On April 28, the southern bench of NGT nullified a policy in place for the past five years whereby thermal power plants were allowed to change their “source of coal”, irrespective of ash content, calorific values or potential environmental hazards.

The Union Ministry of Environment, Forests & Climate Change (“the ministry”) had issued the policy through a “office memorandum” dated November 11, 2020, without consultation with stakeholders or conducting scientific assessments. Setting aside the office memoranda, a division bench of the tribunal comprising judicial member Justice Pushpa Sathyanarayana and expert member Satyagopal Korlapati said:

“The MoEF&CC [the ministry] which is a regulatory body of the environment and ecology, instead of converting towards higher accountability it is drifting towards dilution in the name of reforms.”

The bench also rapped the ministry on its knuckles for effecting a policy change through an office memorandum which is merely an instrument to be used for administrative purposes.

“The OMs [office memoranda] in question are not legislative rules as they do not undergo the public consultation, stakeholder engagement or gazette publication in the same manner as that of the S.O or any statute. The OMs are issued without any scientific study or in fact assessment. The legal character of the OMs is administrative but their effect is legislative creating de facto exemptions from legal mandates. Such a shift in regulatory thresholds through OMs is inconsistent with the Principle of Legality and with well-established limits on delegated legislation,” the bench further said.

The petitioner in the case, highlighting the arbitrary nature of the policy change, had told the tribunal that “it indicates commercial interests prioritize over environmental protection” and that “it only reflects industrial facilitation approach rather than environmental regulation.”

The policy was among a series of reforms by the Modi government, brought quick on the heels of opening the coal sector for commercial mining by corporate entities. Experts had warned that such the reforms could have catastrophic consequences on local environment and livelihood of project-affected communities living in the vicinity of power plants. It was alleged that power projects would switch over to cheaper sources of coal, owing to higher quantity of ash content, without necessary environmental safeguards.

The opening of the coal sector for commercial mining has unlocked dozens of blocks, the reserves of which are of comparatively cheaper prices owing to higher ash content. Most domestic coal in India is known to have higher ash content than imported coal. As a result, quantity of fuel combusted for generation of one unit of electricity increases with usage of cheaper coal.

Though the office memorandum allowed power plants to change the fuel source without fresh environmental clearances, it prohibited establishment of additional ash ponds to store the commensurate increase in fly ash generated from the combustion of cheaper coal.

The new policy envisaged for “High Concentration Slurry Disposal (HCSD) systems due to their ecological advantages including reduced ash pond size, lower water consumption and minimal environmental contamination from runoff water or dust dispersion”.

However, the tribunal observed that the ministry failed to take cognizance of the fact that increased coal usage and ash generation will directly impact the quantum of water consumed by thermal power plants. “Water required for cooling purposes increases on account of increased quantity of coal combustion, water consumed in ash handling system will increase greatly as more water is required for making the dust cooling higher quantity of ash into slurry to be transported through pipelines,” it said.

Twice during hearing of the case – as the tribunal has observed in its judgement – the ministry amended the notification to apparently portray that environmental safeguards were being taken care of in allowing industries to change the source of coal at will.

The NGT observed that permission to change fuel source without amendment of environmental clearance would tantamount to “submission of false information or suppression of information since the character of pollution as well as quantum of pollution load varies with the source of coal and combination of domestic and imported coal”.

The tribunal further noted that “shifting to domestic coal will result in higher loads of fly ash generation which can impact both air and water quality” while in case of imported coal (which has higher quantities of sulphur), emission of toxic sulphurous oxides “will increase which can affect the air quality and could also result in acid rains which can in turn impact water and soil qualities.”

When the above mentioned apprehensions were expressed during the arguments, the ministry brought an amendment to the office memorandum on December 6, 2023 capping the limits of blending domestic and imported coal for industries to avoid fresh environment impact assessment. The necessity of carrying out environment impact assessment was still ruled out in cases of switching over from “domestic coal to domestic coal” or from “imported coal to domestic coal with the same calorific value”.

The ministry amended the notification yet again on January 7, 2025 when it was asked by the tribunal to examine the technical aspects of the policy granting permission for change in coal source without environmental clearance.

In the latest amendment, the ministry made a reference to its own notification regarding fly ash utilisation deadlines for thermal power plants. Through a notification dated December 31, 2021 – among a series of guidelines issued over the past 27 years to tighten compliance obligations and timeline for ash disposal and reuse – the ministry has set clear deadlines for power plants to complete disposal of fly ash.

The ministry made it clear in the new amended office memorandum that the guidelines dated December 31, 2021 were to apply irrespective of change in coal source. It further made it mandatory for thermal power plants changing coal source to ensure that “loading, unloading, transport, storage and disposal of ash is done in an environmentally sound manner and that all precautions to prevent air and water pollution are taken and status in this regard shall be reported to the concerned State Pollution Control Board”.

However, the NGT noted that the thermal power sector continues to under-preform in ash utilisation taking cognizance of various reports of the Comptroller & Auditor General (CAG) of India and the Central Pollution Control Board. “In the light of the above, the invocation of 2021 notification in the 2025 amendment appears performative, lacking real regulatory bit,” said the tribunal.

Apart from missing deadlines, thermal power projects have in the past also resorted to improper disposal of fly ash resulting in adverse impacts on environment and livelihoods of local communities. As per the Central Electricity Authority (CEA), which is India’s premier government body for policy formulation in the power sector:

“Indian Coal is of Low Grade with Ash Content of the order of 24 – 63 % in comparison to Imported Coal which has Low Ash Content of the order of 3 – 20 %. Large Quantity of Ash is, thus being generated at Coal / Lignite based Thermal Power Stations in the Country, which not only requires Large Area of precious Land for its disposal but is also one of the sources of Pollution of both Air and Water.”

The CEA’s fly ash utilisation report of March 2023 states that a mere 78.14% of total fly ash generated by all thermal power projects across the country during the first half of the financial year 2022-23 was properly utilised. This compares poorly with the corresponding figure for the first half of the previous financial year, which stood at 81.65%.

Experts have pointed out that arbitrary change to cheaper coal not only causes unforeseen pollution during combustion but also during transportation.

“The quality of coal and the route it takes to reach power plants after mining contribute significantly to air pollution and socio-economic impacts of a coal-based power plant. Any change in the coal source must be thoroughly evaluated by the competent committee vide the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification, 2006. This will ensure a proper assessment of environmental and socio-economic impacts and help minimize incremental pollution, if the power plants seek a change in source for economic or logistical reasons,” Sunil Dahiya, founder and lead analyst of Envirocatalysts, an independent organisation working on the crossroads of environment, climate change and livelihoods, told this correspondent.

The petitioner had argued that environmental clearance to a thermal power plant is granted based on a firm coal linkage and disclosure of the coal source and coal characteristics. “The impact of various aspects like air emissions, impact due to transport, storage, coal handling, water requirement, ash generation and storage, ash ponds and utilization etc. are assessed, and anticipated impact is forecasted. Only based on the above factors, a public hearing is conducted after which the project is appraised and the Environmental Clearnce is issued,” the petitioner had argued.

The court said that “integrity of environmental governance” cannot be undermined for the sake of “prioritizing ease of business and operational flexibility”. It said, that from the environmental stand point, the changes brought in through the office memoranda “can permit transition to coal sources that may in practice result in higher emission or other forms of pollution due to blending practices, differences in coal quality or operation inefficiencies, none of which are evaluated prior to the exemption taking effect.” It quashed the memoranda saying that those “do not offer any methodology for assessing or verifying pollution load differences before exempting the project from regulatory oversight”.

The writer is an independent journalist.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Modi Govt’s Coal Reform Policy Quashed Over Environmental Concerns appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Elaborating further, the statement says that, the Congress party in its manifesto for the 2024 elections reaffirmed its profound commitment to rapid, inclusive and sustainable development, and to protect its ecosystems, local communities, flora and fauna. It also said that it would address the issues of environment and climate change with the seriousness these deserve.  Hence the disturbing incidents at the Hyderabad Central University, viz. the clearing of over 100 acres of forested land in Kancha Gachibowli, using bulldozers, with the objective of using this land for IT buildings and activities are a violation of the party’s own poll promise.

Moreover, when students of Hyderabad University peacefully protested against the clearance of the forested land, the felling of the trees, and the use of bulldozers, the state government, instead of holding a dialogue with them to resolve the matter, sought to quell the protest by force, even resorting to arrests and lathi charges, records the statement. “We are relieved that the   government has now stepped back from its earlier stand but we are still concerned about a number of issues concerning this land.”

To clarify the deliberate confusion created by the state government on the issue of the land concerned not being forest land, the former civil servants iterate that there is considerable evidence that refutes this claim. The contra-indications are listed below:

• As per the Supreme Court order of 1996, in what is commonly known as the Godavarman case, all States were to constitute State Expert Committees (SEC) to identify all forests as per the dictionary meaning of the word, irrespective of ownership. The Andhra Pradesh Government (of which Telangana was a part in 1996) failed to constitute the SEC and therefore did not identify all forests as directed by the Supreme Court. They also failed to comply with subsequent Supreme Court orders on geo-referencing of forests.  The claim that the impugned land is not forest land has, therefore, no legal basis, being the outcome of non-compliance of the orders of the Supreme Court.

• When Telangana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh in 2014 it had no comprehensive data on forests; nor did the state take any steps to identify forests as per the Supreme Court’s orders.

• It may be noted that had the directions of the Supreme Court been followed, the land in question, Kancha Gachibowli, would very likely have been identified as forest as per the “dictionary meaning”, as well as per the land records, which called it a “wasteland” (which signifies grasslands, scrub forests etc.)

• In early 2025, the Supreme Court in WP 1164/23, again directed all states to identify and geo-reference all forests on the ground. While it was widely reported in the press that such a committee had been constituted in Telangana on March 15, 2025,  the government did not bother to wait either for the report of this committee or its acceptance by the Supreme Court, before declaring that the impugned area (Kancha Gachibowli) is not a forest. This shows disregard of the Supreme Court’s orders. We wonder what the purpose was of setting up a committee to identify all forests as per the Supreme Court’s directions, if such forests are destroyed without any concern for the legality, or the protests of citizens, or the biodiversity and wildlife of the area.

• We learn that this forested patch has reported many migratory birds, 220 species of other birds, deer, 700 species of plants, the critically endangered star tortoises, and the Hyderabad Tree Trunk spider- an endemic species found nowhere else in the world!

Thereafter, the statement records that, they are heartened by the fact that the Supreme Court while hearing this matter recently has, on April 16, 2025, reiterated its earlier orders regarding identification of all forests and has emphasised that the Court’s orders need to be strictly followed.

“Hyderabad is fortunate to have these 400 acres as part of the city landscape: it acts as a catchment area for trapping the rainfall, recharging the ground water which is used by nearby colonies and buildings; it moderates the “heat island “effect of the city- experts have opined that it lowers the ambient temperature by as much as 4 degrees Celsius; it functions as the city’s green lung, capturing pollution and greenhouse gases. It boggles the mind that these ecological and climatic benefits have been completely disregarded by the Telangana government in its disastrous push to denude the area of its green cover, precisely at a time when there is unanimous consensus among scientists and climatologists about increasing heat waves and water shortages. The government should listen to at least the experts, if not to the citizens and students. Development at such a huge cost to the natural environment, when alternatives for the IT Park are available, is nothing less than ecocide.”

The collective of retired civil servants, Constitutional Conduct Group, have worked both with the Central and State governments. They have come together as the Constitutional Conduct Group to speak out against violations of the Indian Constitution.

Thereafter the statement records that while the CCG appreciates the fact that the Telangana government has now withdrawn from confrontation in this matter and is trying to find an acceptable solution, we are alarmed to learn that Rs. 10000 crore has been taken from private parties against that land. It is equally worrisome that instead of promising that this area would be allowed to regenerate as a forest and become a green lung for the city and a haven for its wildlife and biodiversity, there are media reports that indicate that Government wants to convert the whole land, including the land of the University into an eco-park.  An eco-park is not a forest; it is a human-centric “developmental” activity, and not in accordance with the Supreme Court judgement. The State should instead ensure that the Expert Committee implements the Supreme Court orders of 19/02/24 and 04/03/25 in “letter and spirit”. It should, thereafter, protect all its identified forests to ensure ecosystem services for human sustenance and the well-being of its biodiversity.

The Congress Party has been advocating the concepts of accountability, stake holder consultation and good governance in other parts of the country. The opportunity available in the State of Telangana to show a difference is unfortunately getting lost because of actions such as those at Kancha Gachibowli. The CCG hopes that the proposed auction or allotment of this land to private parties is cancelled and that the Expert Committee is allowed to diligently identify and geo-reference all forests, and allow forests to regenerate on all forest lands where felling has taken place.

“While the issue of Kancha Gachibowli got intense media attention because it is in a metropolitan city, adjoining a university, and due to the mass protests of students, such large-scale felling and wanton destruction of forests, biodiversity and wildlife is a recurring feature in almost all States under almost every political and bureaucratic dispensation. Such activity massively impacts the ecological security of our country.  State and UT governments must take active steps to protect all common property resources, because action is needed in every part of the country. Our fervent appeal to all governments is to ensure that our forests and biodiversity across the country are protected and not diverted in the name of “development”.”

There are 67 signatories to this statement of the Constitutional Conduct Group as below:

^Related:

Mass Deforestation, Protests, Detentions: Supreme Court halts Telangana’s reckless tree felling at Kancha Gachibowli, questions permissions

Adivasi Land Rights Erosion: The effects of the 2023 Forest Conservation Amendment Act

Record number of forest diversion took place in 2023 amidst decline in spend of CAMPA funds, MoEF data reveals

The post Destruction of forest in Kancha Gachibowli, Telangana violation of Congress party manifesto: CCG Statement appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Protests at the main gate of #UniversityOfHyderabad… targetting @TelanganaCMO @revanth_anumula @RahulGandhi over decision of #TGIIC Telangana Industrial Infrastructure Corporation to auction 400 acres of #KanchaGachibowli; the sloganeering, energy, visuals tell their own story pic.twitter.com/m74ykqhYjL

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 1, 2025

Protesting students of #HCU have shared this video… they say this is of trucks moving in and out of the main gate , carrying the wood logs of trees that have been cut… Am told this was shot at 2 am … On @ndtv at 8 am, #exclusive footage of denuded #EastCampus @HydUniv pic.twitter.com/OxijZVdomB

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 3, 2025

Videos shared by #HCU students with @ndtv, with time & location watermark, to show that JCBs continued to do work of clearing the #KancheGachibowli land parcel despite stay orders from #TelanganaHC to stop vegetation removing activity till court disposes petition to be heard tmrw pic.twitter.com/ZTBmnFIQQM

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 2, 2025

pic.twitter.com/6zSf2fi0QH

— Tribal Army (@TribalArmy) April 3, 2025

The Telangana government’s handling of the situation has been marked by opacity, brute force, and suppression of dissent. Despite the Hyderabad Central University’s historical claim over the land and the petitions pending to be heard by Constitutional Courts, the Congress-led administration bulldozed ahead with its plans, using police to clamp down on protests. Students and environmental activists were detained for attempting to join the agitation, while the government dismissed the outcry as “misinformation” and “political opportunism.” Meanwhile, the opposition BRS, led by K.T. Rama Rao, has accused Chief Minister Revanth Reddy’s administration of hypocrisy, recalling Congress’s past stance on Aarey forest in Mumbai. Yet, even Congress’s student wing, NSUI, has taken a cautious approach, criticising the government’s failure to secure the land while stopping short of outright opposition.

The administration’s justifications—promises of Rs 50,000 crore in investments and five lakh jobs—fail to address the reckless environmental destruction underway. Officials insist that the land is not classified as forest, yet the Supreme Court’s observations suggest otherwise, raising concerns about procedural violations and potential contempt of court. The government’s relentless push for rapid development, without transparency or public consultation, has turned the issue into a flashpoint of governance failure. Now, with the highest court stepping in, the Telangana government finds itself cornered—forced to defend its actions in what has become a battle between unchecked urbanisation and judicial oversight.

Supreme Court proceedings on Kancha Gachibowli tree felling on April 3, 2025

Post-Lunch Developments: Expressing shock over the large-scale deforestation in the Kancha Gachibowli area of Hyderabad, the Supreme Court issued an immediate order halting all development activities in the region. The bench, comprising Justice B.R. Gavai and Justice A.G. Masih, took suo-moto cognisance of the matter on the same day and directed that no activity, except measures to protect the remaining trees, should take place until further notice.

The court strongly emphasised compliance, warning that any violation of its directive would lead to the personal liability of the Chief Secretary of Telangana. To ensure transparency, the bench ordered the Chief Secretary to submit a detailed affidavit addressing the following concerns:

1. What was the compelling urgency that necessitated the developmental activities, including large-scale tree removal, in the disputed area?
2. Did the state government obtain the mandatory Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) certification before commencing the project?
3. Were the requisite permissions from forest authorities or any other relevant local bodies obtained before felling the trees?
4. What was the rationale behind including specific officers in the committee constituted by the Telangana government, particularly those who seemingly have no role in identifying forest areas?
5. What is the state government’s plan for the felled trees?

Earlier in the day, the court had passed an interim order staying further tree felling and directed the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial) to conduct an on-site inspection and submit a report by 3:30 PM. When the case was resumed at 3:45 PM, the Supreme Court reviewed the report and found it to be deeply alarming. The inspection revealed that large-scale deforestation was underway, with heavy machinery such as JCBs being used to clear hundreds of acres. The court also noted images showing peacocks and deer fleeing from the destruction, suggesting that the area was an active habitat for wildlife.

Referring to its previous orders in the Ashok Kumar Sharma, IFS (Retd) & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors case, the court emphasised on its March 4 directive that held state Chief Secretaries personally accountable for the failure to constitute statutory committees tasked with identifying forest lands. It also cited its February 3 order in the same case, which prohibited states from reducing forest cover without providing compensatory afforestation land. The court was particularly critical of the Telangana government’s actions, questioning why the deforestation was carried out with such urgency when the statutory process to determine forest land status had not even begun.

Senior Advocate Gaurav Agarwal, representing the State of Telangana, argued before the Supreme Court that the disputed land did not fall under the category of forest. However, the bench remained unconvinced. Justice B.R. Gavai pointedly questioned whether the government had obtained the necessary permissions for tree felling, emphasising that the classification of the land was secondary to the legal requirements for environmental clearances.

“Forest or not, did you secure the requisite approvals before cutting down the trees?” Justice Gavai asked, as per a report in LiveLaw, expressing dismay over the rapid deforestation. “Clearing 100 acres in just two to three days is alarming… We must remind you of a simple principle—no matter how powerful, no one is above the law.”

Meanwhile, Senior Advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan, appearing on behalf of certain intervenors, informed the bench that students protesting the destruction were being detained, highlighting the Telangana government’s heavy-handed approach in suppressing opposition to the project.

Morning proceedings and initial stay order: In the morning session, the Supreme Court had issued an interim order staying the tree-felling activities in Kancha Gachibowli, acting on an urgent oral mention by Senior Advocate K. Paremeshwar, the amicus curiae in the broader forest conservation case (TN Godavarman matter).

The bench took cognisance of media reports highlighting rapid deforestation over the extended weekend, suggesting that authorities had deliberately accelerated the process to avoid public scrutiny. The reports further indicated that the forest area housed at least eight species of scheduled wildlife. Concerned by these developments, the court ordered an immediate site inspection by the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial), directing that an interim report be submitted by 3:30 PM on the same day.

The directive was communicated to the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial) by the Supreme Court’s Registrar (Judicial) to ensure prompt compliance. Additionally, the court instructed the Chief Secretary of Telangana to prevent any further tree felling until further orders were issued.

As per Live Law, the order was dictated as follows:

“News reports indicate extensive deforestation is taking place in the Kancha Gachibowli forest. A vast number of trees are reportedly being felled, and it appears that authorities have taken advantage of the long weekend to expedite the destruction. Reports also suggest that the area is home to multiple scheduled wildlife species. We direct the Registrar (Judicial) of the Telangana High Court to conduct an immediate site visit and submit an interim report by 3:30 PM today. The Registrar (Judicial) of this court is directed to communicate this order forthwith. Furthermore, the Chief Secretary of Telangana shall ensure that no further tree felling is permitted in Kancha Gachibowli until this court issues further directions.”

During the hearing, Senior Advocate Dr. Abhishek Manu Singhvi, appearing for the Telangana government, informed the court that the Telangana High Court was also hearing a related matter. In response, the Supreme Court clarified that while it was taking suo-moto cognisance of the issue, it had not placed any restrictions on the proceedings before the High Court.

The Supreme Court’s strong intervention signals its deep concern over environmental degradation and the failure of state authorities to adhere to legal and procedural safeguards before undertaking large-scale deforestation. The matter is expected to be closely monitored in the coming days.

Telangana High Court proceedings on Kancha Gachibowli forest case

Hearing on April 3, 2025: On Thursday, the Telangana High Court extended its interim order directing a status quo concerning the large-scale felling of trees in the Kancha Gachibowli forest area, located near the Hyderabad Central University (HCU) campus. The bench, comprising Acting Chief Justice Sujoy Paul and Justice Renuka Yara, also granted the State government time until April 7, 2025 to submit its counter affidavit in the matter. The court’s intervention followed an earlier directive issued on April 2, wherein it had explicitly restrained the State from taking any coercive steps until further deliberations. During the said hearing, the court was informed that the Supreme Court had also taken cognisance of the matter earlier in the day and had required for a site inspection to take place.

Senior Advocate Dr. Abhishek Manu Singhvi, representing the Telangana government, argued that the Supreme Court’s directive requiring a site inspection should not be misinterpreted as a restriction on the High Court’s jurisdiction to proceed with the case. He contended that the land in question had been subject to litigation for decades, yet no claims or legal documents had ever categorised it as a forest. According to him, the absence of such claims over the last 30 years underscored that the area was never formally recognised as forest land. Singhvi further claimed that several institutions in the vicinity, including a botanical garden and a golf course, demonstrated the region’s long-standing allocation for non-forest purposes. He insisted that the land had been assigned to a private entity nearly 20 years ago, and the State’s actions were in line with established policies.

In response, Senior Advocate S. Niranjan Reddy, appearing for the Vata Foundation, strongly refuted the State’s assertions. He informed the court that despite the Supreme Court’s order staying tree felling, the destruction had continued until Thursday morning. Reddy submitted an interim application (IA) containing newspaper reports and timestamped photographic evidence substantiating his claim. Additionally, he alerted the court to alleged police repression, revealing that a student who had been documenting the tree felling through video recordings was detained at a local police station. Reddy emphasised that the petitioners were now shielded by the Supreme Court’s intervention but urged the High Court to scrutinise the State’s conduct in its upcoming hearing on April 7.

Another counsel representing a student union underscored the alarming pattern of police atrocities against students peacefully protesting the destruction. He further argued that the land in question belonged to the University of Hyderabad, strengthening the case against its allocation for commercial IT development. Acknowledging these submissions, the High Court directed the State’s legal representatives to formally respond to these serious allegations and scheduled the matter for further hearing on April 7.

The High Court’s order summarised the joint submission made by Senior Advocate Singhvi and the Advocate General, wherein they requested that the matter be heard on April 7 to allow the State sufficient time to file a counter affidavit. The court recorded that the petitioners had no objection to this timeline, provided that the interim relief against tree felling remained in place. Senior Advocate Niranjan Reddy reiterated that since the Supreme Court had already imposed a stay, the High Court should simply proceed with the scheduled hearing on April 7. The court accepted these arguments and directed the State to file its response to all interim applications submitted by the petitioners.

Hearing on April 2, 2025: On Wednesday, the Telangana High Court had imposed a temporary stay on the felling of trees in the disputed Kancha Gachibowli land. The matter was heard following an urgent plea against the Telangana government’s issuance of a Government Order (GO) that sought to alienate 400 acres of green cover for the development of IT infrastructure.

The matter arose from a petition filed by the environmental non-profit Vata Foundation, which challenged a contentious government order facilitating the alienation of 400 acres of green land in the region for IT infrastructure development. The petitioners argued that the GO violated the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, and demanded that all government actions undertaken pursuant to the order be annulled. They further urged the court to designate the land as a ‘National Park.’ Additionally, the court heard a similar Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by retired scientist Kalapala Babu Rao, who sought equivalent relief.

Between 28/03/25 to 02/04/25.. just 3 – 4 days… lives of peaceful living beings has been turned upside down.. in its desperation.. while the court believed otherwise.. the Govt deploys dozens of heavy machinery to flatten a beautiful deemed forest land in #KanchaGachibowli..… pic.twitter.com/NR8Bf1Typj

— Vata Foundation (@vata_foundation) April 2, 2025

The Vata Foundation’s plea asserted that the land, which had remained untouched for centuries, was home to 237 bird species, spotted deer, wild boars, star tortoises, snakes, and ancient rock formations and lakes. The petitioners contended that the Telangana State Industrial Infrastructure Corporation (TSIIC), which acquired the land in 2012, issued the GO in 2024 intending to divert the land for commercial purposes. The rapid deforestation prompted the petitioners to approach the High Court, highlighting that the area also encompassed land belonging to the University of Hyderabad, which needed urgent protection.

The court had originally scheduled the matter for April 7 but was forced to intervene earlier after the petitioners reported that 40 JCB machines had been deployed for large-scale tree felling. Following urgent lunch motion requests, the High Court took up the matter on April 2 and imposed a stay.

During the hearing, Senior Advocate L. Ravichander, appearing for the petitioner Kalapala Babu Rao, highlighted the blatant disregard for judicial precedents by the Telangana government. He pointed out that the government’s actions flouted two crucial Supreme Court judgments—T.N. Godavarman Thirumulpad v. Union of India and Ashok Kumar Sharma v. Union of India & Others—which mandated the identification and preservation of forests, including areas not officially designated as such but qualifying under the dictionary definition. He further argued that the region’s unique rock formations, estimated to be nearly 2 billion years old, harboured rare flora and exotic bird species that warranted urgent protection.

Conversely, the State’s Advocate General A. Sudharshan Reddy dismissed the petitioners’ case as being based solely on “Google images” rather than official records. He argued that the government held clear revenue records indicating that the land had always been designated for industrial use. Attempting to trivialise the issue, he remarked that if the presence of peacocks, mongooses, and snakes were to determine forest status, then large parts of Hyderabad, including the city’s golf course, should also be declared forests. The High Court, however, refused to accept this line of reasoning and reiterated the need for a thorough examination of the matter.

Union government’s intervention

The Union Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change officially intervened in the contentious clearing of 400 acres of forest land in Kancha Gachibowli, Hyderabad, which has been earmarked for auction by the Telangana government. Expressing serious concern over the alleged large-scale deforestation and environmental damage, the ministry has demanded an immediate factual report from the State government regarding the ongoing developments on April 2, 2025.

In a formal communication addressed to the Additional Chief Secretary (Forests) of Telangana on Wednesday, Assistant Inspector General of Forests S. Sundar stated that the ministry had been alerted to reports of “illegal felling and removal of vegetation” in the Kancha Gachibowli area. The Telangana Industrial Infrastructure Corporation Limited (TGIIC), the entity responsible for the land’s auction, was identified as carrying out these activities. The letter noted that widespread news coverage in both print and digital media had highlighted concerns over ecological destruction, particularly regarding harm to the region’s wildlife, water bodies, and distinctive rock formations.

Further amplifying the gravity of the situation, the letter revealed that the Union Minister for Environment, Forest & Climate Change, Bhupender Yadav, had received multiple representations from Members of Parliament and various public representatives, urging immediate action to prevent irreversible environmental damage.

In light of these alarming concerns, the ministry directed the Telangana government to submit a detailed factual report on the matter without delay. Additionally, the State was instructed to initiate legal proceedings as per the relevant statutes, including the Indian Forest Act, the Wildlife Protection Act, and the Van (Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan) Adhiniyam, among other applicable laws. The letter also stressed the necessity of ensuring strict adherence to judicial directives issued by courts and tribunals concerning forest conservation and land protection.

Reacting to the Union’s intervention, Union Minister for Coal and Mines G. Kishan Reddy publicly expressed his gratitude to Bhupender Yadav for taking decisive action in the matter. Reddy emphasised that the Union’s response was a crucial step towards ensuring governmental accountability, preventing further environmental degradation, and safeguarding the region’s green cover. He further remarked that the intervention would help ensure that all actions related to the disputed land remain within legal boundaries and undergo the necessary scrutiny through proper consultation processes.

Environmental devastation and rising concerns

Student groups and environmental activists have warned that the destruction of the Kancha Gachibowli Forest will have dire ecological consequences. Researcher Arun Vasireddy, in a report on the area’s environmental significance, highlighted that deforestation in Kancha Gachibowli Forest could lead to a rise in local temperatures by 1 to 4 degrees Celsius, worsening heat conditions in the Gachibowli region. As Hyderabad’s IT corridor continues to expand, activists argue that the loss of such a crucial green space will further degrade air quality, threaten biodiversity, and contribute to climate instability.

Despite mounting protests, the state government has shown little willingness to engage with environmental concerns, opting instead for heavy-handed police action against students and journalists alike.

Congress government’s crackdown on student protest at University of Hyderabad

The University of Hyderabad (UoH) has erupted in protest as students launched an indefinite boycott of classes, condemning the Telangana government’s decision to auction 400 acres of Kancha Gachibowli through the TGIIC for the development of an IT park. The protests gained momentum amid allegations of state overreach, police repression, and environmental destruction.

According to Akash Kumar, vice president of the UoH Students’ Union, students are being forcibly restricted within the campus premises by the police, preventing them from taking their protest to the streets. “The ongoing deforestation by TGIIC is leading to irreversible ecological damage. Kancha Gachibowli is home to diverse flora and fauna, and we demand an immediate halt to these reckless land-clearing activities. We have launched an indefinite strike today and will continue until the deforestation stops,” Kumar stated while conversing with reporters of The Hindustan Times. He further demanded the removal of the heavy police presence and the more than 50 earthmoving machines that have been systematically razing down the land.

Protesting students emphasised that Kancha Gachibowli is not merely an empty piece of land but an ecological hotspot that harbours over 734 plant species, 220 bird species, and vulnerable wildlife, including the Indian Star Tortoise. The land’s unique rock formations and lakes contribute to the biodiversity of the region, and its destruction for an IT park is seen as an act of environmental vandalism.

Despite widespread public outrage, TGIIC has persisted with the clearing activities since Sunday. The Telangana police, on the other hand, attempted to whitewash their role by releasing a statement on Monday denying the use of force. According to their version, students were not subjected to lathi charges but had instead “attacked officials and workers with sticks and stones.” On Monday and Tuesday, the state police detained 55 students in what has been described as a preventive measure, later releasing 53 of them. However, as per Telangana Today, two students—B. Rohit Kumar and Erram Naveen Kumar—were arrested and remanded to judicial custody, having been booked under multiple sections related to criminal trespassing and rioting.

Escalation of State Repression: Police brutality and arbitrary detentions

As protests entered their fourth consecutive day on April 2, 2025, the situation on campus turned increasingly tense. Students and faculty members, led by the University of Hyderabad Teachers’ Association and the Joint Action Committee, intensified their agitation, rallying inside the campus and condemning both the government’s actions and the university administration’s inaction. However, in a move reminiscent of authoritarian crackdowns on student movements, the state responded with force.

On Tuesday, police had resorted to lathi charges as demonstrators attempted to march towards the main gate. Several students sustained injuries as scuffles broke out at the East Campus, further fuelling resentment against the state’s heavy-handed tactics. Videos circulating on social media show police officers beating students and forcibly dragging them away, despite peaceful protest being a fundamental democratic right.

NSUI-HCU General Secretary Prabhakar Singh spoke to the media and lambasted the university administration for what he called “facilitating” police brutality. “The administration has completely failed us. They enabled the police to enter the campus and allowed JCB machines to continue their destruction. They have not even disclosed the details of the executive council meeting held on March 20, which would have clarified their stance on the land issue,” he said.

The demonstrations have united an unusual mix of political and student groups. Left-wing and Dalit-Bahujan student organisations, along with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the BJP’s student wing, are all opposing the auction. Student unions from institutions such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and Osmania University have also extended their support. Meanwhile, the Congress’s student wing, the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), has taken a more neutral stance, criticising the university’s failure to protect the land while advocating for discussions on securing its ownership.

A Legacy of Encroachments: The larger struggle for campus land

For many within the university community, this battle is not just about the 400 acres at Kancha Gachibowli but about a continued history of state encroachments on university land. Over the years, multiple projects have chipped away at the university’s territory, including the establishment of the IIIT campus, Gachibowli Stadium, a bus depot, a power station, a school, and even a shooting range. “The state has systematically grabbed land from the university for years. Now, this last remaining stretch, which we consider part of our campus, is also being taken away,” said a protesting student, as per the Hindustan Times.

The faculty and students fear that if this land is lost, the university’s expansion will be severely hampered, undermining its status as an Institution of Eminence. More importantly, they stress that the encroachment of green spaces in favour of commercial ventures sets a dangerous precedent, where corporate interests are prioritised over public welfare and environmental sustainability.

While the Telangana government continues to claim sole ownership of the 400-acre land, its narrative has been met with stiff resistance. The state maintains that a survey conducted on July 19, 2024, in the presence of university officials, confirmed that the University of Hyderabad holds no legal claim to the land. However, the university administration has refuted these claims, stating that no such survey ever took place. The institution insists that it has been repeatedly requesting the state for proper demarcation, only to be ignored.

Regardless of the state’s legal claims, protesting students claim that the issue at hand is not mere ownership but environmental conservation and academic autonomy. The land is an irreplaceable green lung for Hyderabad’s IT corridor and must be preserved rather than handed over to corporate interests.

As the protests persist, students remain resolute in their demands: immediate withdrawal of police forces and bulldozers from the campus vicinity, a written assurance from the university administration that it will fight for the land’s legal registration under its name, and transparency in land-related documents and executive decisions.

Journalist detained amid crackdown on protest coverage

Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) working president K.T. Rama Rao has strongly criticised the Congress-led Telangana government for allegedly detaining a journalist covering the ongoing student protests at the University of Hyderabad. KTR condemned the police action, describing it as an excessive use of state power to silence dissent. He accused the government of suppressing press freedom and stifling critical voices. “The draconian police overreach in Telangana is alarming! Journalists are being detained & dissenting voices arrested. This blatant suppression of free speech & expression is unacceptable. And Rahul Gandhi goes to town preaching about democracy and free speech The double standards is beyond sickening.,” he stated in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

The draconian police overreach in Telangana is alarming!

Journalists are being detained & dissenting voices arrested.

This blatant suppression of free speech & expression is unacceptable.

And @RahulGandhi goes to town preaching about democracy and free speech

The double… https://t.co/tRDPyndwc2

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 30, 2025

The detained journalist, identified as Sumit, was documenting the arrests of students protesting the destruction of greenery on the university campus. He later posted a video on social media showing his detention by the police, sparking outrage among press freedom advocates. BRS spokesperson Krishank also slammed the Congress government, arguing that arresting a journalist for doing their job was an attack on the fundamental role of the media in a democracy.

Political opposition intensifies

Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) working president and former Telangana minister K.T. Rama Rao has called on Congress leader Rahul Gandhi to intervene in the ongoing land dispute at the University of Hyderabad. Citing Gandhi’s past opposition to the destruction of Mumbai’s Aarey forest, KTR questioned the Congress’s silence on deforestation in Telangana.

This is brazen green murder by destroying 400 acres of precious lung space in western Hyderabad

You can hear the peacocks crying for help as the bulldozers and JCBs of the Congress Govt rummage

If you don’t speak up now, it’s on you Mr @RahulGandhi #SaveHCUBioDiversity pic.twitter.com/iPxnhSgAdv

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 31, 2025

Amidst growing tensions, Telangana police on April 1 had detained several BJP leaders, including MLAs Payal Shankar and Dhanpal Suryanarayana Gupta, as they attempted to join student protests at the university. The BJP has escalated the matter at the national level, with Telangana BJP president G. Kishan Reddy, Union Minister Bandi Sanjay, and BJP MPs meeting Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan in Delhi to seek his intervention.

KTR, in a series of posts on X, accused the Congress-led state government of suppressing student voices, harming the environment, and even displacing wildlife. He alleged that police were preventing BRS leaders, including himself, from visiting the protest site. Drawing a comparison, he recalled how Rahul Gandhi was given full security and access when he visited Hyderabad Central University twice during K. Chandrashekar Rao’s tenure to support justice for Rohith Vemula. “Why this hypocrisy, Rahul Ji? What is your government trying to hide from the world?” KTR asked.

హైడ్రా, మూసీ పేరుతో ప్రజల ఇండ్లు – హెచ్‌సీయూలో పక్షుల గూళ్లు

నోరున్న జనంపైకి బుల్డోజర్ – నోరు లేని మూగజీవాల మీదకు బుల్డోజర్!

మూసీలో, హైడ్రాలో మూటల వేట – ఆఖరికి హెచ్‌సీయూలోనూ కాసుల వేట

పంటలు ఎండుతున్నాయి నీళ్లు లేవంటూ రైతుల గోస – అర్ధరాత్రి బుల్డోజర్ దెబ్బలకు వన్యప్రాణాల… pic.twitter.com/jvTFiO1hB4

— KTR (@KTRBRS) April 1, 2025

There have been no social media posts from senior Congress leaders regarding the issue. Leaders such as Rahul Gandhi, Jairam Ramesh, and Priyanka Gandhi have not made any public statements about the protests, arrests, detentions, or the deforestation.

Telangana government defends land auction and development plans

Despite the mounting opposition, the Telangana government is pushing ahead with its plans. Heavy machinery has been deployed to level the land, removing trees and shrubbery over the past few days. Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy has defended the project, arguing that developing the 400-acre site will spur economic growth, attract investments worth ₹50,000 crore, and generate five lakh jobs. He dismissed opposition leaders as “cunning foxes” attempting to obstruct progress.

On March 31, Telangana’s Revenue Minister Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy had asserted that the state holds full legal ownership of the land. “We took possession of this land after winning legal battles in both the high court and the Supreme Court. Not a single inch belongs to Hyderabad Central University. Any attempt to dispute this is contempt of court,” he declared.

Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka, an alumnus of the university, clarified that HCU had long assumed the land was under its jurisdiction. He explained that when the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) government allocated 400 acres to a private firm in the past, an alternative 397-acre plot in Gopanpally was provided to the university in exchange.

Accompanied by fellow HCU alumnus and IT Minister Sridhar Babu, Bhatti presented evidence of agreements signed between the university’s former registrar and state revenue officials. Sridhar Babu assured that the auction and development would not harm the ecosystem, including landmarks like Peacock Lake and Mushroom Rock, and that students would continue to have access to these sites.

The ministers also accused opposition parties, particularly the BRS, of spreading misinformation by using old images—such as pictures of a dead deer—to mislead students. TGIIC and Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) officials stated that revenue records confirm the 400-acre plot is not classified as forest land, countering BJP claims that it falls under a protected zone. Officials further revealed that a survey was conducted in July 2024 with the consent of the university registrar, and boundary demarcations were finalised in the presence of university and government officials.

Background: The 400-acre land dispute at Hyderabad University

The 400-acre land parcel at the centre of the controversy is part of the approximately 2,500 acres originally allocated to the University of Hyderabad (Hyderabad Central University) when it was established through an Act of Parliament in 1974. The undivided Andhra Pradesh government had granted this land, which was then a remote area about 20 km from Hyderabad’s city centre. Over the years, with the expansion of Hyderabad’s financial district, the land has become highly valuable, particularly due to the growth of the IT sector and corporate developments.

Located in survey number 25 of Kanche Gachibowli village, Serilingampally mandal, Ranga Reddy district, the land is now surrounded by key institutions, including the university, the International Institute of Information Technology (IIIT), the Indian School of Business (ISB), and major technology campuses such as Microsoft.

In January 2004, following the successful hosting of the 2003 Afro-Asian Games at the nearby Gachibowli sports complex, the then Chandrababu Naidu-led government allotted these 400 acres to IMG Academies Bharat Private Limited for the development of sports facilities. However, the project never took off, leading to the cancellation of the allotment in November 2006 by Naidu’s successor, Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy. The land was subsequently transferred to the state’s youth advancement, tourism, and culture department.

IMG challenged the cancellation in court, resulting in a prolonged legal battle that lasted nearly two decades. When the Revanth Reddy-led government came to power in December 2023, it pursued the case aggressively. In March 2024, the Telangana High Court ruled in favour of the state government. IMG then appealed to the Supreme Court, but the petition was dismissed in May 2024. Following the court’s decision, the Telangana government formally took possession of the land.

In June 2024, the TGIIC submitted a proposal to utilise the 400-acre plot for IT and commercial projects. Subsequently, on July 1, 2024, the revenue department officially transferred the land to TGIIC, paving the way for its auction and development.

Related:

Supreme Court slams Prayagraj demolitions, awards Rs. 10 lakh compensation to each six victims for violation of due process

Adivasi Land Rights Erosion: The effects of the 2023 Forest Conservation Amendment Act

Record number of forest diversion took place in 2023 amidst decline in spend of CAMPA funds, MoEF data reveals

With less than two weeks for polling, how concerned are national parties on land and forest rights for Adivasis?

The post Mass Deforestation, Protests, Detentions: Supreme Court halts Telangana’s reckless tree felling at Kancha Gachibowli, questions permissions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

With all the rainwater being lost quickly and even carrying away fertile soil, farm productivity around the village dropped to an all-time low, in fact very little could be grown in the rabi season devoid of monsoon rains. Some of the land even remained uncultivated. In this village located in Pichore block, water scarcity remained a constraint not just for farming but also for animal husbandry. Not just villagers and their animals, but wild life also suffered due to acute water scarcity.

Significant migrations resulted. All due to low development prospects in farm and animal husbandry-based livelihoods, people of this village, particularly those from poorer households, became heavily dependent on migrant labour. The work which most of the migrants from here obtained was both frequently exploitative and uncertain. However, due to lack of alternatives, villagers had to resort to this as a survival mechanism despite all the distress and difficulties they suffered.

Four years back something changed.

A number of water conservation steps were initiated in this village. These included the creation of bunds and digging of small ponds in fields and construction of a gabion structure to keep a good part of rainwater in the village. In the two nullahs which drain the rainwater, about 80 spots were selected in consultation with the local villagers for digging measured ditches called dohas which can help to keep rainwater for a much longer period for use by farmers and animals. All these steps helped to conserve rainwater at many places but in addition also increase the overall water level in the village and its wells so that it became possible to get more water more easily from wells and hand-pumps. Now farm animals as well as wild animals can find more water to drink even during dry months. Moisture conservation has resulted in the sprouting of more grass and related greenery, resulting in better grazing for animals.

At the same time, farm productivity has gone up. Now there is more cultivation of rabi crops like wheat. In addition, some of the land left more or less uncultivated earlier has also been brought under cultivation now. With soil erosion being checked too, soil quality is slowly getting better. Villagers have added further to this gain by gradually moving in the direction of natural farming, improving soil quality while also reducing their expenses. More efforts are being made to produce organic fertilizers locally on their farms in self-reliant ways.

Now, as a result of all this the inter-dependence, dependence on exploitative migrant labour has reduced considerably.

The situation in Umrikhurd village has also changed in a somewhat similar way, thanks to the digging of farm ponds and dohas as well as the creation of bunds in farms. An additional livelihood of pond fisheries has also emerged. As women related happily in a recent group discussion, now you can find water at several places where earlier it used to be dry by now. This has also been very helpful for them to take up new initiatives like orchards which would have been very difficult earlier. Hence one sees a situation of emerging new hope in this village.

Another important aspect of recent changes in these two villages has been that significant gains here have been made from the point of view of climate change mitigation as well as adaptation.

Several other villages in Shivpuri district have seen the kind of water conservation initiatives seen in these two villages. These initiatives in the two villages were taken up by SRIJAN voluntary organization with support from Axis Bank Foundation and IndusInd Bank.

Other villages where significant success from better natural resource management generally and water conservation in particular can be seen include Pipraunia (notable for helping tribal communities to reduce dependence on exploitative migrant labour), Mohar, Kakarva Tuhni and Bhyavan.

While the overall model of water conservation in these various villages is broadly similar, in terms of the kind of interventions planned and the methods followed, a key to success is that special or distinct local conditions get the due importance. What is really helpful is that participative methods are followed with the close involvement of communities. Within communities, more emphasis is given to establishing relations of trust with the relatively weaker and more vulnerable sections of society and in particular with the women of these families. A lot of attention is given to careful planning so that better results can be achieved with limited funds and resources.

Such remarkable success that has been achieved for making significant improvements within a short period of about four years with relatively modest economic investment testifies to the high relevance of the work taken up as well as the careful planning and implementation involved in this. The trust of the community is also evident from its willingness to contribute its share of voluntary work as well as some economic resources. These efforts are also living examples of the great importance of water conservation and the very significant contribution this can make to bring important relief to villagers and also to take them further on the path of sustainable development.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071)

The post Steps Towards Sustainability: MP villages show how water conservation improves quality of life, and quickly appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a report in the Lancet, more than 1.6 million deaths occurred in 2021 due to air pollution, with fossil fuels like coal and natural gas responsible for 38% of them.[1] While the exact figures may vary depending on which study one relies on, one undeniable fact remains—air pollution is a critical environmental crisis.

Despite its severity, air pollution and pollution in general have not been given the prominence they deserve in public discourse. The urgency of the issue is not adequately reflected in government messaging or public awareness campaigns.

Government initiatives and implementation challenges

In January 2019, the Central Government launched the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) to improve air quality across Indian cities. The initiative aims to engage all stakeholders and reduce particulate matter concentrations. However, the effectiveness of such programs depends not just on their design but also on their implementation.

The NCAP aims to reduce air pollution across Indian cities by targeting a 40% reduction in PM10 levels by 2025-26. While some cities have shown improvements, the effectiveness of NCAP varies significantly. In Uttar Pradesh, cities like Bareilly, Rae Bareli, and Ghaziabad are projected to meet their targets, with Bareilly expected to see a 70% reduction in PM10 levels.[2] However, Gorakhpur and Prayagraj may see PM10 levels rise by 50% and 32%, respectively. A national study found no significant reduction in PM2.5 levels due to NCAP, suggesting that whatever observed improvements were likely influenced by COVID-19 lockdowns rather than policy effectiveness.[3]

Several factors impact air quality, including meteorological conditions, industrial emissions, vehicle pollution, and open biomass burning. While city-specific action plans exist, challenges such as data limitations, inconsistent implementation, and environmental complexities hinder progress. Machine learning models predict continued variations in air quality, highlighting the need for stricter regulations, enhanced emission controls, increased public awareness, and improved monitoring systems. Additionally, research suggests air quality improvements have been greater in wealthier areas, underscoring the need for policies that ensure equitable environmental benefits for all communities.[4]

More recently, many news houses reported on the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) Report on pollution control measures in Delhi. The report highlighted several shortcomings revealing issues with air quality monitoring stations, including improper placement—many were located near trees on multiple sides, affecting data accuracy. Additionally, concerns were raised over flawed pollution control certificate issuance.

Why is there no political will?

The core issue regarding pollution is not merely the weak implementation of pollution control measures but the lack of political will to do anything tangible about pollution. However, deeper inquiry would lead to another problem — the electorate does not make pollution the central issue.

Air pollution remains absent from the list of priority concerns for many citizens, despite its devastating health impacts. If people do not perceive it as a pressing issue, they will not demand stronger policies or hold policymakers accountable.

Why does air pollution fail to gain the public’s attention despite its deadly consequences? The answer lies in inadequate communication. The seriousness of air pollution is not being effectively conveyed to the masses, preventing it from becoming a major electoral issue.

Why is communication important?

When breast cancer survivor Fanny Rosenow attempted to place an advertisement in The New York Times for a support group, she was informed that the newspaper could not publish the words “breast” or “cancer”. Instead, the editor suggested using the phrase “diseases of the chest wall” prompting Rosenow to drop the idea. This was the early 1950s. From this to the call for the War on Cancer in the 1970s by the Nixon Administration in the US, there was a radical change in how cancer was perceived and understood by both the political class and the masses. A significant amount of this change was driven by the messaging campaigns spearheaded by philanthropist-activist Mary Lasker.[5]

Pulitzer-winning author Siddhartha Mukherjee writes in his book
The Emperor of All Maladies:

“The empire of cancer was still indubitably vast—more than half a million American men and women died of cancer in 2005—but it was losing power, fraying at its borders. What precipitated this steady decline? There was no single answer but rather a multitude. For lung cancer, the driver of decline was primarily prevention—a slow attrition in smoking sparked off by the Doll-Hill and Wynder-Graham studies, fuelled by the surgeon general’s report, and brought to its full boil by a combination of political activism (the FTC action on warning labels), inventive litigation (the Banzhaf and Cipollone cases), medical advocacy, and counter marketing (the ant tobacco advertisements).”

The takeaway from this is that messaging and creating a narrative over a problem that needs to be solved is an important if not the most necessary element in fighting the problem. India’s fight against pollution lacks this very element thus making it a difficult fight.

What do Indians think of pollution?

The discourse surrounding pollution in India has long been dominated by macro-level concerns—climate change, biodiversity loss, and long-term ecological degradation. While these issues are undeniably critical, their abstract nature often fails to resonate with the average citizen, who perceives them as distant or intangible.

For example, a 2022 study found that Indian farmers, while being aware of meteorological changes, were not informed enough to tie those changes to climate change and thus take action accordingly. [6]

The immediate health impacts of pollution—such as acute respiratory distress, cardiovascular crises, and developmental delays in children—are far more proximate and personally relevant. Reframing pollution narratives to foreground these immediate health risks can bridge the gap between scientific urgency and public mobilisation, transforming passive awareness into actionable engagement.

Limitations of current narratives 

The prevailing discourse on pollution in India often employs broad, depersonalised terminology— “respiratory diseases,” “air quality indices,” or “greenhouse gas emissions”—that obscures the lived experiences of affected individuals. For instance, while the term “respiratory diseases” is technically accurate, it lacks the specificity needed to convey the urgency of conditions such as asthma exacerbations, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), or paediatric pneumonia.

Similarly, discussions of climate change tend to focus on global temperature projections or sea-level rise, which appear remote to urban residents grappling with daily air quality advisories. This abstraction creates a psychological disconnect, as individuals prioritize immediate threats over distant risks—a phenomenon well-documented in behavioural psychology.[7]

Moreover, the current narrative often frames pollution as an intractable, systemic problem, fostering a sense of fatalism rather than agency. Terms like “air pollution crisis” or “environmental degradation” evoke collective responsibility—with actionable messaging neither for the individual nor for any organized group. This passivity is exacerbated by the lack of localized, granular data on health impacts, which prevents communities from understanding their specific risks. For example, while Delhi’s annual PM2.5 levels are widely reported, few citizens are aware that exposure to these particulates increases the risk of heart attacks or that children in polluted regions face a higher risk of neurodevelopmental delays.[8] [9]

Additionally, both the narrative and the solutions to air pollution are city-centric. This approach has relegated Delhi’s Air Pollution issue, for example, to be an issue of the people of Delhi, and its government whereas in reality, it is the issue of the whole of northern India. Experts have recommended mitigation of pollution at an air shed level instead of political boundaries, but that recommendation has not been paid attention to by the governments.[10]

The imperative of immediate health impact narratives 

To overcome these limitations, pollution narratives must pivot to emphasize immediate, localized health risks. Such a shift aligns with the principles of risk communication, which prioritizes clarity, specificity, and personal relevance. By highlighting the direct consequences of pollution—e.g., “exposure to PM2.5 increases your risk of a heart attack this month” or “children in this neighbourhood face a higher risk of asthma attacks”—communicators can evoke responses that will call for accountability from the administration.

For example, in a study that examined the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) of the USA, it was found that people who believed that their chance of getting cancer is high due to pollution were more likely to worry about the harms of Indoor and Outdoor pollution.[11]

Cases in Delhi and Mumbai demonstrate that spikes in PM2.5 levels correlate with an increase in hospital admissions for respiratory distress.[12] Framing pollution as a trigger for acute health crises—rather than a chronic risk—can shift the perception of people.

Fine particulate matter (PM2.5) has been linked to endothelial dysfunction and thrombosis, increasing the likelihood of myocardial infarction.[13] Communicating this risk in terms of “increased heart attack risk” can resonate with middle-aged populations, who may perceive cardiovascular health as a personal priority.

Prenatal exposure to PM2.5 is associated with low birth weight and cognitive delays, with affected children scoring lower on developmental milestones by age two and three.[14] Framing pollution as a threat to children’s futures can mobilize parental action.

Older adults with diabetes or hypertension face amplified risks from pollution, including accelerated cognitive decline and cardiovascular complications.[15] Targeted messaging to caregivers and healthcare providers can amplify awareness of these vulnerabilities.

Flip the narrative, draw in attention

Narrative and design, both are crucial to effectively reframe pollution narratives. Here’s how:

1. Localisation and personalisation: Make it about the person, local communities. Tailor messages to specific demographics and geographies. For example, in agricultural regions, emphasise the link between crop burning and paediatric asthma; in urban centres, highlight the cardiovascular risks of vehicular emissions. Use localised data—e.g., “In your district, pollution causes 500 hospitalisations annually”—to enhance relevance.

2. Behavioural Triggers: Pair health risks with actionable solutions.

For instance,

“Wearing an N95 mask reduces your PM2.5 exposure by 95%”

Or

“Switching to public transport can lower your heart attack risk by 10%.”

Such messages empower individuals with tangible steps, reducing perceived helplessness.  This would also enable the public to call for better transport systems.

3. Emotional Engagement: Leverage storytelling to humanize the issue. Profiles of affected families can evoke empathy and urgency. Media partnerships and social campaigns can amplify these narratives, fostering collective identity around pollution mitigation.

The challenge

India’s pollution crisis demands urgent public engagement, yet the entities best positioned to initiate messaging face significant barriers. The government, ostensibly responsible for leading communication, has failed to translate initiatives like the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) into actionable, localized health advisories. NCAP’s focus on technical targets (e.g., PM10 reductions) lacks clarity on immediate health risks like heart attacks or asthma exacerbations, while political fragmentation and opaque data (e.g., poorly placed air quality monitors) erode public trust.

Organisations of citizens and civil society (CSOs), which could bridge this gap, are increasingly stifled. Government crackdowns—such as revoking Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) licenses and labelling activists as “anti-national”—have crippled their ability to operate with better efficiency.

Mainstream media, another potential messenger, is compromised by ownership ties to polluting industries. Corporations that profit from fossil fuels, construction etc. often control news outlets, leading to biased or minimal coverage of pollution’s health impacts. Sensationalist reporting during Delhi’s smog crises, for instance, prioritizes political blame over data-driven narratives on cardiovascular risks.

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives, meanwhile, are undermined by conflicts of interest. The largest CSR spenders in environmental campaigns—such as energy conglomerates or construction firms—are often the biggest polluters. Their messaging, even when well-intentioned, risks green-washing, as seen in superficial “sustainability” ads that avoid addressing root causes like coal dependency or vehicular emissions.

In this landscape, very few credible, independent entities can consistently convey pollution’s health risks to the public. This usually leads to a communication void, leaving most citizens unaware of actionable steps to protect their health or demand policy accountability.

How do we overcome?

To address the lack of effective public messaging on pollution, it is crucial to empower grassroots leaders and enable community-driven initiatives that can advocate for change with political influence. Rather than relying solely on government agencies, civil society organizations, or corporate-backed campaigns—many of which face restrictions or conflicts of interest—mobilising of affected communities can create bottom-up pressure for policy action.

One approach is to engage farmers’ organisations by highlighting how climate change contributes to lower crop yields and how sustainable practices can help mitigate pollution. Similarly, student-led movements in schools and colleges can foster long-term engagement by equipping young citizens to push for policy reforms. Self-help groups led by women can serve as powerful advocacy networks, spreading awareness at the grassroots level. Auto-rickshaw drivers and urban workers, who are disproportionately exposed to poor air quality, can be mobilized to demand cleaner transportation policies. Low-income city dwellers, who lack access to air purifiers or private healthcare, can be organized to push for better pollution control measures. By harnessing these diverse networks, a broad and powerful coalition can be built to demand transparent air quality data, stricter enforcement of pollution controls, and citizen-focused policies that put public health first.

The driving force behind this movement should be community leaders, supported by civil society organisations and even political stakeholders. This is an opportunity for genuine grassroots leadership to emerge—one that rises to confront a pressing and tangible crisis.

What we need is an immediate coalition for change

To amplify grassroots efforts, technology and data must be democratised. Mobile apps and community-led air quality monitoring initiatives can provide hyper-localised data, enabling citizens to track pollution levels in real-time and understand immediate health risks. For instance, low-cost sensors deployed in schools and hospitals can generate actionable insights, such as linking spikes in PM2.5 to asthma exacerbations in children, empowering parents and educators to demand accountability.

Education is another critical lever. Integrating pollution’s health impacts into school curricula can cultivate a generation of informed advocates. Student-led projects, such as mapping pollution sources in their neighbourhoods or organizing drives to call for action, can foster agency and long-term engagement. Similarly, vocational training programs for urban workers—auto-rickshaw drivers, street vendors—can include modules on air quality awareness, equipping them to advocate for cleaner transportation policies.

Policy reforms must align with grassroots momentum. Governments could incentivize community-based initiatives through grants or tax breaks. Moreover, cross-sector collaboration is vital. Universities can partner with NGOs to conduct localized health studies.

Our narrative, the power of the narrative

Reframing India’s pollution crisis as a public health emergency, rather than an abstract environmental issue, is the linchpin to meaningful action. By prioritizing immediate, localized health risks—such as heart attacks, asthma attacks, and developmental delays—communicators can bridge the gap between scientific data and public mobilization. Grassroots movements, armed with technology, education, and policy support, can transform passive awareness into collective action, compelling policymakers to prioritize health over political or economic interests.

The fight against pollution is not merely about cleaner air; it is about reclaiming agency. When citizens perceive pollution as a direct threat to their families and communities, they become powerful advocates for change. India’s battle against this silent killer will be won not through top-down mandates alone, but through a bottom-up revolution—one narrative, one neighbourhood, and one life at a time.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Team, E. (2024). Human-caused air pollution led to 1.6 million deaths in 2021 in India:  Lancet report. [online] Carbon Copy. Available at: https://carboncopy.info/human-caused-air-pollution-led-to-1-6-million-deaths-in-2021-in-india-lancet-report/#:~:text=Policy%20and%20Finance-,Human%2Dcaused%20air%20pollution%20led%20to%201.6%20million%20deaths,2021%20in%20India%3A%20Lancet%20report&text=According%20to%20the%202024%20Report,%E2%82%85)%20in%202021. [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].‌

[2] Bera, O.P., Venkatesh, U., Pal, G.K., Shastri, S., Chakraborty, S., Grover, A. and Joshi, H.S. (2024). Assessing the impact of the National Clean Air Programme in Uttar Pradesh’s non-attainment cities: a prophet model time series analysis. The Lancet Regional Health – Southeast Asia, [online] 30, pp.100486–100486. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lansea.2024.100486.

[3] Kawano, A., Kelp, M., Qiu, M., Singh, K., Chaturvedi, E., Dahiya, S., Azevedo, I. and Burke, M. (2025). Improved daily PM _2.5 estimates in India reveal inequalities in recent enhancement of air quality. Science Advances, [online] 11(4). doi:https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.adq1071.

[4] Anjum Hajat, Hsia, C. and O’Neill, M.S. (2015). Socioeconomic Disparities and Air Pollution Exposure: a Global Review. Current Environmental Health Reports, [online] 2(4), pp.440–450. doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/s40572-015-0069-5.

[5] Mukherjee, S., 2010. The emperor of all maladies: a biography of cancer. Simon and Schuster.

[6] Datta, P., Bhagirath Behera and Dil Bahadur Rahut (2022). Climate change and Indian agriculture: A systematic review of farmers’ perception, adaptation, and transformation. Environmental Challenges, [online] 8, pp.100543–100543. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envc.2022.100543.

[7] Mariconti, C. (2011). Understanding the Disconnect on Global Warming. APS Observer, [online] 22. Available at: https://www.psychologicalscience.org/observer/understanding-the-disconnect-on-global-warming [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].‌

[8] Krittanawong, C., Qadeer, Y.K., Hayes, R.B., Wang, Z., Thurston, G.D., Virani, S. and Lavie, C.J. (2023). PM2.5 and cardiovascular diseases: State-of-the-Art review. International Journal of Cardiology Cardiovascular Risk and Prevention, [online] 19, p.200217. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijcrp.2023.200217.

[9] UNICEF(2017), Danger in the Air: How air pollution can affect brain development in young children, Division of Data, Research and Policy, Available at: https://www.unicef.org/sites/default/files/press-releases/glo-media-Danger_in_the_Air.pdf

[10] Sirur, S. (2023). Exploring airshed management as a solution to India’s pollution woes. [online] Mongabay-India. Available at: https://india.mongabay.com/2023/09/exploring-airshed-management-as-a-solution-to-indias-pollution-woes/ [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].

[11] Ammons, S., Aja, H., Ghazarian, A.A., Lai, G.Y. and Ellison, G.L. (2022). Perception of worry of harm from air pollution: results from the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS). BMC Public Health, [online] 22(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-13450-z.

[12] Chakraborty, R. (2024). Mumbai’s poor AQI and erratic temperatures fuel respiratory ailments. [online] The Indian Express. Available at: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/poor-aqi-temperatures-respiratory-ailments-9747736/ [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].

[13] Basith, S., Manavalan, B., Shin, T.H., Park, C.B., Lee, W.-S., Kim, J. and Lee, G. (2022). The Impact of Fine Particulate Matter 2.5 on the Cardiovascular System: A Review of the Invisible Killer. Nanomaterials, [online] 12(15), p.2656. doi:https://doi.org/10.3390/nano12152656.‌

[14] Hurtado-Díaz, M., Riojas-Rodríguez, H., Rothenberg, S.J., Schnaas-Arrieta, L., Itai Kloog, Just, A., Hernández-Bonilla, D., Wright, R.O. and Téllez-Rojo, M.M. (2021). Prenatal PM2.5 exposure and neurodevelopment at 2 years of age in a birth cohort from Mexico city. International Journal of Hygiene and Environmental Health, [online] 233, pp.113695–113695. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijheh.2021.113695.

[15] Li, N., Chen, G., Liu, F., Mao, S., Liu, Y., Liu, S., Mao, Z., Lu, Y., Wang, C., Guo, Y., Xiang, H. and Li, S. (2020). Associations between long-term exposure to air pollution and blood pressure and effect modifications by behavioral factors. Environmental Research, [online] 182, p.109109. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envres.2019.109109.

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Indian Coal Giants Pushed for Lax Pollution Rules While Ramping Up Operations

Pollution Control Norms for Coal-Fired Power Plants Relaxed Despite Modi’s Commitment to Environment

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Escalation of protests

On February 25, the protests reached a boiling point when authorities, under heavy police security and the imposition of Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), initiated a land survey for the construction of a road connecting to the proposed port. Anticipating resistance, the district administration enforced prohibitory orders from 6 AM to 9 PM, preventing public gatherings. However, this move only fuelled the outrage, with schoolchildren and entire families joining the protests.

Determined to halt the survey work, hundreds of fishermen, including women and elderly members of the community, gathered at the shore in Kasarkod and staged a sit-in protest. The situation took a dramatic turn when over 50 protestors, including several women, waded into the sea, threatening mass suicide. Three women lost consciousness due to heat exhaustion and were rushed to hospitals, with one requiring critical care at Manipal Hospital.

Amidst the chaos, police detained more than a hundred protestors, including key leaders of the fishing community, accusing them of violating prohibitory orders. The arrests further enraged the demonstrators, who warned of escalating their protests unless their fellow protestors were released. In a show of solidarity, a young girl left a note threatening to jump into the sea, holding the state’s Fisheries Minister, Mankal Vaidya, accountable for the distress inflicted upon the fishing community.

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State repression and suppression of dissent

Rather than addressing the genuine grievances of the community, the Karnataka government and district administration have reportedly resorted to heavy-handed measures to quell the protests. The imposition of prohibitory orders was a clear attempt to suppress dissent and create a hostile environment where the voices of the fishermen could be stifled. Instead of engaging in meaningful dialogue, the state deployed a large police force to intimidate the protestors, using arbitrary arrests and excessive force to disperse the gatherings.

The police crackdown was marked by signs of brutality and disregard for basic human rights. Protestors were forcibly dragged away, shoved into police buses, and detained without proper justification. Reports indicate that some were denied access to legal aid and held in custody for extended hours without clear charges. The authorities’ decision to conduct overnight raids in search of protestors who had spoken to the media further demonstrates their intent to silence any opposition to the port project.

The betrayal by Fisheries Minister Mankal Vaidya has only deepened the outrage. Once a vocal opponent of the port under the previous BJP administration, he has now aligned himself with corporate interests, disregarding the very people he once promised to protect. His refusal to intervene meaningfully, despite multiple pleas from the fishing community, has fueled accusations of political opportunism and abandonment of his responsibilities.

Devastating impact on livelihoods

For the 6,000 families that depend on fishing as their primary source of income, the construction of the port represents an existential threat. Fishermen argue that the project will destroy crucial fishing zones, disrupt marine biodiversity, and render many of them jobless. Additionally, the planned four-lane road leading to the port has already displaced local vendors and affected small-scale businesses tied to the dried-fish industry. The community fears that further infrastructure development, including a railway line, could lead to mass displacement of around 600 families, stripping them of their ancestral lands and livelihoods.

The destruction of olive ridley turtle nesting sites is another critical concern. The coast of Kasarkod is an ecologically sensitive area, home to annual nesting of these critically endangered sea turtles. Despite documented evidence of nesting activity, the Karnataka High Court dismissed a fishermen-led petition in 2021, citing a flawed report from the National Centre for Sustainable Coastal Management (NCSCM), which failed to account for the nesting season. Activists argue that the government and the courts have colluded to ignore environmental regulations in favour of corporate interests.

Legal and political setbacks

Efforts to halt the port project through legal channels have met repeated setbacks. In addition to the Karnataka High Court ruling, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) rejected a petition challenging the construction of the four-kilometer-long road on the grounds that it violated Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) norms. Despite mounting evidence of environmental violations, authorities continue to push ahead with the project, disregarding the legitimate concerns of the local community.

The district administration’s use of excessive force to suppress the protest has further deepened the mistrust between the government and the fishing community. Reports suggest that police conducted overnight raids in search of protestors who had spoken to the media, raising concerns about the state’s attempts to silence dissent. The deployment of heavy security forces, including riot police, to facilitate the survey indicates that the state sees its own citizens as obstacles rather than stakeholders in development.

A community’s unwavering resistance

Despite facing repeated crackdowns, legal hurdles, and betrayals by their own representatives, the fishermen of Honnavar refuse to back down. Their struggle has become emblematic of the broader fight against unchecked industrial expansion at the cost of local communities and ecological sustainability. Fishermen leaders have vowed to continue their resistance until the port project is scrapped entirely.

The protests at Kasarkod are not just about a single infrastructure project; they represent a larger battle against corporate encroachment, environmental destruction, and the marginalisation of traditional coastal communities. The state’s heavy-handed approach, marked by repression and disregard for public sentiment, has only strengthened the resolve of the protestors. As the confrontation between the fisherfolk and the government intensifies, it remains to be seen whether the authorities will acknowledge the voices of the people or continue to prioritise industrial interests at their expense.

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The post K’taka: fisher-folk take to the sea in defiance of Honnavar port project appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Key takeaways from the 23/1 Bombay HC judgment

The case, Jaago Nehru Nagar Residents Welfare Association & Anr. v. Commissioner of Police & Ors., was filed by residents of Nehru Nagar, Kurla (East), Mumbai, who alleged that local authorities failed to take action against religious institutions using loudspeakers beyond prohibited hours. The petitioners contended that the persistent use of loudspeakers at odd hours disrupted their right to a peaceful environment and violated established noise pollution laws.

Issues involved in the case

• Whether the use of loudspeakers in religious practices constitutes an essential religious practice protected under Article 25 of the Constitution.
• Whether the failure of authorities to act against noise violations amounts to dereliction of duty.

Core observations by the Court:

1. Loudspeakers are not an essential part of any religion:

• The court emphasized that the use of loudspeakers does not enjoy protection under Article 25 (freedom of religion) since it is not an integral part of religious practice

“Noise is a major health hazard on various aspects. No one can claim that his rights are affected in any manner if he is denied a permission to  use loudspeaker. It is in public interest that such permissions should not be granted. By denying such permissions, rights under Article 19 or 25 of the Constitution of India are not at all infringed. Use of loudspeakers is not an essential part of any religion” Paragraph 18 of the judgment

• The court noted that while religious freedom is protected under the Constitution, it does not extend to acts that disturb public peace or infringe upon others’ rights to a noise-free environment.

“It is well settled by the Hon’ble Supreme Court in the case of Church of God (Full Gospel) In India (supra) that, undisputedly no religion prescribes that prayers should be performed by disturbing the peace of others nor does it preach that they should be through voice-amplifiers or beating of drums.” Paragraph 22 of the judgment

2. Failure of authorities to enforce noise pollution laws:

• • The court criticized thepolice and municipal authorities for failing to take strict action against noise pollution violations, despite existing laws prohibiting the use of loudspeakers beyond permissible hours.
  • It directed law enforcement agencies toproactively monitor and act against violators instead of waiting for public complaints.

“According to us, it is the bounden duty of the Respondent Nos.1 to 6 that, they must and should enforce the law by adopting all the necessary measures, as may be prescribed by the provisions of law. In a democratic State, there cannot be a situation that, a person / group of persons/ association of persons would say that, it will not follow or adhere to the law of the land and the law enforcers would be meek or silent spectators to it” Paragraph 21 of the judgment

3. Strict application of the Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000:

• • The court reaffirmed thatdecibel limits and restricted hours (10 PM – 6 AM) must be enforced uniformly across all religious institutions and public spaces.
  • It also instructed authorities to installnoise monitoring equipment and initiate automatic regulatory measures.

“The Respondent No.1 also to direct all the concerned Police Officers to use the decibel level measuring mobile application for checking the decibel levels. These applications are easily available on internet and would assist in monitoring the noise levels. Thus, loudspeakers and amplifiers or other equipment or gazettes which produce offending noise, one detected as violating the law or in defiance of the directions issued by the concerned Police Authorities can seize the said equipment/s under Section 70 of the Maharashtra Police Act” Paragraph 26.1 of the judgment

4. Public order and health concerns:

• • The judgment highlighted theadverse health effects of prolonged exposure to high-decibel noise, particularly on children, elderly individuals, and those with medical conditions.
  • It cited theright to life under Article 21 as including the right to live in an environment free from excessive noise pollution.

“in a civilized society in the name of religion, activities which disturb old or infirm persons, students or children having their sleep in the early hours or during day-time or other persons carrying on other activities cannot be permitted” Paragraph 22 of the judgment

5. Precedents and consistent enforcement:

• The judgment aligned with previous rulings, including the 2016 Bombay High Court decision and the 2005 Supreme Court case
• The court reaffirmed that prior Supreme Court and High Court directives on noise pollution must be enforced rigorously and not left to selective interpretation by local authorities.

Contradictions & broader context

• The Bombay HC’s decision predominantly addressed complaints regarding Azaan (Islamic call to prayer), while similar noise levels from Hindu bhajans, kirtans, and temple bells have not received equal scrutiny. This raises concerns about selective enforcement and religious bias in the application of noise regulations.
• Religious processions and festivals (Ganeshotsav, Navratri, etc.) often receive extended time limits until 11 p.m., whereas calls for prayer and other religious activities of certain communities face stringent restrictions. The inconsistency in granting permissions highlights potential discrimination in law enforcement
• The Allahabad High Court, in its 2014 ruling, reaffirmed the Supreme Court’s stance that noise pollution regulations must apply uniformly across all places of worship and religious institutions, irrespective of faith.

The judgement may be read here:

• The 2005 Communalism Combat report noted that after the Supreme Court ruling, compliance with noise restrictions varied significantly across religious communities. While many mosques voluntarily stopped using loudspeakers beyond prescribed hours, Hindu religious processions and festivals such as Ganeshotsav and Navratri received special concessions allowing extended use of amplified sound
• In Maharashtra, reports indicate that Muslim clerics led voluntary compliance efforts, asking mosques to regulate their loudspeaker usage. Meanwhile, some Hindu religious organizations continued to push for exemptions, arguing that their practices required amplified sound beyond the prescribed limits

The report may be read here: SILENT PRAYER

The Bombay High Court’s 23/1 ruling reinforces constitutional principles that religious freedoms under Article 25 do not extend to public nuisance. However, it also exposes inconsistencies in how noise regulations are enforced across different religious practices.

The judgment on Cr WP no. 4729 of 2021 delivered by A.S. Gadkari and Shyam Chandak, JJ may be read here:

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this legal resource has been worked on by Shailendar Karthikeyan)

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When he breathed his last some time back, homages poured in from far and wide including the state and the national government. However when I visited his wife Vimla Bahuguna and daughter Madhu Pathak soon after this, they emphasized that what is most important is to honor his ideas and vision. Since then they have continued to work for this cause and their most recent effort is in the form of the book being discussed here. Titled ‘Paharon ki Peera’ (The Agony of the Mountains) this Hindi book containing 43 essays, memoirs and articles of Sunderlal Ji reminds us of the unique writing skills and style rooted in his unending travels ( including very long foot marches all over the vast Himalayan region) and struggles. In her introduction Madhu Pathak has acknowledged the help and encouragement she received from her mother Vimla and from her husband Dr.Bhuvan Chandra Pathak. Kumar Prashant has written an engaging foreword.

This book has Sundrlal Bahuguna’s writing on environment and forests, several pages of his diary, his recollections of various struggles, biographical sketches of great inspirational persons with whom he worked ( including Sridev Suman, Sarla Behan and Mira Behan, as well his observations on various issues of interest and importance. Parts of the book bring back vivid memories of the numerous campaigns and struggles with which he was associated.

The veteran environmentalist and Chipko ( hug the trees movement) activist was also a freedom fighter and regarded Mahatma Gandhi as his most prominent teacher and mentor. He devoted his life to applying principles of non-violent struggles in the context of increasingly important tasks of protecting forests and rivers.

Along with his wife Vimla ( who was more formally trained in Gandhian principles and methods by Sarla Behan, the famous European disciple of Gandhi) , several deeply committed Gandhian activists and villagers of Garhwal region of  Western Himalayas he was involved in many struggles to protect trees marked for felling and to prevent the construction of gigantic dams widely exposed for their serious risks and hazards by senior scientists and experts.

Born in a village along the bank of the Ganges river in Tehri Garhwal , as a schoolboy he met Sridev Suman , a famous freedom fighter who later sacrificed his life during a jail sentence, and decided to follow his example of a deeply committed social life.

After independence Sunderlal and Vimla settled in the remote village of Silyara to serve the villagers of surrounding areas, leading an austere life.

Following the Chinese invasion leading Gandhian  Vinoba Bhave called upon  Gandhian social workers in the Himalayan region to play a wider social role and so now  Sunderlal started travelling more widely  in many parts of Uttarakhand, particularly the Garhwal part. This led to increasing involvement with social and environmental concerns.

Both Sunderlal and Vimla were involved in anti-liquor movements and rights assertion movements of weakest sections which challenged various forms of discriminatory practices. Enduring relationships were established with several younger activists like those in Henvalghati region.

Around the late seventies a series of Chipko movement activities centered in Henvalghati region were launched for saving forests like those of Advani and Salet which generated a lot of enthusiasm. The action shifted then to even more remote forests like those of  Badiyargad, where Sunderlal Bahuguna went on a long fast in a dense forest area in very  difficult conditions and Vimla also followed him there. During a visit to this region to report on this movement, I learnt that Madhu, brave daughter of brave parents, had also plunged into a forest closer to Silyara Ashram to protect the trees being felled there.

Side by side Sunderlal maintained a dialogue with senior persons in the government. The then prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in particular had very high respect for him. Very big success was achieved as the government agreed to stop the green felling of trees in a vast Himalayan area.

Following this success Sunderlal went on a very long and difficult march from Kashmir to Kohima, including Bhutan and Nepal, covering a vast part of the Himalayan region to spread the message of saving forests and environment with the involvement of people. During this march, taken up in several stages, several times he faced threat to life but did not stop and completed the march. This march helped him greatly to known the conditions of people and environment in the Himalayan region to a much wider extent.

He emphasized protection of sustainable livelihoods along with protection of environment. He was involved closely in resisting displacement and organizing forest workers. He was also involved in several constructive activities relating to regeneration of degraded forests.

Soon he was in the thick of the movement for opposing the harmful social and environmental aspects of dam projects in Himalayan region particularly the gigantic and highly controversial Tehri dam project, which was described as a project of unacceptably high hazards even by officially constituted committees. This proved to be a very long and difficult struggle. Sunderlal Bahuguna left his ashram in Silyara and camped on the bank of the Ganges river for a very long time, accompanied by Vimla.

Although this long struggle did not succeed in stopping the high-risk dam, it certainly helped to spread awareness of these important issues far and wide.

Sunderlal Bahuguna became an inspiration source for forest protection and environmental struggles in many parts of India and even abroad. In the Western Ghats region, for instance, he was an important inspiration source for the great Appiko movement for saving forests. He visited the region and this proved to be an important turning point in the mobilization for the movement.

He was honored with several prestigious awards, including the Padma Vibhushan.

He contributed to many constructive causes such as the Bhoodan (gift of land) movement for making available some farmland to landless rural households.

He played a very important role in evolving an alternative development strategy for the Himalayan region rooted in a combination of combining environment protection with sustainable livelihoods.

Some more information on the book (in Hindi)—Paharo ki Peera by Sunderlal Bahuguna ( Selected writings compiled and edited by Madhu Pathak), 266 pages, Price INR 350, Paperback, Published by Samay Sakshay, 15 Faltu Line , Dehradun—248001, India.

The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Vimla and Sunderlal Bahuguna—Chipko Movement and the Struggle Against Tehri Dam Project, Man over Machine-A Path to Peace, Planet in Peril and A Day in 2071.

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In particular it is important for countries of the global south to evolve creative responses that are in tune with their need for strengthening communities as well as their sustainable livelihoods (instead of getting trapped in big business driven false solutions that can be disruptive for communities and their livelihood base).

In this context a recent national dialogue organised in Delhi has raised hopes regarding some interesting and significant possibilities which if followed carefully and in the right spirit can help in evolving a climate response from India that is not only more in keeping with our needs and strengths (particularly in the context of rural areas) but in addition can evoke the interest of many other communities not just in the global south but perhaps also in the north.

This dialogue took place from January 7 to 9 at India Habitat Centre, Delhi, and was formally titled ‘Swaraj Samvad (Dialogue on Swaraj)—Integrating Traditional Knowledge to Enhance Resilience to Climate Change’. This dialogue was organized by Climate Rise Alliance and Vaagdhara, with participation from all over the country.

It is interesting that the dialogue made an effort to create a wider framework within which many aspects of climate response (mitigation as well as adaptation aspects) including agro-ecology, strengthening of rural communities, protection of biodiversity and seeds and traditional knowledge relating to health and nutrition etc. can be included in integrated ways. This framework is based on the concept of swaraj and related thinking, and so this concept needs to be explained in some detail, particularly as despite its Indian origin it is useful and interesting for rural communities in other countries as well.

The word swaraj is used rightly in dialogues like this to mean greater self-reliance for rural communities to use their capabilities in better ways for sustainable livelihoods and climate response in tune with local conditions in decentralized ways. However some information on historical context is also needed.

The word swaraj goes back to the freedom movement of India with its literal meaning of self-rule. Although this word was being widely used even before the advent of Mahatma Gandhi in the freedom movement, he imparted a much wider meaning to this concept which is more relevant to the present times.

Mahatma Gandhi thought not just about freedom from British rule but also a lot about how the Indian self-rule after freedom will be able to meet in much better ways the real needs and aspirations of people. To prepare for this, he involved millions and millions of people in a range of constructive activities which are partly based on reviving traditional wisdom and good practices but also partially based on resisting the very harmful burden of some traditional thinking such as that relating to social discrimination. The overall result of what he sought to achieve would be unity based on equality and dignity for all including particularly the women and weaker sections. An attempt would be made for people to be free of all intoxicants such as liquor and related problems to the extent possible. Such communities, Mahatma Gandhi believed, are best suited to take up self-rule in the sense of trying to be as self-reliant as possible in highly creative ways, recognizing the dignity of physical work as well as skills of farmers, workers and artisans, in tune with local conditions for highly decentralized and sustainable progress, emphasizing peace, social harmony, meeting needs of all, protective attitude towards environment and all forms of life. The related concept of khadi helps to advance this thinking by exploring and advancing industrial activity more as cottage and small-scale efforts to meet various daily needs, to the extent possible and practical, and avoiding the kind of excessive mechanization that destroys livelihoods.

This swaraj is seen as essentially a very creative task of peaceful cooperation among many people, but if this is stopped or hindered in unjust ways, then this must be resisted and opposed in non-violent ways.

Various aspects of swaraj were highlighted in the recently organised dialogue in Delhi. These included conceptualizing swaraj in terms of agro-ecology, seeds, water, health, energy, governance and other important contexts. There were several inspiring narratives of very useful work taken up in many villages in tune with the swaraj approach. Senior civil society leaders and grassroots activists provided many valuable insights which can be very helpful in taking this forward.

However the effort probably fell short of providing a holistic vision of swaraj and it also appeared that segmented projects devoid of a holistic understanding cannot go very far on their own. However the very fact that nearly 500 delegates from all parts of the country expressed their commitment broadly to the swaraj approach is a very encouraging sign, particularly in the context of relating the swaraj approach to climate response.

This dialogue was perhaps the first such national-level effort to look at climate response in terms of the swaraj approach. This makes it a very significant initiative.

In the post-independence years many activists and scholars have sought to take forward the swaraj concept in numerous ways, as seen in several social movements and a lot of very creative, constructive work. The efforts of linking swaraj to climate solutions must be seen as a significant step forward in this direction and this opens up many more creative possibilities. The concept of swaraj provides many more possibilities of reducing the burden of fossil fuels in village as well as for strengthening climate adaptation, with its emphasis on sustainable livelihoods and strengthening of rural communities.

The possibilities opened up by this dialogue must be carried forward carefully and in the right spirit.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine, and A Day in 2071)

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This article tries to examine what one of the most pivotal international frameworks on climate change has achieved in the last 5 years. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)f is the parent treaty of the Paris Agreement with 198 parties i.e., a universal membership. It also is the parent treaty of Kyoto protocol-a treaty on reduction in emissions.

The Paris Agreement signed in 2015 is a legally binding international treaty on climate change with the main aim of holding the global average temperature increase to well below 2° C above pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5° C above pre-industrial levels. There are Nationally Determined Contributions under the agreement which the countries submit and are reviewed. The Conference of Parties (COP) is the supreme decision-making body of the convention and all state parties i.e., countries are represented here; it meets on a yearly basis.

The COP 29 climate meeting in Baku concluded in November 2024 with a disappointing deal on climate finance. Developed nations agreed to mobilize a “new collective quantified goal” (NCQG) of only $300 billion per year for developing nations by 2035. This was criticized by developing countries as a “paltry sum” since it represents only a three-times increase over their current mandate of $100 billion and falls significantly short of the estimated $1 trillion, or even $1.3 trillion, that developing countries need to effectively address climate change. Some even viewed it as a “betrayal” and a continuation of the trend of developed countries “taking apart the climate system” over the years. The 2022 Adaptation Gap Report had noted that the international adaptation finance flows to developing countries are five to ten times below estimated needs and will need over US $300 Billion per year by 2030.

Outcomes of the Last Five COPs

The last five COPs have each sought to advance the goals of the Paris Agreement, but they have met with varying levels of success:

COP 25, Madrid

COP 25 in Madrid (2019) focused on finalizing the “Katowice Rulebook,” the guidelines for implementing the Paris Agreement. However, countries failed to reach a consensus on critical issues like the rules for international carbon markets (Article 6). Despite the setbacks, COP25 made some progress on other issues. For example, it strengthened the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage by establishing the Santiago Network to offer technical assistance to vulnerable developing countries. It also adopted an enhanced gender action plan to promote gender-responsive climate action and climate finance.

COP 26, Glasgow

COP 26 in Glasgow (2021) was considered a pivotal moment for raising climate ambition and finalizing the Paris Rulebook. It achieved several notable outcomes, including the Glasgow Climate Pact, which called for countries to revisit and strengthen their emission reduction targets and accelerate the phase-down of unabated coal power and the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies. COP26 also finally completed the Paris Rulebook, including agreement on Article 6. Another key focus was adaptation. The Glasgow Pact called for doubling the amount of finance to support developing countries in adapting to climate impacts. COP26 also saw the launch of several significant initiatives, including the Global Methane Pledge and a pledge by over 100 countries to halt and reverse deforestation by 2030.

COP 27, Sharm El-Sheikh

COP 27 in Sharm El-Sheikh (2022) was dubbed the “implementation COP”. There was some progress on mitigation, adaptation, and finance, but many issues remained unresolved. A major breakthrough was the agreement to establish a fund to address loss and damage caused by climate change in developing countries. This was a long-standing demand from vulnerable nations and was widely seen as a significant step towards climate justice. However, the final agreement lacked strong commitments on phasing out all fossil fuels, including oil and gas. It also included weak language regarding “transitioning away from fossil fuels” that was at odds with the official global stocktake. COP27 also saw developed countries fail to deliver on their $100 billion per year climate finance pledge, which was due to be met by 2020.

COP 28, Dubai

COP 28 in Dubai (2023) was the biggest COP yet and marked the conclusion of the first ‘global stocktake’ of the world’s collective progress towards achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement. The key outcome of COP 28 was an agreement signalling the “beginning of the end” of the fossil fuel era. This agreement called for a transition away from fossil fuels in a just and equitable manner. It also called for tripling renewable energy capacity globally by 2030 and doubling the average annual rate of energy efficiency improvements over the same period. However, much of the language surrounding these commitments remained vague and non-binding. COP28 also made progress on operationalizing the Loss and Damage fund established at COP27. This fund will support developing nations experiencing the worst effects of climate change, like severe flooding and prolonged drought. COP28 also saw unprecedented recognition of the need to link efforts to address climate change with nature conservation. By the time COP 28 ended, the commitments to the Loss and Damage Fund totalled to US$ 661 Million.

COP, Baku

COP 29 in Baku (2024) focused on finance and aimed to set a new climate finance goal to replace the $100 billion goal set in 2009. The meeting ended with developed nations agreeing to mobilize a new NCQG of $300 billion per year for developing nations by 2035. While this trebled the previous goal, it was widely criticized as being inadequate to address the needs of developing countries, especially given that previous goals were not met. It was also criticized for offering “false hope” to vulnerable communities and nations and essentially “abandoning” them.

Unresolved Issues

Several critical issues remain unaddressed or inadequately dealt with during recent COPs. The most prominent of these is the continued insufficiency of climate finance. The financial commitments agreed upon at COP29 fall far short of what developing countries need to mitigate emissions, adapt to climate impacts, and address loss and damage. This funding gap undermines trust and hinders progress, leaving vulnerable communities and nations struggling to cope with the effects of climate change. The lack of a clear roadmap for achieving the new finance goal also raises concerns about accountability and implementation. Another unresolved issue is the ambiguity surrounding the phasing out of fossil fuels. While COP28 saw an agreement to “transition away from fossil fuels”, much of the language surrounding this agreement is vague and non-binding. The lack of a firm commitment to a rapid and complete phase-out of all fossil fuels, including oil and gas, remains a major concern. Finally, adaptation measures have not received the same level of attention and financial support as mitigation efforts, even though developing countries are facing increasingly severe climate impacts. This imbalance needs to be addressed to ensure a more comprehensive and equitable approach to climate action.

Challenges faced by developing countries

Developing countries are disproportionately vulnerable to climate change impacts, even though they have contributed the least to global greenhouse gas emissions. This is largely due to their geographic locations and limited financial and technological resources, which often make it difficult for them to adapt to climate impacts. As a result, developing countries rely heavily on financial support from developed countries to achieve their climate goals. These challenges are further exacerbated by the historical inequity of climate change. Developed countries have historically emitted the vast majority of greenhouse gases, contributing to the current climate crisis. This historical responsibility creates an ethical obligation for developed countries to provide financial and technological support to developing countries.

Balancing the scales and avoiding a Climate Black Swan

A “Climate Black Swan” event refers to a catastrophic and unpredictable climate-related event with severe global consequences. To avoid such an event, the international community must take urgent and ambitious action. This requires going beyond incremental steps and embracing transformative changes in our energy systems, economies, and lifestyles. It is essential to recognize that climate change is a global issue that requires a collective and coordinated response, one that prioritizes equity, justice, and the needs of the most vulnerable.

To address the imbalance between developed and developing countries and to effectively combat climate change, several actions are crucial. First and foremost, developed countries must fulfill their existing climate finance commitments and significantly scale up their financial support to developing countries. This includes providing grants and concessional loans for mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. Technology transfer and capacity-building are also essential. Developed countries should facilitate the transfer of clean technologies and provide capacity-building support to developing countries, empowering them to implement their climate plans and transition to sustainable development pathways. To ensure a just and equitable transition, the shift to a low-carbon economy must also consider the needs of workers and communities dependent on fossil fuels. This includes providing retraining opportunities, creating green jobs, and ensuring a fair distribution of the benefits and costs of the transition. Finally, all countries, especially major emitters, must set ambitious emission reduction targets aligned with the 1.5 degrees Celsius goal. This requires a rapid phase-out of all fossil fuels and a swift transition to renewable energy sources.

(The author is part of the legal research team)

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