enter Navratri event in UP

When Navratri’s joyous Garba dance becomes a garb for exclusion: Gujarat, MP

The post Bajrang Dal’s billboards in MP, urge Hindus to shop exclusively within their community appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The following six incidents, escalating in severity, provide a chilling reflection of this growing menace.

 Details of the incidents

1. Lakhisarai, Bihar – October 15, 2024

In the first incident, members of the Bajrang Dal intercepted a pick-up truck that happened to be transporting cattle. Without any evidence, they accused the drivers of smuggling cattle to Bangladesh, a common and baseless allegation leveraged by vigilantes across the country. The drivers faced harassment and intimidation before being handed over to the police. This incident exemplifies how vigilante groups don the garb of stormtroopers,  taking the law into their own hands. Despite the lack of evidence for their claims, the Bajrang Dal members have faced no consequences for their actions, highlighting the growing normalisation of such behaviour. Worse regimes in power with the same ideology allow such violence unchecked.

 

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2. Surajgarha, Lakhisarai, Bihar – October 16, 2024

Just a day later, in the same district, Bajrang Dal members once again resorted to violence. Truck drivers transporting buffaloes near a police station were assaulted and robbed by the vigilantes. They reported that their money and mobile phones were stolen during the attack. The fact that this assault occurred so close to law enforcement underscores a disturbing trend: even in the presence of police, cow vigilantes feel empowered to act violently, reflecting a serious breakdown of law and order.

 

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3. Kaliabar, Assam – October 16, 2024

On the same day in Assam, four Muslim drivers were attacked by locals who accused them of being ‘cow thieves’. Despite having receipts for the cows purchased from local markets, the drivers faced assault and were later handed over to the police. The disregard for legal documentation and the swift resort to violence not only reflects the vigilantes’ sense of entitlement but also raises serious concerns about the accountability of local law enforcement, which failed to protect the victims or investigate the accusations thoroughly.

4. Renukoot, Sonbhadra, Uttar Pradesh – October 18, 2024

In Renukoot, members of a right-wing group apprehended two men, accusing them of transporting beef. Once again, the victims were handed over to the police without any due process. This incident is illustrative of a broader pattern where mere allegations are sufficient for vigilantes to act violently against individuals from minority communities, disregarding their rights and legal protections. Such incidents not only undermine individual liberties but also perpetuate communal tensions across regions.

5. Karnal, Haryana – October 20, 2024

Bajrang Dal members in Karnal stopped a truck they falsely accused of smuggling cows and called the police. Upon investigation, police found the truck had all necessary documentation, and there were no illegal activities occurring. In this rare instance, police warned the Bajrang Dal members to differentiate between truth and falsehood. However, this kind of police action remains an exception; the consistent failure of law enforcement to challenge the actions of vigilante groups raises significant concerns about their complicity in such incidents.

6. Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar, Maharashtra – October 20, 2024

The most brutal of the six incidents occurred in Maharashtra, where a group of cow vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders. In a shocking display of violence, the traders were stripped, brutally beaten, and publicly humiliated before being handed over to the police. Their vehicle was vandalised, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local gaushala (cow shelter). This incident starkly illustrates the extent of violence that cow vigilantes are willing to inflict, showcasing a deep-seated culture of dehumanisation and targeting of minorities under the pretext of cow protection.

The emerging pattern: Vigilantism and impunity

These six incidents are not isolated; they represent a growing trend across India where cow protection has become a convenient pretext for targeting minorities, particularly Muslims. The attackers in these incidents are frequently linked to right-wing groups like the Bajrang Dal, which, under the banner of cow protection, have unleashed violence with little fear of prosecution.

BJP governments in power in the state and centre have allowed such targeted violence, unchecked. The political opposition is reluctant to raise these issues with the rigour they deserve.

What is deeply troubling is the apparent complicity of law enforcement in many of these cases. Instead of upholding the law, police forces either allow vigilante groups to act with impunity or, worse, enable them by handing over innocent people to the police after assaulting them. In cases like those in Karnal and Kaliabar, where documentation proved that no wrongdoing occurred, the vigilantes still faced no legal consequences. This emboldens such groups to continue their illegal activities, fostering a climate of fear and violence.

Despite the rising number of such incidents, there has been little to no action taken against the perpetrators. The government’s silence, coupled with the police’s reluctance to act, signals a worrying acceptance or endorsement of these violent acts. There has been no strong condemnation or steps to curb cow vigilantism, which points to a larger systemic issue where communal divisions are being deepened through acts of violence masked as protection of cows.

India’s legal system provides clear procedures for dealing with cattle-related offenses, but vigilante groups have undermined these processes, creating their own form of mob justice. This trend is not just a matter of individual incidents; it signifies a growing challenge to the rule of law and the social fabric of India.

The price of vigilantism: A call for accountability

The six incidents recounted here are not just isolated acts of violence—they are part of a larger, growing trend of cow vigilantism in India, where law and order are being subverted by right-wing groups. The lack of accountability, the inaction of law enforcement, and the silence of the government are creating an environment where such violence thrives. Without urgent intervention, this trend threatens to deepen communal divides and undermine the rule of law across the country.

As these incidents continue to rise, it is imperative for civil society, legal experts, and human rights advocates to demand accountability from both the government and law enforcement. The time has come to restore the rule of law, protect the rights of marginalised communities, and ensure that no individual is subjected to violence or humiliation based on their identity. The question remains: how many more incidents must occur before there is a collective acknowledgment of the threat posed by vigilante groups to the democratic and secular fabric of India?

Related:

2024: Cow vigilantism escalates in July and August with rumour-driven raids and violent assaults on Muslim while legal consequences for perpetrators missing?

MP diverted SC/ST welfare funds for cow welfare, atrocities against Dalits reported across country

Tension flare as mob alleges cow slaughter in Mumbai, Himachal Pradesh too witnesses similar mob action

Five BJP run states see spiral in targeted anti-Muslim violence, cow vigilantism and assaults reported

The post Mob rule: The surge of cow vigilantism threatening minority livelihoods appeared first on SabrangIndia.

About the event, speech delivered:

Ramswaroopanand, a repeat offender when it comes to incendiary speeches, used the September 10 event to stoke fear and hatred, drawing on false and gruesome allegations about Muslims, including fabricated stories of violence against women in Bangladesh. He even went as far as to announce the upcoming “Vishwa Dharma Sansad” in December, vowing to discuss ways to make Uttarakhand “Islam-mukt” (free from Islam).

Despite tagging prominent figures like Uttarakhand Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in the event’s promotion, Ramswaroopanand’s invitation, shared on social media on September 10, initially failed to gain traction. However, videos from the event quickly spread online, prompting the Dalanwala police to take suo-motu action. Ramswaroopanand and a fellow seer, Mahant Giri, were charged under sections 196 (promoting enmity) and 353 (public mischief) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023.

Ajai Singh, the Dehradun SSP, explained the swift registration of an FIR, citing Supreme Court guidelines mandating immediate action in cases of hate speech. He also urged people not to engage with such harmful content online, reminding them of the Supreme Court’s directives on such matters.

Classic case of lax oversight?

The larger question remains: how did an event advocating such extreme rhetoric find a platform in the press club? As per the Newslaundry report, Ajay Rane, president of the Dehradun Press Club, explained that the hall is available for public events on a rental basis, and the club does not usually screen the content of the events. When questioned about guidelines in place to prevent such misuse of the venue, Rane had acknowledged their existence but refused to provide further clarity on their specifics or enforcement.

A member of the press club had also revealed that, after the police took action, a notice was quietly posted outlining “dos and don’ts” for speeches at the club. However, the lack of prior oversight remains a significant issue, especially when compared to other clubs like the Delhi Press Club, where stricter protocols, including an anti-hate speech undertaking, are enforced for event organizers.

Despite the gravity of these comments, many journalists in attendance did not challenge the seer directly. A few questioned why he wasn’t addressing other pressing issues like unemployment, but Ramswaroopanand responded with his typical vitriol, accusing Hindus of becoming “impotent” in the face of a growing Muslim population—a baseless claim intended to incite communal fear.

Growing trend of religious fanaticism and the role of public platforms:

Prominent journalists, like Nitin Sethi, expressed shock and outrage that such blatant hate speech was allowed to take place at the Dehradun Press Club. He noted that the event was part of an ongoing pattern of communal polarization in Uttarakhand, a troubling trend that should have raised red flags for the club’s management. “Allowing a known hate-monger to misuse a public forum like this is akin to enabling a crime,” Sethi remarked as per the Newslaundry report, adding that the lack of serious action against the event’s speakers undermines the police’s so-called suo-moto action.

Rajeev Lochan Shah, editor-in-chief of the local fortnightly Nainital Samachar, echoed these concerns, calling for journalists to take a more active role in confronting such hate when it occurs. “Anyone can book a venue and hold a press conference, but in the case of such blatant hate speech, journalists should have raised an issue then and there,” he said.

The incident highlights a growing trend of religious fanaticism finding public platforms, often with little resistance or accountability, and the failure of institutions like the Dehradun Press Club to prevent their spaces from being used to spread hate. Despite legal actions being taken, the persistence of such events in Uttarakhand and the wider country signals the deepening challenge of combating communal polarization and violence in India.

Related:

Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt

Violence against Dalits exposed: brutal police torture and arson attack shake BJP-ruled states

Nationwide surge in Anti-Muslim violence: September 15-17 sees unprecedented attacks and discrimination

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