Soon after ABVP submitted its “memorandum to the administration” of the state-run Chaudhary Charan Singh University – a major educational institution in western UP – the institution obliged and decided to debar Panwar from all examination work for life. “She has been debarred from setting papers for life,” Dhirendra Kumar Verma, the registrar of the university, told The Wire on April 5.

The unseemly controversy surrounded the private MA political science final-year examination on the paper ‘State Politics in India,’ conducted on April 2 in the colleges affiliated to the CCSU. The ABVP objected to two questions that were about its parent organisation, the RSS.

In this paper, question number 87 asked which of the following were considered anomic groups – those alienated from society. Among the options were “Dal Khalsa, Naxalite Groups, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front and Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh.”

Yet another question, numbered 93, was a match-the-following test. The question seemed to link the RSS to the rise of religious and caste identity politics. The other options linked the BSP to Dalit politics, Mandal Commission to OBC politics and Shiv Sena to politics of regional identity.

1. Rise of backward politics
   B. Rise of Dalit politics
   C. Rise of Religious and Caste identity politics
   D. Rise of regional identity politics
2. Shiv Sena
   2.⁠ ⁠RSS
   3.⁠ ⁠BSP
   4.⁠ ⁠Mandal Commission

The correct answer was A=4, B=3, C=2, D=1

Reputed for its disruptive even violent activities in Delhi University (DU) and elsewhere too, the ABVP said the questions had described the RSS as the reason for the emergence of religious and caste politics on the basis of the available options.

“Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been an apolitical, social, cultural and dedicated organization in the national interest on the basis of equality and national unity for the last 100 years,” the ABVP said. The wing of the RSS dubbed that the professor’s act was “anti-national” and demanded strict legal action by suspending the examiner who set the question paper in the “interest of students and the nation.”

A copy of the memorandum, shared by the ABVP’s Meerut wing, quoted by The Wire, stated, “The way Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been added in the above question, it seems that the examiner who set the question paper, being afflicted with some anti-national ideology, has worked to tarnish the image of the Sangh among the students in the society and create a wrong narrative, whereas doing so is not in the national interest.”

The ABVP also threatened to launch a large protest if the university did not act against the examiner. Registrar Verma said that a team of the university’s vice-chancellor concluded that the questions found “objectionable” by the students were “controversial.”  Professor Panwar, who teaches at Meerut College, was asked for a clarification, following which she submitted a written apology.

“She expressed regret and said that it was not her intention. She said she set the questions as there was a chapter on it,” said Verma. The registrar said no further action was taken against her. “She apologised for the mistake. What else could she do,” said Verma.

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The post Two Questions ‘anti-national’, says ABVP UP professor barred for life from setting exam papers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As per media reports, the conflict reportedly started as the procession was winding down and participants were returning to their homes. At this moment, a group allegedly attempted to hoist a saffron flag, a symbolic gesture that has often sparked controversy when displayed in sensitive areas. The situation was further inflamed by the shouting of “Jai Shree Ram” slogans, which led to a dispute between the two communities present.

FIR filed against Bajrang Dal: provoking religious sentiments

As tensions rose, a formal complaint was filed by members of the Muslim community, leading the Mumbai Police to file an FIR against 8 to 10 individuals associated with Bajrang Dal for allegedly inciting religious sentiments. According to the complaint, the procession and subsequent actions, including the flag hoisting and chanting of slogans, were seen as deliberate attempts to provoke the Muslim community. Police have launched an investigation, although no arrests have been made yet, as per a report in News 24.

However, Bajrang Dal has warned of protests in response to the police’s handling of the matter, claiming that the police have acted unfairly. This has further complicated an already sensitive situation in Malad, where religious and cultural identities have become points of friction.

Video evidence: reports of false allegations against Muslim boys

Adding to the controversy, a CCTV footage from the incident surfaced on social media, showing an exchange between two young men. In the video, a Muslim boy wearing a black t-shirt is seen trying to protect another boy, dressed in orange clothes, from a confrontation. However, some individuals present in the footage attempted to create an issue by falsely alleging that the Muslim boy was involved in violence. The police have charged him with attempted murder, despite the video clearly showing him acting defensively. This has raised questions about the accuracy of the charges and whether the police investigation is being influenced by external pressures.

The CCTV video can be seen here:

Background: The impact of recent tensions in Mumbai

The altercation in Malad follows a series of similar incidents that have stoked communal issues in Mumbai and its surrounding areas. Notably, the violence in Nagpur has been cited as a precursor to these events. Protests by right-wing organisations in Mumbai regarding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb led to widespread rumours. These rumours claimed that protestors had burned a sheet with verses from the Quran, a claim that has been widely disputed. However, these rumours led to violent clashes in Nagpur’s Mahal area, with stone-pelting incidents resulting in the injury of 33 people, including police officers, and the tragic death of one young man.

This context of heightened communal sensitivity has further complicated the situation in Malad, where the Malad East incident appears to be part of a broader pattern of religiously charged confrontations.

Earlier incident: alleged assault on Bajrang Dal activists by Police

In an earlier incident in Mumbai, six police officers were transferred from their positions after being accused of assaulting two Bajrang Dal activists. The activists had gone to the Vakola Police Station to file an FIR alleging that a member of a particular community had molested a minor girl in Santacruz East. However, the activists claimed that, instead of receiving assistance, they were forcefully taken to a police detection room, where they were brutally assaulted by police officers, Indian Express reported.

The allegations sparked protests by Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) activists, who demanded action against the accused officers. Following an internal inquiry, the police department transferred six officers, including an assistant inspector and four constables, to a side posting in the Naigaon local arms division as provisional punishment. A departmental inquiry has also been initiated against the officers involved.

The events in Malad, alongside previous clashes and ongoing religious tensions, underscore the delicate nature of communal relations in some areas of Mumbai. As the investigation unfolds, the possibility of further unrest looms, with both religious communities and authorities caught in a growing cycle of tension.

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The news item highlights that a 501-page document, prepared by a 25-member committee of scholars, draws inspiration from the Ramayana, the rules and teachings of Krishna, Manusmriti and Chanakya’s Arthashastra. The so-called ‘Constitution’ based on the Hindutva ideology, is expected to be unveiled at the Mahakumbh on Sunday February 2, when the Hindus celebrate ‘Basant Panchami’. Whether it will actually take place is anyone’s guess; the painful fact however, is that no one from the ruling regime, who swear by the Constitution of the country, has had the courage to say that very thought of propagating such an idea should be regarded as anti-national!

The committee which has put together this Constitution is known as the ‘Hindu Rashtra Samvidhan Nirmal Samiti’ and apparently consists of so-called scholars of the ‘Sanatan Dharma.’ Swami Anand Swaroop Maharaj, patron of the committee, told reporters at the Mahakumbh, that their target was to make India a Hindu nation by 2035. (their original plan was to make India a Hindutva- nation in 2025 – the centenary year of the RSS- but their plans failed miserably when they did not get the required numbers in the last Parliamentary elections- to make any undemocratic Constitutional changes).

The key provisions in the proposed ‘Constitution’ include:

• Mandatory Military Education: Every citizen of the Hindu Rashtra will be required to undergo military education.
• Harsher Punishment for Theft: The constitution proposes stricter punishment for theft and other crimes. (apparently there is no word on ‘corruption’ – which is the forte of the ruling regime)
• Tax Exemption for Agriculture: The tax system will be revamped, with agriculture being completely tax-free.
• Unicameral Legislature: The Hindu Dharma Parliament will be a unicameral legislature, with members known as Dharmik Sansads.
• Minimum Voting Age: The minimum voting age has been fixed at 16 years, with only those belonging to Sanatan Dharma allowed to contest elections.
• The Rashtradhyaksh, the chief of the country, would be chosen by three-fourths of the elected members of the legislature

Swaroop reiterated, “Human values are in the nucleus of our Constitution, which has been prepared by 14 scholars from north and 11 from south India. Our Constitution is not against other religions but those who are found involved in anti-national activities will face harsher punishment than what is awarded to them currently…. Over 300 amendments have been made in the Indian Constitution in the last seven decades but our scriptures are the same for the last several thousand centuries. There are 127 Christian, 57 Muslim and 15 Buddhist countries. Even the Jews have Israel. But the Hindus, whose population is over 175 crores across the world, have no Hindu nation.”

The writing has been on the wall since a long time now: the attacks on the Christians in 1998-99, in different parts of India and particularly in the Dangs District and other areas of South Gujarat became International headlines. The Gujarat Carnage in 2002 when more than 2000 Muslims were murdered, many more brutalised and even raped and thousands of others having to leave forever a place they once called their home –was perhaps the blackest chapter in post –independent India.

Over the years, and particularly since 2014, when the BJP seized the reins of power once again – every effort is being made to denigrate and demonise the minorities of India and especially the Muslims, the Christians and the Sikhs; they have also been derogatively referred to as ‘terrorists’, ‘converters’ and ‘khalistanis’, respectively.  There is a systematic move to paint the minorities as ‘anti-national’! Personnel and properties of the minority communities are regularly targeted.

The Judiciary –and in particular, the Supreme Court – has been one bastion of hope for the minorities, given its fundamental role and responsibility in protecting the letter and the spirit of the Constitution. Unfortunately, in the recent past, the Judiciary at various levels seem to have abdicated this non-negotiable duty – of impartiality, objectivity and of not siding with any particular faith and/or ideology. There are facts and other indicators to substantiate this!

Justice Shekhar Kumar Yadav, a sitting judge of the Allahabad High Court is a classic example!

On 8 December, he addressed the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) legal cell, in Allahabad High Court on ‘Uniform Civil Code–A Constitutional Imperative’. He argued in favour of a Uniform Civil Code and demanded for changes in the Muslim personal laws. His speech smacked of blatant ‘majoritarianism’ saying that India should function according to the wishes of the “majority,” meaning Hindus! Justice Yadav assured the VHP gathering that as the Ram Mandir was constructed in Ayodhya after years of “sacrifices by our ancestors,” the Uniform Civil Code would also become a reality soon. “Did you imagine seeing the Ram Mandir with your own eyes? But you did see it. Many of our ancestors made sacrifices for it, in the hope of seeing Ram Lalla freed and witnessing the construction of a grand temple. They couldn’t see it but did their part and now we are witnessing it.”. Likewise, he said that the country would get a UCC. “That day is not very far,” he emphatically declared. On 17 December, he was summoned by the Chief Justice of India to appear before the Collegium regarding his remarks. A month later, he writes to the Chief Justice, saying he stands by his remarks which, he maintained, did not violate any principle of judicial conduct.

The remarks of Justice Yadav are just the tip of the iceberg. There was the case of a Christian Pastor who had died, being denied the right to burial in his native village in Chhattisgarh by the village panchayat. After knocking at all doors in his State, his son had to seek justice from the Supreme Court. On 27 January, the two-member bench of the Supreme Court delivered a split verdict in the case. It directed that the body of the pastor be buried at a Christian graveyard 20 km away and asked the State administration to provide all support. Since the body was already in the morgue for almost three weeks, the judgement did not feel it appropriate to refer the matter to a larger bench.

Justice BV Nagarathna, however, strongly upheld the secular character of the Constitution. In her path-breaking judgment she asserted that, “It is said that death is a great leveller and we need to remind ourselves of this. This death has led to divisiveness among villagers on the right to burial. The appellant says there is discrimination and prejudice,” She noted that the High Court accepted a suggestion that displaced the practices being followed in the village. “The death of the person has given (way) to disharmony since it was not solved by the village panchayat. Panchayat has been taking sides which led to the case in high court and Supreme Court.” She pointed to the police affidavit that says a Christian convert cannot be allowed burial on the village grounds. “This is unfortunate and violates Articles 21 and 14 and furthers discrimination on the grounds of religion. The State cannot deny equality before the law. How could ASP Bastar give such an affidavit and what was the authority? it betrays the sublime principle of secularism.” Sadly, however, the other Justice thought otherwise and the Christian Pastor had to be buried far away from his village.

On January 27, Uttarakhand introduced and began implementing the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) which most legal and Constitutional experts find highly discriminatory. It is clearly aimed at targeting sections of the minorities- particularly Muslims and Christians. The law, among other things, does not challenge patriarchal provisions in Hindu civil law, for instance, on the guardianship of a minor boy or unmarried girl going to the father, and only after him, to the mother. Strangely enough the law will not be applicable to Scheduled Tribes, with the CM saying, “We have kept our scheduled tribes mentioned under Article 342 of the Constitution out of this code so that those rights can be protected!” So the question being asked is how ‘Uniform’ is this code?

There is plenty else happening all over the country with regard to the rights of minorities and to the cause of secularism. The tribal Christians in Manipur have been suffering since May 2023. In UP, a Christian Pastor and his wife have been convicted under the State’s draconian anti- Conversion law whilst several others are languishing in jail. In every one of them – there is absolutely no evidence of any wrongdoing, just that they were conducting prayer meetings or having a Bible in their house. The anti- conversion laws in several states ruled by the BJP, not only violate Article 25 enshrined in the Constitution is but also a blatant attempt to discriminate against the minorities. ‘Ghar wapasi’ which is also a conversion exercise, does not come into the ambit of this law. Amit Shah in his election campaign in Maharashtra promised that such a law would be introduced in that State too!

The list is endless indeed! Mobs stormed the gates and the grounds the Jesuit –run Andhra Loyola College in Vijayawada, demanding that they are entitled to use the private premises as per their whims and fancies.  The High Court of Gujarat recently upheld the decision of the Gujarat State for a centralised process for recruiting teachers and principals in religious and linguistic minority educational institutions.  The UP Chief Minister on Republic Day publicly asserted that ‘Sanathan Dharma’ is the religion of the country! Then there is the Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 which is supposed to be tabled in Parliament during this current budget session; A united opposition, however, has slammed the government on the passage of the draft report on the Waqf Amendment Bill saying they had no say, and all their amendments were defeated, and that only the amendments presented by the ruling party were taken up and considered. With frightening regularity one reads about how minorities are targeted for what they eat and wear, see and read!

Intellectual and social activist Professor Apoorvanand writes an incisive and hard-hitting article in ‘The Wire’ ( January 29, 2025).  The article entitled, ‘The Loneliness of Being Christian in India’, is replete with incontrovertible facts. He emphatically states, “but as human beings, we must ask: what kind of country is it where only Christians have to worry about attacks on Christians, and the rest of society remains deaf to their concerns? The prime minister of India issues statements about violence against Christians outside India, but in India, Christians are being attacked and arrested for having and distributing Bibles, and churches are being targeted. During Christmas season, he visits churches and meets religious leaders, but lets the blood of Christians flow. Are only Hindus allowed to preach their religion in India? 

What Prof. Apoorvanand states with angst, is an undeniable fact! There is a method in their madness, there is no doubt about it! The rot, we all know, starts at the top! At stake is the secular character of our nation and the future of democracy in our country- which is being destroyed systematically! We must wake up now and act with other like-minded women and men!

February 1, 2025 

(The author is a human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/writer. Contact: cedricprakash@gmail.com)

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These events have seen the propagation of hate speech targeting minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians, with calls for violence, economic boycotts, and the promotion of harmful conspiracies. The CJP’s complaints underscore the critical need for urgent action from the NCM and other authorities to curb the spread of such rhetoric and ensure the protection of vulnerable communities. As the situation escalates, it is increasingly evident that there is a pressing need to reaffirm India’s commitment to secularism, social harmony, and the safeguarding of minority rights.

Complaint over hate speech at Trishul Deeksha events

On January 29, CJP had filed a formal complaint with the NCM, raising alarm over a series of Trishul Deeksha events held in December 2024 across Punjab, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Organised by far-right groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, and Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP), these gatherings featured openly inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech, and mobilisation against minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians.

The complaint details multiple instances where speakers at these events propagated divisive narratives, including baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ while calling for economic boycotts and vigilantism. At a Delhi event, senior VHP leaders declared their intent to “liberate” religious sites such as the Gyanvapi and Shahi Idgah mosques, while also targeting Ajmer Sharif Dargah, a revered Sufi shrine. In Himachal Pradesh, hate-filled speeches likened Muslims to “monsters” and falsely accused them of contaminating food, stoking economic and social discrimination. In Rajasthan’s Sirohi district, an event saw explicit calls for violence, with one leader urging attendees to “pick up weapons and be ready for war.”

Of particular concern is the complicity of law enforcement, as highlighted by a uniformed police officer in Sirohi who publicly participated in a Trishul Deeksha procession alongside far-right leaders. This raises serious questions about institutional bias and the failure of authorities to act against hate speech.

CJP has urged the NCM to take immediate cognisance of these incidents, investigate the organisers and speakers, and ensure legal and administrative action against those responsible for spreading hate and inciting violence. The organisation has emphasised the need for proactive measures to prevent the further normalisation of communal rhetoric, safeguard minority rights, and uphold India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and social harmony.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint against hate speeches at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events

On January 22, CJP filed a complaint with the NCM regarding a series of hate speeches delivered at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events on December 20, 2024, led by Yati Narsinghanand and other right-wing figures. Despite being denied permission to hold the event in Haridwar, the gathering proceeded at another location, where inflammatory and violent rhetoric was once again espoused, targeting Muslims and calling for a Hindu-only nation. The speeches at the event included derogatory language and explicit calls for physical violence against Muslims, promoting a vision of a society devoid of religious diversity.

Narsinghanand, a known figure for his controversial views, reiterated his demand for a “Hindu Rashtra” and expressed a vision of a society with no room for Muslims, mosques, or madrasas. He also issued veiled threats against political leaders, further stoking communal tensions. Other speakers, including Kalicharan Maharaj and Shrimahant Raju Das, echoed similar sentiments, accusing Muslims of destroying Hindu temples and calling for violent action against them. The event also featured a monk who advocated for armed self-defence against Muslims and secular Hindus, calling for the prevention of Azaan and Muslim events in mosques.

These speeches have a grave impact on social harmony, further polarising communities and fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among minorities. The hateful language used during the event has emboldened those with similar views, contributing to the rising tide of religious intolerance and making it more difficult to achieve peaceful coexistence. The impunity with which these individuals have acted and the lack of strong legal action against them has only worsened the situation, with social media platforms becoming breeding grounds for such harmful narratives.

In the complaint, CJP calls on the NCM to take urgent action, including initiating investigations, ensuring FIRs are registered against those responsible for inciting hate speech, and holding them accountable under relevant Indian laws. The complaint also urges the Commission to monitor the progress of investigations, compel authorities to take action, and issue further directives to prevent the spread of such dangerous rhetoric. This intervention is vital to safeguard the secular fabric of India and uphold the rights of religious minorities, preventing further escalation of communal violence.

The complaint may be read here:

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In its complaint, CJP referenced recent Supreme Court orders, emphasizing the need for immediate preventive actions in line with court rulings, especially to curb hate speech and prevent incitement to violence. The complaint urges the Goa Police to take pre-emptive measures, ensuring public safety and upholding communal harmony.

Urged Goa police to deny permission of the scheduled event

CJP, in its complaint, emphasizes the urgency of taking immediate action and raises concerns over the potential for communal speeches at the HJS’s Goa event. It calls for the cancellation of the event’s permission and states, “We urge you to deny permission for the scheduled January 25, 2025, at 5 PM event in Goa and set an example for the anti-social elements who are attempting to disturb communal peace and harmony. Furthermore, we request the police authorities to remain vigilant and ensure that the rally does not take place if the permission is denied.” 

The poster of the events can be found below:

Supreme Court also appeals for Peace & Harmony

In its complaint, CJP urged the Goa Police to follow strict preventive measures in line with recent Supreme Court directives. CJP pleaded in its complaint that, “In light of the Supreme Court’s recent appeal for peace and harmony in the case concerning the Sambhal Jama Masjid, CJP submit this preventive complaint regarding the “Hindu Rashtra Jagruti Sabha” scheduled for January 25, 2025, in Goa. The Supreme Court, during its hearing on November 29, 2024, urged that “peace and harmony must be maintained” and expressed the desire for no further escalation, following the violence that erupted in Sambhal over a mosque survey. The survey, which was ordered based on claims that the mosque was built on a demolished temple, triggered violent clashes, resulting in the loss of four lives. This tragic event highlights the serious risks of escalating tensions when sensitive issues related to religious sites are addressed in provocative ways.”

Divisive, majoritarian background of the HJS

While highlighting potential danger of provocative and communal speech in scheduled event of January 25, CJP mentioned that the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS) has previously been associated with communal rhetoric that seeks to inflame tensions between communities. Their previous events have seen controversial statements made by their speakers, which often target religious minorities and promote a divisive agenda.

“Given the organization’s known stance and its association with provocative actions, it is almost certain that the upcoming event will follow a similar pattern, where inflammatory remarks are made with little regard for the consequences” CJP added. 

CJP stated in complaint, the HJS runs a campaign advocating for the passing of anti-Love Jihad laws in across the country. Extremist Right-wing Hindu groups have been using the term “love-Jihad” loosely now, wielded by an aggressive majoritarianism, woven into a dominant caste Hindu narrative of religious extremism, Islamophobia, and communal hatred.

It has also been provided on their website that HJS has been conducting regular workshops to make Hindus “aware” of the consequences of autonomous and free choice marriages, derogatively and provocatively termed ‘Love Jihad.’

CJP’s complaint dated January 22, 2025 may be read here:

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Undermining the freedom struggle

Bhagwat’s assertion undermines the monumental significance of August 15, 1947, as the day marking India’s liberation from colonial rule. The sacrifices of figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru, Bhagat Singh, and numerous unsung heroes are side-lined in favour of an ideological claim. Rahul Gandhi denounced the remark as “insulting to freedom fighters,” while Jairam Ramesh characterised it as “anti-national” and reflective of an agenda to rewrite history. Leaders like Tejashwi Yadav noted that this narrative belittles the immense sacrifices made by the freedom fighters under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, disregarding their unparalleled contributions. Revanth Reddy, echoing these concerns, demanded that Prime Minister Modi clarify his position on Bhagwat’s remarks, questioning whether the government stands by the freedom fighters or supports this ideological stance.

Historical revisionism and its dangers

Shashi Tharoor warned against conflating India’s independence with ideological or religious milestones. He emphasized that independence was achieved through the collective sacrifices of patriots who endured British oppression, including incarceration and execution. Tharoor cautioned that attempts to redefine this historical truth risk diminishing its universal and inclusive nature. Digvijaya Singh echoed these concerns, demanding an apology from Bhagwat and criticizing the divisive undertones of the statement.

Assault on constitutional values

The remarks challenge the principles enshrined in India’s Constitution, adopted on January 26, 1950. By linking independence to a religious event, Bhagwat’s comments contradict the secular and pluralistic ethos envisioned by the framers of the Constitution, including Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Jairam Ramesh argued that such rhetoric undermines the democratic foundation of the Republic, disrespecting the Constitution’s commitment to equality and unity.

Political and social implications

The political backlash to Bhagwat’s statement has been unequivocal. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee labelled the remarks “anti-national” and “dangerous,” highlighting their potential to distort history and disrupt social harmony. The National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), led by Varun Choudhary, called for stringent action against the RSS, asserting that Bhagwat’s rhetoric threatened the nation’s unity and integrity. Shashi Tharoor pointed out that linking independence to religious milestones risks alienating minority communities and rewriting India’s collective historical achievements. Sachin Pilot also voiced strong opposition, condemning the remark as an affront to the sacrifices of countless freedom fighters. He criticized the government for weakening constitutional institutions and fostering an environment where such divisive statements are normalised.

Divisive ideology and historical context

Critics like Tejashwi Yadav and Digvijaya Singh underscored the RSS’s historical non-participation in the freedom movement. They argued that such statements attempt to appropriate the legacy of the independence struggle while marginalizing diverse contributions. Farooq Abdullah’s response emphasised the collective effort and sacrifices of all communities, warning against narratives that could deepen communal divides. This sentiment was echoed by Sachin Pilot, who criticized the remark for diminishing the inclusive struggle that defined India’s fight for freedom.

Public sentiment and wider repercussions

The broader public and political reaction to Bhagwat’s statement reflects its polarizing nature. Leaders across party lines, including KC Venugopal and Mallikarjun Kharge, have condemned the remarks as an affront to the sacrifices of martyrs and freedom fighters. Organizations like the Congress and NSUI have staged protests, with demands ranging from an apology to a ban on the RSS. This widespread opposition underscores the importance of safeguarding India’s historical narrative from ideological distortions.

Broader concerns on historical narratives

Bhagwat’s statement aligns with a broader trend of historical revisionism, where specific ideological milestones are promoted as central to India’s identity. Such narratives risk side-lining the secular and pluralistic contributions of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, and Jawaharlal Nehru. Jairam Ramesh noted that this trend undermines the Constitution and the values it represents. By celebrating the Ram Temple’s consecration as “true independence,” the RSS projects a narrow and exclusionary vision of Indian history.

Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks represent more than a historical misrepresentation; they pose a challenge to India’s pluralistic and democratic framework. The struggle for India’s independence was a collective effort transcending religious, regional, and ideological boundaries. Attempts to rewrite this narrative for political or ideological purposes must be actively challenged to preserve the integrity of India’s democratic and constitutional ideals. Moving forward, reaffirming the values of unity, secularism, and inclusivity is essential to maintaining the spirit of the freedom struggle and the Republic it helped establish.

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Rising tide of cow vigilante violence

A wave of violent attacks and harassment against Muslims has unfolded across various Indian states. Cow vigilantes, under the banner of cow protection, have increasingly taken the law into their own hands, targeting Muslims accused of smuggling or slaughtering cows. These self-declared protectors of cattle have escalated their campaigns, often resorting to physical violence, harassment, and public humiliation to enforce their agenda. The perpetrators, including prominent groups like the Gau Raksha Dal and other cow-protection outfits of right-wing organizations, operate with little regard for legal processes. The victims, often Muslim individuals involved in transporting cattle or related products, face unwarranted assault and threats. These vigilantes, operating without any legal authority, frequently use firearms and engage in reckless pursuits, putting lives at risk. Their unchecked violence has become a growing concern, with reports of accidents and injuries resulting from their dangerous actions. 

Timeline of assaults and harassment from December 2024, to January, 2025: –

States

Madhya Pradesh

Location – Bhopal

Date: January 8, 2025

On January 8, 2025, cow vigilantes, accompanied by the police, apprehended a truck that was transporting cattle. The driver was immediately accused of being involved in cow smuggling, a common allegation that has led to numerous such incidents across the country. Despite no proper verification or legal process, the vigilantes physically assaulted the driver.

Haryana

Date: January 7, 2025

In a disturbing incident, members of the Gau Raksha Dal in Haryana used firearms to intercept a truck suspected of transporting cattle. They accused the drivers of smuggling cows and proceeded to seize the vehicle.

Location – Rohtak

Date: December 25

Two Muslim drivers transporting bulls in a pickup truck were accosted and harassed by cow vigilantes. The men were wrongfully accused of smuggling cattle for illegal slaughter, despite providing no evidence to support these claims. The drivers were subjected to verbal abuse, physical threats, and intimidation.

Location – Tauru, Nuh,

Date: December 18

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes in Tauru, Nuh, harassed a Muslim truck driver transporting cattle, accusing him of cow smuggling. The driver faced severe harassment and was forced to endure hostile questioning, which was rooted in religious bias rather than any evidence of illegal activity.

Location – KMP Expressway

Date: December 20

On December 20, another truck carrying cattle was stopped by cow vigilantes on the KMP Expressway. The driver was physically assaulted and accused of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter.

Assam

Location – Rangia

Date: January 9, 2025

In Rangia, Assam, members of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal physically harassed two Muslim drivers, accusing them of smuggling cow meat. Despite presenting the necessary documentation and repeatedly stating that the meat was buffalo, the vigilantes refused to listen and continued their assault.

Chhattisgarh

Location – Raipur

Date: January 8, 2025

A raid led by Bajrang Dal members, supported by the police, took place in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, where slaughtered cattle were discovered in a house. The butchers were harassed, publicly humiliated, and forced to chant slogans demanding the execution of those involved in cow slaughter. The police also paraded the accused through the streets, forcing them to chant that killing cows is a sin.

Location – Kumhari, Durg

Date: December 28, 2025

In Durg, Chhattisgarh, on December 28, cow vigilantes assaulted truck drivers transporting cowhide. The drivers were wrongfully accused of smuggling cows, and the vigilantes used physical intimidation to enforce their accusations.

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Durg, cow vigilantes on Dec 28, assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cowhide, alleging them to be cow smugglers. pic.twitter.com/LtQSGAhTPF

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 3, 2025

Maharashtra

Location – Chopda, Nandurbar

Date: December 6

On December 6, a dangerous situation unfolded in Nandurbar when cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation recklessly pursued three vehicles transporting cattle. The chase caused one vehicle to topple, while the vigilantes seized the other two vehicles and all the cattle

Location – Ahilyanagar

Date: November 30

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes intercepted trucks transporting cattle on November 30 in Ahilyanagar. They alleged that the cattle were being taken to illegal slaughterhouses, despite no legal confirmation of such claims. These vigilante groups are increasingly stopping vehicles and seizing cattle, often without evidence or legal authority to do so.

Location – Mirajgaon, Karjat, Ahmednagar

Date: November 8

A car chase by cow vigilantes on November 8 led to a car crash in Mirajgaon, Karjat, and Ahmednagar. Cow vigilantes cause a car crash by recklessly chasing it, followed by a team photo with local police reportedly assisting in the operation

Location – Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar

Date: October 20, 2024

In Ahmednagar, a group of vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders transporting cattle. The men were stripped, severely beaten, and then handed over to the police. The traders’ vehicle was vandalized, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local cow shelter. This brutal assault highlights the dangers faced by minority communities, particularly those involved in cattle trade, as they are often subjected to violence without evidence of wrongdoing.

Uttar Pradesh

Location – Mathura

Date: November 26

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by Sonu Hindu Palwal, seized a truck transporting cattle and assaulted the driver, accusing him of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter. They also alleged that someone fired a gun at them from another car, but managed to escape

Location – Ghaziabad

Date: November 22, 2024

Members of cow-vigilante group Mahadev Seva Sangh assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cattle on allegations of smuggling cows

Location – Chhutmalpur, Saharanpur

Date: November 19, 2024

Members of Gau Raksha Dal surround a Muslim woman and harass her after finding her with meat, which they claim is an illegally slaughtered cow

Punjab

Location – Rajpura, Patiala

Date: November 25, 2024

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by their national president Satish Kumar, harassed three men, accusing them of being cow thieves

Karnataka

Location – Dakshin Kannada

Date: November 8, 2024

Cow vigilante Puneet Kerehalli urges people to boycott Muslim businessmen and halal-certified products, and instead buy products marked with the Swastik symbol and from Hindu-owned businesses

Jammu & Kashmir

Location – Ramban

Date: October 21, 2024

Cow vigilantes assaulted a group of men for allegedly transporting cattle

Gujrat

Location – Agol Village, Mahesana

Three Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through Valavadi village with their cattle in Gujarat’s Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assaulted

Three #Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through #Valavadi village with their cattle in #Gujarat‘s #Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of #Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assualted. pic.twitter.com/CxGnfb6Www

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 24, 2024

Police complicity and the mockery of justice

In a deeply troubling development, law enforcement agencies have often been complicit in these violent incidents. In several cases, police have either supported the vigilante groups or turned a blind eye, allowing them to act with impunity. For instance, in Chhattisgarh, Bajrang Dal members, backed by the police, raided a house for slaughtered cattle, humiliating the accused. Similarly, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, police were present when cow vigilantes assaulted a truck driver accused of smuggling cattle. These incidents signal a disturbing trend where the state machinery fails to uphold the law, reinforcing the power of vigilantes.

Weaponising cow protection

The rise of cow vigilante violence reflects a broader ideological and political agenda that weaponises the issue of cow protection. What began as a means to protect cattle has now become a tool to target religious minorities, particularly Muslims, based on their involvement in the cattle trade. These attacks, which often occur with little to no legal repercussions, highlight the growing communal tensions in India. The increasing involvement of police in protecting or supporting these groups exacerbates the situation, further entrenching the sense of fear and insecurity among vulnerable communities.

Violence spreads from rural to urban areas

This trend is not confined to rural areas but has spread to urban centres, where vigilantes increasingly accuse individuals of smuggling cattle or engaging in illegal slaughter. In many cases, there is no credible evidence to support these claims. Instead, the accusations seem rooted in religious bias and have led to widespread intimidation and violence. As a result, Muslim communities, particularly those involved in the cattle trade, are being subjected to escalating threats and physical harm.

A map showing the cow vigilantism across India may be viewed here.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

The post Rampant cow vigilantism unleashes violence on Muslim truck drivers across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A striking feature of the year’s events is the prevalence of moral policing, predominantly by Hindu vigilantes, accounting for 10 incidents, with three others involving unidentified groups. Religious conversion allegations also sparked tensions, though such incidents were limited to one case involving Hindu fundamentalists. The contentious issue of cattle vigilantism saw two reported cases, both allegedly carried out by Hindu vigilante groups.

Hate speech and hate crimes, both online and offline, emerged as a significant concern, with 27 incidents being reported. These included inflammatory remarks by Hindu fundamentalists in 15 cases, and 10 instances of hate speech proliferating via social media platforms. While Muslim fundamentalists were linked to two online hate incidents, the overwhelming majority of such activity was attributed to Hindu fundamentalist groups.

Attacks on places of worship were relatively rare in the coastal district of Karnataka but nonetheless symbolic of the communal fault lines, with one reported incident allegedly involving Hindu fundamentalists. Additionally, four other communal clashes or acts of violence were noted, including three attributed to Hindu fundamentalists and one to Muslim fundamentalists, with an unidentified group implicated in another.

These statistics offer a window into the persistent communal tensions in Karnataka’s coastal districts, underscoring the urgent need for proactive measures to foster harmony and curb the growing influence of vigilante groups. This report seeks to chronicle these incidents, not only to document the events of 2024 but also to highlight the socio-political conditions enabling such divisive activities. Through this report and this analysis, the aim is to contribute to ongoing efforts towards promoting peace and unity in this troubled region.

A comparison of the statistics of the current year with the previous year may be viewed here:

Incidents of moral policing

The report highlights a series of incidents in coastal Karnataka where moral policing and vigilantism were directed primarily against interfaith relationships. In Dharmasthala, an interfaith couple was harassed by locals and taken to the police station, though they were ultimately found to have committed no offence. Similarly, in Mangalore’s Kadri Park, three teenagers attacked a nursing student and his friend, recording and harassing them before being apprehended by the police.

In Puttur, a minor girl attending a local event was reportedly harassed by a youth of another faith, sparking a protest outside the police station by Hindutva activists demanding the youth be handed over. Meanwhile, at Panambur Beach in Mangalore, a woman meeting a friend was accosted by members of a Hindutva group who scolded the duo and filmed the incident.

Other incidents include the assault of a man and his mother in Kadaba for assisting a distressed woman, the repeated framing of consensual interfaith relationships as “love jihad,” and the targeting of couples travelling together, often leading to police involvement after interference by vigilante groups. These incidents underscore the region’s heightened communal tensions and the frequent intrusion of vigilante groups into personal matters.

Meanwhile, the right-wing Hindutva group Sri Ram Sena launched a controversial helpline to address so-called “love jihad” cases, aimed at interfaith relationships, particularly those involving Muslim men and Hindu women. The group claims that Hindu women are lured into relationships by Muslim men who allegedly aim to convert them. This initiative reflects a growing concern among certain segments of society about interfaith unions, and it has already stirred discussions regarding the involvement of law enforcement and whether such actions contribute to rising communal tensions.

In Sullia on January 12, 2024, a young man named Jostin Babu was beaten by a group of youths at a local temple fair after being seen talking to senior girl students from his college. This incident led to a complaint being filed at the Sullia police station. In a separate incident in Puttur on August 20, 2024, a minor girl was stabbed by a youth after she rejected his romantic advances. The assailant, with a history of conflicts, allegedly attacked her with a sharp object, leading to communal tensions as both individuals belonged to different communities. The girl was treated in hospital, and an investigation was launched under the POCSO Act.

Further investigation into the Puttur incident later revealed that the story may have been fabricated. CCTV footage contradicted the girl’s account, leading the police to question the authenticity of the claim. Some students also questioned the involvement of the accused boy, with certain groups offering support to his family, claiming the incident was being framed to stir communal unrest. A student organisation from the same college even demanded the suspension of the girl involved for making a false accusation.

These incidents highlight a complex intersection of personal conflicts, communal sensitivities, and societal divisions. Each case underscores the escalating tensions that are often fuelled by accusations and allegations involving different communities, further polarising the social fabric of India.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

1. Targeting of interfaith relationships: A clear pattern emerges of vigilantism directed against interfaith couples, particularly when one partner is a Muslim. Many of these incidents involve accusations of “love jihad,” with consensual relationships often being misconstrued as coercive or predatory. Such relationships are consistently framed as a threat to communal harmony, leading to harassment, public humiliation, and police involvement.
2. Role of Hindutva organisations: Many incidents are driven or escalated by the involvement of Hindutva groups such as the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad. These organisations frequently gather crowds, stage protests, and exert pressure on law enforcement agencies to act against individuals from minority communities. Their presence and actions often serve to heighten communal tensions.
3. Public and police complicity: There is evidence of public participation in these incidents, where bystanders either inform vigilante groups or directly intervene to question or detain interfaith couples. Police involvement often follows, with authorities typically taking the couples into custody, questioning them, and sometimes returning women to their families. This reflects an implicit validation of the moral policing actions.
4. Violation of individual privacy and rights: The incidents regularly involve breaches of privacy, with photos and videos of couples being taken and shared without consent. Individuals are subjected to public scrutiny and moral judgment, often in violation of their rights as consenting adults. Women, in particular, face heightened surveillance and are frequently returned to their families, disregarding their autonomy.
5. Escalation into communal narratives: What begins as a personal or interpersonal conflict often escalates into communal narratives. Small disputes or interactions are leveraged by vigilante groups to propagate divisive rhetoric, further polarising communities. The term “love jihad” is repeatedly used to stoke fear and mistrust, even in cases where no evidence supports the claim.
6. Police action under pressure: Law enforcement appears to act under pressure from vigilante groups in several cases, treating consensual adult relationships as criminal matters. The swift involvement of the police, often in response to demands from Hindutva groups, reflects the growing influence of these organisations in dictating public and legal responses.

Incidents of religious conversions

In Puttur, seven families from Panja and Pallodi in Kadaba taluk, who had converted to Christianity over 20 years ago, were reconverted to Hinduism in a ceremony organised by the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). These families, primarily from Scheduled Castes, had converted to Christianity with promises of better living conditions, but over time, they remained in poverty as the church stopped providing support. The VHP and Bajrang Dal worked with them for two years, encouraging them to revert to Hinduism by offering material support and religious education. The reconversion ceremony, held at the Sri Panchalingeshwara Temple, involved traditional Hindu rituals and included clothes, groceries, and household items for the families.

This incident highlights how extremist Hindu groups use both religious and material incentives to coerce vulnerable individuals into changing their religious identity, often framing it as a return to their “ancestral” faith. This raises concerns about religious coercion, as such movements exploit socio-economic struggles to further their ideological goals, undermining personal freedom and religious choice.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from these incidents involving religious vigilantes and the use of religion for coercive purposes:

1. Exploitation of vulnerable communities: Many of the victims in these incidents, including those in both the Hindu vigilante and unidentified segments, belong to marginalised or economically disadvantaged communities. The reconversion ceremonies, for example, targeted Scheduled Caste individuals who had initially converted to Christianity due to promises of material support. This highlights a troubling trend where extremists exploit socio-economic vulnerabilities to gain religious or political allegiance.
2. Religious polarisation: The incidents often involve a clear division between religious communities, which is exacerbated by the actions of vigilante groups. Whether it’s the spread of false accusations in Puttur or the targeting of interfaith relationships under the guise of ‘love jihad’, these incidents feed into the narrative of a growing religious divide. The aggressive defence of religious identities seems to be used to further polarise communities, leading to communal tensions.
3. Use of religion as a political tool: Both the reconversion incident and the ‘love jihad’ helpline reflect the increasing use of religious identity as a political tool. The reconversion was framed as a return to the “ancestral” faith, positioning Hinduism as the authentic faith, and indirectly promoting a narrative that portrays conversions to other religions as unnatural or coercive. Similarly, the ‘love jihad’ helpline seeks to control and manipulate interfaith relationships by framing them as religious violations, thereby politicising personal choices.
4. Coercive religious practices: The reconversion ceremony and vigilante actions such as the harassment of interfaith couples reveal how extremist groups use religious rituals and social pressure to force individuals into conformity. The promise of material benefits, such as housing and financial support, alongside the pressure to convert, showcases the coercive nature of these practices.
5. Media and social media amplification: Many of these incidents have been magnified by social media, where misinformation or unverified claims spread quickly. In the case of the stabbing incident in Puttur, for instance, the communal angle was immediately highlighted by social media users, leading to public outcry and protests. The viral spread of images and accusations often exacerbates communal tensions and fuels public sentiment.
6. State inaction or complicity: Another pattern is the state’s apparent inaction or indirect support of such vigilante activities. While some incidents, such as the stabbing in Puttur, prompt police investigation, the involvement of right-wing groups like the Sri Ram Sena in orchestrating campaigns like the ‘love jihad’ helpline is indicative of the potential complicity of the state in religiously motivated activities. This highlights the need for stronger legal frameworks to curb the influence of extremist groups in shaping societal norms.

Incidents of cattle vigilantism

The cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka illustrate an increasing trend of religiously motivated actions by groups such as Bajrang Dal, who take it upon themselves to enforce laws regarding cattle transport. On February 25, 2024, in Sullia, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle they suspected was involved in the illegal transport of cattle. They informed the local police, who arrested the driver, Bibin Paulose, and seized the cattle. This was one of the first of a series of such incidents throughout the year.

In Puttur on March 25, 2024, a similar event unfolded when Bajrang Dal activists received information about cattle being transported late at night. They attempted to stop a Swift car, but the driver lost control and crashed into a ditch. The activists managed to alert the police, who took control of the vehicle and the cattle, though the driver managed to escape. This action was part of a wider network of vigilantism, where community members work with local authorities to apprehend suspected violators.

On April 10, 2024, Bajrang Dal’s involvement was again evident when activists tipped off the police about cattle being transported to an illegal slaughterhouse in Mulky. The police managed to intercept the vehicle, arrest the driver, Jaya, and seize two cows, though the prime accused, Ashraf, escaped. This raised concerns about the increasing role of religiously motivated groups in law enforcement.

The most violent incident occurred on May 22, 2024 in Mudubidri, where a group of vigilantes attacked three men who were transporting cattle from Kallamundkur. The attackers, believed to be part of Bajrang Dal, not only assaulted the victims but also caused significant damage to their vehicle, even stabbing one of the men, Muhammed Zian, in the back. The police, after receiving the complaint, filed charges against the attackers and the victims, further highlighting the complex dynamics of these incidents.

On October 16, 2024, in Puttur, Bajrang Dal activists followed an auto-rickshaw carrying a calf and reported it to the police. The calf was rescued, and the authorities arrested the driver and two women involved in the incident. These incidents often blur the line between legal and extrajudicial actions, as vigilantes act outside the law to enforce their interpretations of cow protection.

Furthermore, such vigilantism is not limited to Muslims alone. For example, on June 27, 2024 in Vittal, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle carrying a bull and handed over the driver and cattle to the police. Even non-Muslim individuals were caught up in the system, with Hindu activists implicated in cattle transport cases, such as the seizure of cows in Belthangady on October 4, 2024, where two BJP activists were arrested alongside two Muslims. In another case from October 19, 2024 in Belthangady, authorities discovered cattle being transported without the necessary permits, and the individuals involved had attempted to disguise their identities with slogans like “Tatvamasi” and “Jai Sri Ram.”

These incidents demonstrate an increasing pattern of violence, intimidation, and religiously charged actions by vigilante groups, suggesting that the protection of cows has become intertwined with communal agendas, often undermining the rule of law and creating tensions between communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from the series of cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka:

1. Religious motivation and community vigilantism: The majority of these incidents involve groups like Bajrang Dal, which is strongly associated with Hindutva ideology. The activists often justify their actions as a form of religious protectionism, particularly regarding cow slaughter. While the law prohibits the illegal slaughter of cattle, these groups have taken on a quasi-policing role, acting outside the formal legal framework.
2. Escalating violence: Many of the incidents involve increasing levels of violence. While early incidents such as the one in Sullia (February 2024) involved non-violent interventions, later incidents became more aggressive, culminating in attacks on individuals. For example, the assault in Mudubidri on 22nd May 2024 resulted in a stabbing, underscoring the dangerous escalation of these confrontations. Vigilantes are no longer just reporting suspected violations but are actively engaging in violence, which raises concerns about law and order in these regions.
3. Involvement of local authorities: Police are often involved, but the level of coordination between vigilantes and local authorities varies. In some cases, like in Puttur (March 2024) and Mulky (April 2024), the police responded quickly, arresting suspects and seizing cattle. However, in other cases, vigilante groups seem to operate with tacit approval or assistance from local police, which raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement and the role of communal politics in policing.
4. Targeting of specific communities: Although non-Muslims are also involved in some cases, such as the incident in Vittal (June 2024), the majority of the incidents disproportionately target Muslims, both in terms of the suspects and the accusations of illegal cattle transport. This points to a pattern of communal polarisation, where Muslims are seen as the primary violators of these laws in the eyes of the vigilant groups.
5. Increasing vigilante acts across the region: The number of incidents appears to be rising, suggesting a coordinated campaign by religious groups to assert control over cattle transport and slaughter. As more reports surface, it is evident that these vigilante groups are operating with growing regularity and confidence, emboldened by the support or inaction of local authorities and the state government.
6. Use of religion to justify illegal actions: In several cases, vigilante groups have invoked religious slogans, such as “Jai Sri Ram,” as part of their actions, often to mask their identity or to assert the religious nature of their activities. This points to a deliberate attempt to politicise cow protection and use it as a vehicle for wider religious and communal agendas.
7. Legal grey areas and extrajudicial actions: The actions of these groups often fall into legal grey areas. While they claim to be enforcing the law, they do so without legal authority, leading to questions about the rule of law in these situations. The vigilantism and resultant violence often complicate the investigation and prosecution of actual legal violations, as both perpetrators and victims are subjected to multiple charges, further muddying the legal landscape.
8. Impact on minority communities: These incidents contribute to an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, particularly for Muslim communities, who are frequently accused of violating cattle transport laws. The frequent attacks and assaults on Muslims involved in these incidents exacerbate religious tensions, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and hostility between different community groups.

Incidents of hate speech/crime

The incidents of hate speech and communal tension in Mangalore highlight a concerning trend of escalating religious intolerance and political exploitation of such issues. On February 12, 2024, Mangalore City North MLA Y. Bharat Shetty made a statement urging parents to avoid sending their children to Christian missionary schools, citing alleged anti-Hindu sentiments, such as derogatory remarks made by a teacher at St. Gerosa School. This sparked widespread controversy, with Shetty’s comments further inflaming communal tensions, leading to protests outside the school by right-wing activists. The protests, led by Shetty, fellow MLA D. Vedavyasa Kamath, and other right-wing leaders, promoted religious intolerance and vilified the Christian community, accusing them of plotting against Hindu sentiments. The police filed a case against these leaders for inciting communal hatred, demonstrating a clear attempt to manipulate religious grievances for political gains.

Another incident, on March 10, 2024, saw Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Sharan Pumpwell urging the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to raid madrassas and mosques for clues related to a Bengaluru café blast, based purely on the religion of the suspect, without any concrete evidence. This call for indiscriminate raids reflects a dangerous pattern of associating criminality with religion and exacerbating communal fear and hatred. Pumpwell’s rhetoric feeds into a larger narrative of demonising Muslim institutions and communities, often without due cause or regard for the rule of law.

Furthermore, the May 2024 incident involving a group of Muslims offering Friday prayers on a public road in Kankanady became another flashpoint for communal rhetoric. Right-wing groups, including the VHP, condemned the act and threatened counter-actions such as Hanuman Chalisa recitations on the same public roads. These groups framed the act as a deliberate attempt to provoke Hindu sentiments, despite the fact that the group offering prayers claimed no such intent. The police, however, initiated legal action against the group, while the VHP leader Pumpwell was accused of threatening social harmony and creating fear within the community by promoting vigilante actions. The mosque committee later assured that such incidents would not occur again, emphasising the need to respect public space and prevent future controversies.

In June 2024, communal tensions erupted in Mangalore when BJP MLA Harish Poonja falsely accused mosques of hiding weapons, sparking protests from Muslim leaders. This incident highlighted the growing political use of inflammatory rhetoric to stoke religious discord.

In July, a social media post by Dr. Upadhya, inciting violence against Muslims, went viral, illustrating how hate speech on digital platforms can spread quickly and fuel division. Similarly, in August, the Sullia police investigated an incident where individuals threatened students at a mosque over their attire, reflecting how even personal choices are increasingly politicised in a climate of rising intolerance.

Later in August, a gang-rape case became politically charged when BJP leaders tried to frame it within the “Love Jihad” narrative, further polarising the issue. This incident underscored the risks of politicising crimes, which distracts from justice and fuels communal division.

In September, inflammatory incidents continued, including the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through a derogatory banner, and a letter from a religious organisation demanding Muslims stop distributing food during a Hindu festival. These events demonstrated the persistent role of symbolism and rhetoric in inflaming communal tensions.

In October, Arun Ullal’s video urging Hindus to avoid Muslim-run schools sparked backlash, showing the extent to which hate speech had permeated educational institutions. Similarly, in November, incidents like derogatory messages at a bus stop and calls for Hindu-only vendors at temple events demonstrated the continued use of public spaces for spreading religious division.

These events reflect a growing trend of communal polarisation in Mangalore, where politicians, social media, and local activists increasingly exploit religious sentiments to fuel conflict. These incidents depict a pattern where political and religious leaders manipulate real or fabricated grievances to stoke communal tensions. The rhetoric used by individuals like Shetty, Kamath, and Pumpwell is often inflammatory, framing religious practices and educational institutions as battlegrounds for ideological warfare. The subsequent protests and legal actions against the Muslim community further escalate these divisions, creating an environment where peaceful coexistence is undermined by political calculations. The role of law enforcement is also concerning, as it often appears reactive or complicit, failing to address the communal rhetoric and violence perpetuated by such figures. The overall narrative is one of increasing intolerance, with politicians and right-wing groups using hate speech as a tool to consolidate power and deepen religious divides.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several key patterns emerge from the series of incidents in Mangalore, pointing to a larger trend of communal polarisation and political exploitation. These patterns not only highlight the rising religious intolerance but also underscore the role of politics, social media, and public spaces in amplifying hate and division.

1. Political exploitation of religious sentiments: A clear pattern of politicians using religious issues for political gains emerges throughout the incidents. Figures like Y. Bharat Shetty and Sharan Pumpwell frame religious issues as central to political discourse, amplifying grievances in ways that stoke communal tensions. Shetty’s comments on Christian missionary schools and Pumpwell’s calls for raids on Muslim institutions reflect how political figures exploit religious issues to consolidate their base, creating fear and division within society. This tactic often results in increased polarisation, where the political agenda supersedes the need for social harmony.
2. Demonisation of religious minorities: Another recurring pattern is the consistent demonisation of Muslim institutions and communities. Incidents such as Pumpwell’s call for NIA raids based on the religion of a suspect, Harish Poonja’s false accusations about mosques hiding weapons, and the framing of personal choices (like attire and religious practices) as threats, feed into a narrative that associates criminality and divisiveness with Muslims. This leads to a climate of suspicion and fear where the Muslim community is increasingly viewed with hostility, regardless of the facts. The framing of incidents such as the “Love Jihad” case as part of a larger conspiracy is another example of how religious minorities are vilified.
3. Weaponisation of social media and public spaces: social media and public spaces are increasingly being used as tools for spreading hate and amplifying divisive narratives. Dr. Upadhya’s viral post and the inflammatory videos, such as Arun Ullal’s call to avoid Muslim-run schools, show how quickly hate speech can spread, influencing public opinion and escalating communal tensions. Similarly, public spaces, like the Kankanady road incident or the derogatory banner in September, are increasingly becoming sites of ideological battles, where symbols and actions are used to provoke and exacerbate divisions.
4. Incitement to violence and vigilantism: Several incidents demonstrate a pattern of incitement to violence and calls for vigilante actions. The threats made against students at a mosque in Sullia, the Hanuman Chalisa recitation counter-threat, and the public demonstrations and protests often escalate into direct confrontations. This not only creates a volatile atmosphere but also encourages vigilantism, where groups take justice into their own hands, bypassing legal processes and further contributing to the erosion of law and order.
5. Selective law enforcement and impunity: A troubling pattern in these incidents is the reactive or selective nature of law enforcement. While there are occasional legal actions taken, such as the police case against political leaders like Shetty for inciting communal hatred or investigations into hate speech, there is a perception that enforcement is uneven. Many incidents involving right-wing leaders or activists, particularly those stirring religious hatred, often go unpunished or are handled leniently, fostering a sense of impunity. This selective enforcement undermines trust in the rule of law and fuels the perception of bias.
6. Polarisation of educational and social spaces: Education and social practices increasingly become sites of ideological conflict, with religious identity becoming a point of contention. Arun Ullal’s video against Muslim-run schools and the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through symbols are examples of how educational institutions and social gatherings are politicised, turning them into battlegrounds for ideological warfare. These incidents reflect a growing trend of divisiveness in public life, where even seemingly mundane spaces are appropriated for religious and political purposes.

Incidents of hate speech on social media

The incidents in Mangaluru and surrounding areas between February and December 2024 illustrate a growing trend of communal tensions exacerbated by social media. These incidents reveal how both individuals and groups exploit online platforms to spread provocative and often false content, which stokes religious and political divides.

In February, BJP MLA Harish Poonja stirred controversy by suggesting that taxes paid by Hindus should only benefit Hindus, an inflammatory statement that sparked public backlash and accusations of anti-Constitutional rhetoric. This was followed by a complaint in which a former Mangaluru Corporator accused unknown individuals of spreading fake news about a teacher at St. Gerosa School, further contributing to the growing religious discord. Meanwhile, a pattern of misrepresentation and religious malignment continued into April when false claims about a temple official’s religious identity were circulated online, aiming to stir communal sentiment. These acts of misinformation often exploit people’s beliefs and can quickly escalate tensions, as seen in the case involving a provocative video shared by BJP workers outside a mosque in Bantwal in June.

Social media platforms, such as WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram, played a crucial role in spreading such content. A viral video showing BJP workers celebrating an election victory with provocative slogans in front of a mosque in Bantwal raised significant concerns, particularly as it highlighted inconsistent law enforcement responses, which further polarised communities. Similarly, derogatory posts about religious figures and symbols, such as those in September, led to multiple police cases and arrests, underscoring the divisive potential of online hate speech.

The role of inflammatory voice messages and posts did not remain confined to one community. In June, a Muslim man was accused of posting communally provocative content, leading to a police investigation, mirroring the actions of those spreading hate from the other side. Additionally, in September, the contentious issue of a planned Eid procession led to further clashes, as social media posts from both sides’ escalated tensions. This exchange of provocative content highlights how social media platforms have become battlefields for ideological warfare, often spilling over into real-life conflicts.

The Hindu Janajagruti Vedike (HJV) in September also lodged a complaint about the defamation of Hindu gods on a Facebook page, once again demonstrating how online platforms are manipulated to spread vulgar and defamatory material. These incidents underline the vulnerability of social media to being used as a tool for incitement and the dangers of unchecked, inflammatory online discourse in fuelling communal divides.

Overall, the incidents reflect the growing role of social media in communal polarisation, with both religious communities increasingly using these platforms to spread misinformation, provoke reactions, and undermine social harmony. The inconsistency in law enforcement, particularly in dealing with inflammatory content, further exacerbates the situation, leading to a cycle of retaliation and escalating tensions across communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

The incidents in Mangalore and surrounding areas reveal several patterns related to communal tensions and the role of social media in exacerbating these divisions:

1. Exploitation of religious sentiments: A key pattern is the deliberate manipulation of religious sentiments by political and community leaders for personal or political gain. Statements by public figures, such as BJP MLA Harish Poonja’s call to restrict tax benefits to Hindus and inflammatory rhetoric surrounding school incidents, are often designed to create divisions and fuel animosity between communities.
2. Social media as a catalyst: Social media platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram have become central to spreading hate speech, misinformation, and provocative content. From fake voice messages about teachers to derogatory posts about religious figures and institutions, these platforms amplify the reach of harmful narratives, making it easier to ignite communal tensions on a large scale. The speed and anonymity provided by social media make it a particularly potent tool for incitement.
3. Religious polarisation and counter-accusations: A recurring theme is the polarisation of communities, with both Hindus and Muslims being accused of provoking one another through inflammatory posts and messages. For example, complaints about provocative content circulated by both Hindu and Muslim individuals highlight how both sides are contributing to the deepening religious divide. The back-and-forth nature of these accusations intensifies the conflict and creates a cycle of hostility.
4. Law enforcement inconsistencies: There is a noticeable inconsistency in how law enforcement responds to incidents based on the religious affiliation of the parties involved. The police often seem to take action only when the incident involves certain communities, or when it garners significant public attention, leading to accusations of bias. For instance, the lack of action against BJP workers celebrating an election victory in front of a mosque sparked public debate about unequal policing.
5. Provocative actions and public symbolism: Public spaces, including roads and mosques, have become arenas for ideological battles, with symbolic acts like offering prayers on the streets or chanting religious slogans outside religious buildings used to provoke reactions. These actions, often framed as threats or deliberate provocations, escalate tensions and fuel conflict between religious groups.
6. The role of fake news and misrepresentation: The spread of fake news is a critical factor in inflaming tensions. Instances where fake voice messages or false claims are made about religious figures or communities demonstrate how misinformation can be weaponised to damage inter-community relations. This often involves the spread of exaggerated or fabricated allegations that target religious or community identities, further deepening mistrust.

Incidents of desecration of religious places

On September 15, 2024, a stone-pelting incident targeted the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque in Katipalla, Mangalore, during the Eid Milad celebrations. Six individuals, identified as Bharat Shetty, Chennappa Shivananad Chalavadi, Nitin Hadap, Sujit Shetty, Anappa, and Preetham Shetty, were arrested in connection with the attack, which is believed to have been orchestrated to inflame communal tensions. The attackers arrived on two bikes and threw stones at the mosque, damaging its glass windows, which was seen as an attempt to provoke violence between Hindu and Muslim communities in the area.

The police, under the guidance of senior officials including the police commissioner and deputy commissioners, swiftly formed a special team to investigate the case. The suspects were arrested within hours, highlighting the police’s prompt response in apprehending those responsible. However, the fact that some of the arrested individuals had numerous prior criminal cases raises concerns about the lack of deterrence for repeat offenders and the systemic issues that allow such individuals to continue committing violent acts.

This attack follows a disturbing trend of using religious sites and symbols to incite violence, a tactic that has been increasingly weaponised in Mangalore’s political and social landscape. The fact that the arrested individuals were largely from local areas further points to the deepening communal divide within the community, where local residents may be mobilised to engage in violent acts under the influence of right-wing groups. This raises questions about the role of local political forces in fostering an environment where attacks on places of worship are not just tolerated but may be tacitly encouraged for political gain.

Despite the arrests, the broader context of rising communal tensions in Mangalore, marked by earlier incidents of hate speech and protests, suggests that these actions are part of a larger, coordinated effort to stoke division.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several concerning patterns emerge from the stone-pelting incident at the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque, as well as the broader communal tensions in Mangalore. These include:

1. Targeting religious spaces: Attacks on religious places, particularly mosques, appear to be a growing method of inciting communal violence. The mosque attack in Katipalla is part of a wider trend of using religious sites as symbols of contention, which serves to inflame tensions between religious communities. The destruction of religious symbols is often used as a tool to provoke responses, creating cycles of violence.
2. Repeat offenders in communal violence: The arrested individuals in this case had multiple prior criminal records, which underscores a troubling pattern where repeat offenders are involved in communal violence. The presence of individuals with established criminal backgrounds reflects the failure of local law enforcement to prevent these individuals from continuing to contribute to escalating tensions. This raises questions about how effectively the law deals with offenders, particularly those with a history of communal violence.
3. Political mobilisation of religious sentiments: The involvement of local figures with affiliations to right-wing groups or political parties, as seen in the case of Bharat Shetty and his associates, illustrates the instrumentalisation of religion for political gain. Inflammatory actions, such as the stone-pelting incident, are often linked to larger political strategies that seek to consolidate power by exacerbating religious divides. This pattern highlights the danger of politicians exploiting religious sentiments to further their own agendas, irrespective of the damage it causes to social harmony.
4. Media and social media amplification: The rise of social media as a platform for spreading communal rhetoric and mobilising people for violent actions is evident in Mangalore. The use of social media to spread hateful narratives or to glorify violent actions contributes to the amplification of communal discord. This is not just limited to traditional media but includes more covert digital spaces that serve as echo chambers for extremist views.
5. Uneven law enforcement: While there was a swift police response in this instance, there is a broader concern about the inconsistency in how law enforcement handles communal incidents. This can be seen in the reaction to similar incidents where legal action may be slow or even absent, depending on the religious or political affiliations of the individuals involved. The arrest and punishment of offenders in some cases, versus leniency or a lack of action in others, shows a concerning pattern of selective enforcement.
6. Escalation of religious intolerance: The attack on the mosque follows a series of incidents, including hate speech, political rhetoric, and symbolic actions (like protests), that reflect an increasing normalisation of religious intolerance. These incidents suggest that the region is witnessing a shift towards more overt communalism, where religious identities are increasingly used to divide communities and foster hostility.

Other communal incidents

The incidents detailed in the report reflect a deeply troubling escalation of communal tensions, particularly in Mangalore and surrounding areas, where religious groups, both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalists, appear to be engaging in provocative actions that exacerbate existing divides. In the case of the teacher’s suspension in Mangalore, a series of protests erupted after allegations were made that she had insulted Hinduism, Lord Ram, and Prime Minister Modi during a class on “Work is Worship.” The situation was further inflamed by the active involvement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and other right-wing groups, who demanded punitive action against the teacher. This incident, where a teacher with years of experience was suspended following a complaint by a parent and the subsequent protests, exposes a disturbing pattern of right-wing organisations pressuring educational institutions to conform to their ideological standards. This pressure to silence dissent not only stifles academic freedom but also undermines the broader principles of secularism and freedom of expression enshrined in the Constitution. Political leaders such as MLAs further fuelled the controversy, adding political weight to the protests, which escalated tensions. The actions of these groups, demanding swift action in the name of protecting religious sentiments, reflect an increasing intolerance for any form of critique, even in academic spaces, and raise significant concerns about the erosion of intellectual freedom and pluralism in society.

On the other hand, the incidents allegedly involving Muslim fundamentalists demonstrate a reactive form of communal violence that perpetuates cycles of aggression. In one instance, following the celebration of Prime Minister Modi’s swearing-in ceremony by BJP workers, provocative slogans were allegedly shouted near a mosque in Boliyar. These inflammatory slogans, including “you people belong to Pakistan,” stoked animosity and provoked a violent response from a group of Muslim youths, who followed the BJP workers and, in an altercation, stabbed two individuals. While the stabbing was condemned as an act of violence, the incident itself is indicative of the underlying communal tensions that have been festering for years. The violent reaction was likely fuelled by the provocative nature of the slogans, which targeted Muslims directly, creating a volatile situation that ultimately resulted in physical confrontation. This incident underscores a broader pattern where religious communities retaliate against perceived insults or provocations, further deepening the divide between the groups. The police response to these incidents, though swift in some cases, seems more reactive than preventative. The deployment of police forces and the formation of peace committees after the violence suggests an attempt to manage the fallout, but the failure to prevent these incidents from escalating in the first place raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement in addressing the root causes of communal strife.

Another concerning pattern emerges from the involvement of political figures in many of these incidents. In both the teacher suspension and the Boliyar stabbing case, local MLAs and political activists from both sides of the communal divide seem to have played a role in escalating the situation, either by leading protests or making statements that inflame the public sentiment. The active participation of these political figures suggests that communal violence is being increasingly politicised, with both sides leveraging religious issues for electoral gains. This politicisation of communal conflicts only exacerbates existing divisions and makes it more difficult to de-escalate tensions, as religious issues become intertwined with political agendas. Furthermore, the selective nature of law enforcement in many of these incidents is troubling. While the police appear to act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, there is often a delay or lack of action when incidents involve Muslim groups, further fueling perceptions of bias and uneven justice. The police’s failure to prevent the inflammatory actions of both Hindu and Muslim groups, including the provocative slogans and public demonstrations, points to a systemic failure in maintaining law and order and fostering communal harmony.

Moreover, the widespread use of social media in these incidents plays a critical role in amplifying communal tensions. In the Mangalore teacher case, a voice message alleging derogatory remarks against Hinduism went viral, and in the case of the BJP workers, social media posts highlighting provocative slogans added fuel to the fire. These viral messages often spread misinformation, creating echo chambers where religious groups are further polarised. The role of social media in the rapid dissemination of potentially harmful content highlights the need for more effective regulation and monitoring to prevent its misuse for communal ends.

Overall, these incidents exemplify a dangerous trend where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups are using inflammatory rhetoric and actions to provoke and retaliate against each other, often with the involvement of political figures who exacerbate the situation. This cycle of provocation and retaliation not only perpetuates violence but also erodes trust in the rule of law, as the police are seen as either unable or unwilling to effectively prevent communal flare-ups. Furthermore, the growing politicisation of communal violence, selective law enforcement, and the unchecked spread of hate speech on social media are contributing to a volatile and divisive atmosphere. These patterns of communal violence, driven by ideological and political motivations, pose a significant threat to social harmony, national unity, and the secular fabric of Indian society.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

A clear pattern emerges from these incidents, highlighting the cyclical nature of communal violence in India, where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups engage in provocative actions that deepen societal divides. Key elements of this pattern include:

1. Provocative actions and retaliation: Incidents often begin with provocative actions or inflammatory rhetoric. In the Mangalore teacher case, a statement perceived as offensive to Hindu sentiments led to widespread protests and demands for punitive action. Similarly, the Boliyar stabbing incident was sparked by provocative slogans targeting Muslims, which were followed by violent retaliation from Muslim youths. These provocations often trigger a cycle of retaliation, with each side responding to perceived insults or affronts to their religious identity. This cycle perpetuates violence and escalates tensions, reinforcing communal divisions.
2. Involvement of political leaders: Political figures from both sides of the communal divide play an active role in escalating these incidents, either by leading protests, making incendiary statements, or aligning with religious groups to gain political leverage. The teacher suspension case saw the involvement of local MLAs from the right-wing, while political figures from both communities often take sides in the aftermath of violence. This politicisation of communal conflicts fuels polarisation and makes it harder to de-escalate tensions.
3. Selective law enforcement: A key feature of these incidents is the perceived bias in law enforcement. While police forces may act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, delays or lack of action occur when incidents involve Muslim groups. This selective enforcement contributes to the perception of uneven justice, which further exacerbates communal tensions and erodes trust in the authorities.
4. Role of social media in amplifying divides: social media plays a central role in spreading provocative content and misinformation. Viral messages, videos, and posts often escalate minor incidents into larger communal flashpoints. In the case of the Mangalore teacher, a viral voice message was enough to spark protests, while the Boliyar incident was amplified by social media posts highlighting provocative slogans. The rapid spread of such content creates echo chambers that reinforce communal identities and fuel hatred.
5. Failure to address root causes: The pattern reveals a systemic failure to address the root causes of communal tensions. While police and political leaders may act after violence erupts, there is little focus on preventative measures or addressing the underlying issues driving communal animosity. Educational institutions, law enforcement, and political leaders seem to focus on damage control rather than on fostering understanding and promoting peaceful coexistence.
6. Escalation through ritualised violence: Violence becomes a repetitive and ritualised response to perceived slights, with each side acting in a manner that mirrors or retaliates against the other. This creates a dangerous feedback loop where the focus shifts from addressing the core issues of intolerance to outdoing each other in acts of violence.

Report for 2022 can be accessed here.

The complete report may be read below:

A comparative table may be viewed here:

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The post Shadows on Karnataka’s Coast: Report provides the communal flashpoints that defined the region in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

CJP stated in its complaint that, the scheduled event, which is scheduled to take place at 4 PM tomorrow i.e. January 5, has raised deep concerns due to the high likelihood of provocative and incendiary speeches that could ignite communal tensions. While the speakers have not been disclosed, the track record of the organizing group strongly indicates that divisive and inflammatory rhetoric will be at the centre of the gathering. These types of events have historically led to an escalation of violence, stoking fear and insecurity within the community.

In line with the orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court and Bombay High Court, which mandate preventive actions against hate speech and violence, CJP is calling on the Pune authorities to act swiftly. CJP mentioned in its complaint that such gatherings violate the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution and contravene Indian criminal law, particularly by inciting communal violence.

CJP has also pointed to a recent precedent in which the Mahim Police in Mumbai denied permission for a similar rally by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. This decision was made in the interest of preserving communal harmony, and CJP urges the Pune authorities to take a similar stance. Immediate preventive measures are crucial to prevent any untoward incidents that may arise from this dangerous event.

HJS’s role in spreading communal hatred and extremism

CJP in its complaint mentioned that, “HJS runs a campaign advocating for the passing of anti-Love Jihad laws in across the country. Extremist Right-wing Hindu groups have been using the term “love-Jihad” loosely now, wielded by an aggressive majoritarianism, woven into a dominant caste Hindu narrative of religious extremism, Islamophobia, and communal hatred. It has also been provided on their website that HJS has been conducting regular workshops to make Hindus “aware” of the consequences of autonomous and free choice marriages, derogatively and provocatively termed ‘Love Jihad.’ This Right-wing extremist organisation has also organized various events in the past advocating for the boycott of Halal and the economic boycott of Muslims in India. Other than this, their websites have also provided a communal colour to issues such as religious conversions and cow slaughter.”

“It is pertinent to note, that in the current environment of oppression and otherisation of the Muslim community, such religious issues when portrayed in a prejudicial or hysterical way, without any rational basis to that questioning, with an intention to pitch views of only one segment/community amounts to stigmatizing of an already marginalized section” as CJP’s mentioned in its complaint.

CJP highlights Supreme Court directives to prevent hate speech

As part of the complaint, CJP also highlighted a series of key directives issued by the Hon’ble Supreme Court, emphasizing its repeated rulings aimed at preventing social disharmony, hate crimes, and communal violence. These included landmark judgments such as Mohd. Haroon & Ors. v. Union of India [(2014) 5 SCC 252], Firoz Iqbal Khan v. Union of India [W.P (Civ.) No. 956 of 2020], Tehseen Poonawalla v. UOI & Ors. [(2018) 9 SCC 501], and Amish Devgan v. Union of India [2021 1 SCC 1]. The CJP also stressed the interim orders in Shaheen Abdullah v. Union of India [Writ Petition (Civil) No. 940 of 2022], where the Apex Court reaffirmed the police’s statutory duties to take immediate action under Section 151 of the CrPC if hate speech is anticipated. Moreover, the Court mandated video documentation of events where hate speech may occur, reinforcing the need for preventive action.

In light of these directives, the citizen’s delegation urged police officials to invoke Sections 130 (Police to prevent cognizable offences), 131 (Information of design to commit cognizable offences), and 132 (Arrest to prevent cognizable offences) of the BNSS, alongside any other relevant provisions of law. They emphasized that keeping the public informed about developments in such cases would greatly help rebuild faith in the rule of law and strengthen the police-citizen relationship.

Additionally, the complaint presented a comprehensive Handbook titled “Towards a Hate-Free Nation,” which offers clear guidelines and the latest jurisprudence from the Supreme Court and Bombay High Court on combating targeted violence. The booklet outlines essential preventive measures for the police and district administration, ensuring they are equipped to handle events that may involve hate-inciting speeches. CJP firmly believes that combating hate is a collective responsibility that rests on both the concerned citizenry and the authorities.

CJP’s complaint dated January 4, 2025 mey be read here:

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In recent years, since 2014, cow vigilantism has become the primary cause of violence against Muslims by extremist Hindutva Vadi groups. Recently, a 37 year old Muslim man named Mohammad Shahideen Qureshi, from Moradabad became a victim of the same. On the 30th of December, 2024, Qureshi and his friend Mohammad Adnan were attacked by an aggressive Hindutva mob shouting the slogans of “Jai Shree Ram” alleging that Qureshi and Adnan had slaughtered a cow. Meanwhile Adnan escaped, Qureshi, who suffered serious injuries after the attack and was admitted in the Moradabad district hospital, succumbed to those injuries.

A report in the Indian Express quotes the Station House Officer where he states, “We took suo moto cognizance and registered an FIR against Qureshi and Mohammad Adnan (29) for cow slaughter,” said the Majhola Station House Officer Mohit Chaudhary. Another FIR has been registered by Mohammad Shahjad (the brother of the deceased) against unidentified individuals under Section 103(1) (murder) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) as per a report in the Hindustan Times.

Police has arrested the accomplice of the deceased who was allegedly with him at the time of the assault for cow slaughter. SHO Mohit Chaudhary said that Adnan fled the spot after locals found him and Qureshi slaughtering an ox in the early hours of December 30, 2024. However, it must be noted that so far, the Police has not been able to make any arrests in the murder case. The Additional Superintendent of Police (City) Kumar Ran Vijay Singh said investigations are ongoing, however “We have not been able to arrest anybody in connection with the killing of Qureshi so far.”

Qureshi transported goods on rented hand carts for a living. His sister-in-law Masooma jamal said “This was no age to die. Is the value of human life so less today? Even if he killed an animal, they could have called the police. He could have been in jail, but why did people beat him up so badly that he died.” This question of Jamal raises the fundamental concern of how cow vigilantism has increased in the recent years becoming a primary reason for violence against Muslims.

This incident brings the dire state of law-and-order enforcement into focus. According to a research conducted by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data reported by Statista, the primary cause for violence against Muslim civilians between, June 2019 to March 2024, has been cow vigilante actions by Hindus. Further, according to a Reuters report, between the year 2010 and mid-2017, a total of 63 cow vigilante attacks have occurred in India, most after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came into power in the year 2014. In these attacks, 28 individuals were killed, of which 24 were Muslims, and 124 were injured. Furthermore, the Human Rights Watch has observed that there has been a surge in cow vigilante violence in India since the year 2015 and the same is attributed to the recent rise in Hindu nationalism in India. As per an analysis by the Observer Research Foundation, cow related violence has spiked up drastically from 5 percent of the total incident of lynching or public disorder in the year 2011, to 20 percent in the year 2017. Cow vigilantism can be perceived as an expression of latent communal prejudice born out of palpable remains of the India-Pakistan partition memories. It is also a result of the strategy of communal-polarisation adopted by the Hindu-right-wing creating a false sense of fear and threat to the Hindu community.

The action of Moradabad police of filing an FIR against the deceased reflects the deep-rooted bias and extreme Hindu nationalist ideology that has become deeply ingrained even in the law-enforcement machinery of India. It is pertinent to note and understand that anarchy, chaos and disorder ensue when any group of people under the garb of self-assumed and self-appointed protectors of law take the law into their own hands, which would then lead to the emergence of a violent society.

The Supreme Court in the case of Tehseen S. Poonawalla vs. Union of India [(2018) 9 SCC 501] and Ors. has expressed its concerns over the rising number of cases of what can be categorized as “cow vigilantism”. The apex court in this case observed that “Lynching and mob violence are creeping threats that may gradually take the shape of a Typhon-like monster as evidenced in the wake of the rising wave of incidents of recurring patterns by frenzied mobs across the country instigated by intolerance and misinformed by circulation of fake news and false stories. There has been an unfortunate litany of spiralling mob violence and agonised horror presenting a grim and gruesome picture that compels us to reflect whether the populace of a great Republic like ours has lost the values of tolerance to sustain a diverse culture.”

Further, in the case of Shubham Singh Baghel vs. State of Madhya Pradesh and Ors. [MANU/MP/1610/2020], the Madhya Pradesh High Court has held that “the acts of vigilantism may be construed by the State as acts threatening the stability of Public Order”.

While the Judiciary has time and again highlighted the dangers of mob violence and how the same affects the secular fabric of India, there has been little to no action taken by the law enforcement bodies to ensure public order and peace.

It also becomes pertinent to understand the response of the government machinery towards cow vigilantism. In the infamous Dadri case, which has been deeply covered by CJP, where a Muslim man was murdered by a Hindutva mob after entering his house on the allegations of possession of beef, as per a report by Newslaundry, the then Tourism Minister Mahesh Sharma belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said, “(the murder) took place as a reaction to that incident (cow slaughter). You must also consider that there was also a 17-year-old daughter in that home. Kisi ne usey ungli nahin lagaayi (nobody touched her).”

The then Chief Minister of Haryana, Manohar Lal Khattar called the lynching a misunderstanding and reinstated sectarianism by claiming, “They can be Muslim even after they stop eating beef, can’t they? It is written nowhere that Muslims have to eat beef, nor is it written anywhere in Christianity that they have to eat beef.”

While the acts of cow vigilantism have instilled a fear, the inappropriate and inadequate response of the government and law-enforcement machineries have perpetuated the belief that such fanaticism is beyond the reach of law.

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