With all the rainwater being lost quickly and even carrying away fertile soil, farm productivity around the village dropped to an all-time low, in fact very little could be grown in the rabi season devoid of monsoon rains. Some of the land even remained uncultivated. In this village located in Pichore block, water scarcity remained a constraint not just for farming but also for animal husbandry. Not just villagers and their animals, but wild life also suffered due to acute water scarcity.

Significant migrations resulted. All due to low development prospects in farm and animal husbandry-based livelihoods, people of this village, particularly those from poorer households, became heavily dependent on migrant labour. The work which most of the migrants from here obtained was both frequently exploitative and uncertain. However, due to lack of alternatives, villagers had to resort to this as a survival mechanism despite all the distress and difficulties they suffered.

Four years back something changed.

A number of water conservation steps were initiated in this village. These included the creation of bunds and digging of small ponds in fields and construction of a gabion structure to keep a good part of rainwater in the village. In the two nullahs which drain the rainwater, about 80 spots were selected in consultation with the local villagers for digging measured ditches called dohas which can help to keep rainwater for a much longer period for use by farmers and animals. All these steps helped to conserve rainwater at many places but in addition also increase the overall water level in the village and its wells so that it became possible to get more water more easily from wells and hand-pumps. Now farm animals as well as wild animals can find more water to drink even during dry months. Moisture conservation has resulted in the sprouting of more grass and related greenery, resulting in better grazing for animals.

At the same time, farm productivity has gone up. Now there is more cultivation of rabi crops like wheat. In addition, some of the land left more or less uncultivated earlier has also been brought under cultivation now. With soil erosion being checked too, soil quality is slowly getting better. Villagers have added further to this gain by gradually moving in the direction of natural farming, improving soil quality while also reducing their expenses. More efforts are being made to produce organic fertilizers locally on their farms in self-reliant ways.

Now, as a result of all this the inter-dependence, dependence on exploitative migrant labour has reduced considerably.

The situation in Umrikhurd village has also changed in a somewhat similar way, thanks to the digging of farm ponds and dohas as well as the creation of bunds in farms. An additional livelihood of pond fisheries has also emerged. As women related happily in a recent group discussion, now you can find water at several places where earlier it used to be dry by now. This has also been very helpful for them to take up new initiatives like orchards which would have been very difficult earlier. Hence one sees a situation of emerging new hope in this village.

Another important aspect of recent changes in these two villages has been that significant gains here have been made from the point of view of climate change mitigation as well as adaptation.

Several other villages in Shivpuri district have seen the kind of water conservation initiatives seen in these two villages. These initiatives in the two villages were taken up by SRIJAN voluntary organization with support from Axis Bank Foundation and IndusInd Bank.

Other villages where significant success from better natural resource management generally and water conservation in particular can be seen include Pipraunia (notable for helping tribal communities to reduce dependence on exploitative migrant labour), Mohar, Kakarva Tuhni and Bhyavan.

While the overall model of water conservation in these various villages is broadly similar, in terms of the kind of interventions planned and the methods followed, a key to success is that special or distinct local conditions get the due importance. What is really helpful is that participative methods are followed with the close involvement of communities. Within communities, more emphasis is given to establishing relations of trust with the relatively weaker and more vulnerable sections of society and in particular with the women of these families. A lot of attention is given to careful planning so that better results can be achieved with limited funds and resources.

Such remarkable success that has been achieved for making significant improvements within a short period of about four years with relatively modest economic investment testifies to the high relevance of the work taken up as well as the careful planning and implementation involved in this. The trust of the community is also evident from its willingness to contribute its share of voluntary work as well as some economic resources. These efforts are also living examples of the great importance of water conservation and the very significant contribution this can make to bring important relief to villagers and also to take them further on the path of sustainable development.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071)

The post Steps Towards Sustainability: MP villages show how water conservation improves quality of life, and quickly appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a report in the Lancet, more than 1.6 million deaths occurred in 2021 due to air pollution, with fossil fuels like coal and natural gas responsible for 38% of them.[1] While the exact figures may vary depending on which study one relies on, one undeniable fact remains—air pollution is a critical environmental crisis.

Despite its severity, air pollution and pollution in general have not been given the prominence they deserve in public discourse. The urgency of the issue is not adequately reflected in government messaging or public awareness campaigns.

Government initiatives and implementation challenges

In January 2019, the Central Government launched the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) to improve air quality across Indian cities. The initiative aims to engage all stakeholders and reduce particulate matter concentrations. However, the effectiveness of such programs depends not just on their design but also on their implementation.

The NCAP aims to reduce air pollution across Indian cities by targeting a 40% reduction in PM10 levels by 2025-26. While some cities have shown improvements, the effectiveness of NCAP varies significantly. In Uttar Pradesh, cities like Bareilly, Rae Bareli, and Ghaziabad are projected to meet their targets, with Bareilly expected to see a 70% reduction in PM10 levels.[2] However, Gorakhpur and Prayagraj may see PM10 levels rise by 50% and 32%, respectively. A national study found no significant reduction in PM2.5 levels due to NCAP, suggesting that whatever observed improvements were likely influenced by COVID-19 lockdowns rather than policy effectiveness.[3]

Several factors impact air quality, including meteorological conditions, industrial emissions, vehicle pollution, and open biomass burning. While city-specific action plans exist, challenges such as data limitations, inconsistent implementation, and environmental complexities hinder progress. Machine learning models predict continued variations in air quality, highlighting the need for stricter regulations, enhanced emission controls, increased public awareness, and improved monitoring systems. Additionally, research suggests air quality improvements have been greater in wealthier areas, underscoring the need for policies that ensure equitable environmental benefits for all communities.[4]

More recently, many news houses reported on the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) Report on pollution control measures in Delhi. The report highlighted several shortcomings revealing issues with air quality monitoring stations, including improper placement—many were located near trees on multiple sides, affecting data accuracy. Additionally, concerns were raised over flawed pollution control certificate issuance.

Why is there no political will?

The core issue regarding pollution is not merely the weak implementation of pollution control measures but the lack of political will to do anything tangible about pollution. However, deeper inquiry would lead to another problem — the electorate does not make pollution the central issue.

Air pollution remains absent from the list of priority concerns for many citizens, despite its devastating health impacts. If people do not perceive it as a pressing issue, they will not demand stronger policies or hold policymakers accountable.

Why does air pollution fail to gain the public’s attention despite its deadly consequences? The answer lies in inadequate communication. The seriousness of air pollution is not being effectively conveyed to the masses, preventing it from becoming a major electoral issue.

Why is communication important?

When breast cancer survivor Fanny Rosenow attempted to place an advertisement in The New York Times for a support group, she was informed that the newspaper could not publish the words “breast” or “cancer”. Instead, the editor suggested using the phrase “diseases of the chest wall” prompting Rosenow to drop the idea. This was the early 1950s. From this to the call for the War on Cancer in the 1970s by the Nixon Administration in the US, there was a radical change in how cancer was perceived and understood by both the political class and the masses. A significant amount of this change was driven by the messaging campaigns spearheaded by philanthropist-activist Mary Lasker.[5]

Pulitzer-winning author Siddhartha Mukherjee writes in his book
The Emperor of All Maladies:

“The empire of cancer was still indubitably vast—more than half a million American men and women died of cancer in 2005—but it was losing power, fraying at its borders. What precipitated this steady decline? There was no single answer but rather a multitude. For lung cancer, the driver of decline was primarily prevention—a slow attrition in smoking sparked off by the Doll-Hill and Wynder-Graham studies, fuelled by the surgeon general’s report, and brought to its full boil by a combination of political activism (the FTC action on warning labels), inventive litigation (the Banzhaf and Cipollone cases), medical advocacy, and counter marketing (the ant tobacco advertisements).”

The takeaway from this is that messaging and creating a narrative over a problem that needs to be solved is an important if not the most necessary element in fighting the problem. India’s fight against pollution lacks this very element thus making it a difficult fight.

What do Indians think of pollution?

The discourse surrounding pollution in India has long been dominated by macro-level concerns—climate change, biodiversity loss, and long-term ecological degradation. While these issues are undeniably critical, their abstract nature often fails to resonate with the average citizen, who perceives them as distant or intangible.

For example, a 2022 study found that Indian farmers, while being aware of meteorological changes, were not informed enough to tie those changes to climate change and thus take action accordingly. [6]

The immediate health impacts of pollution—such as acute respiratory distress, cardiovascular crises, and developmental delays in children—are far more proximate and personally relevant. Reframing pollution narratives to foreground these immediate health risks can bridge the gap between scientific urgency and public mobilisation, transforming passive awareness into actionable engagement.

Limitations of current narratives 

The prevailing discourse on pollution in India often employs broad, depersonalised terminology— “respiratory diseases,” “air quality indices,” or “greenhouse gas emissions”—that obscures the lived experiences of affected individuals. For instance, while the term “respiratory diseases” is technically accurate, it lacks the specificity needed to convey the urgency of conditions such as asthma exacerbations, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), or paediatric pneumonia.

Similarly, discussions of climate change tend to focus on global temperature projections or sea-level rise, which appear remote to urban residents grappling with daily air quality advisories. This abstraction creates a psychological disconnect, as individuals prioritize immediate threats over distant risks—a phenomenon well-documented in behavioural psychology.[7]

Moreover, the current narrative often frames pollution as an intractable, systemic problem, fostering a sense of fatalism rather than agency. Terms like “air pollution crisis” or “environmental degradation” evoke collective responsibility—with actionable messaging neither for the individual nor for any organized group. This passivity is exacerbated by the lack of localized, granular data on health impacts, which prevents communities from understanding their specific risks. For example, while Delhi’s annual PM2.5 levels are widely reported, few citizens are aware that exposure to these particulates increases the risk of heart attacks or that children in polluted regions face a higher risk of neurodevelopmental delays.[8] [9]

Additionally, both the narrative and the solutions to air pollution are city-centric. This approach has relegated Delhi’s Air Pollution issue, for example, to be an issue of the people of Delhi, and its government whereas in reality, it is the issue of the whole of northern India. Experts have recommended mitigation of pollution at an air shed level instead of political boundaries, but that recommendation has not been paid attention to by the governments.[10]

The imperative of immediate health impact narratives 

To overcome these limitations, pollution narratives must pivot to emphasize immediate, localized health risks. Such a shift aligns with the principles of risk communication, which prioritizes clarity, specificity, and personal relevance. By highlighting the direct consequences of pollution—e.g., “exposure to PM2.5 increases your risk of a heart attack this month” or “children in this neighbourhood face a higher risk of asthma attacks”—communicators can evoke responses that will call for accountability from the administration.

For example, in a study that examined the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) of the USA, it was found that people who believed that their chance of getting cancer is high due to pollution were more likely to worry about the harms of Indoor and Outdoor pollution.[11]

Cases in Delhi and Mumbai demonstrate that spikes in PM2.5 levels correlate with an increase in hospital admissions for respiratory distress.[12] Framing pollution as a trigger for acute health crises—rather than a chronic risk—can shift the perception of people.

Fine particulate matter (PM2.5) has been linked to endothelial dysfunction and thrombosis, increasing the likelihood of myocardial infarction.[13] Communicating this risk in terms of “increased heart attack risk” can resonate with middle-aged populations, who may perceive cardiovascular health as a personal priority.

Prenatal exposure to PM2.5 is associated with low birth weight and cognitive delays, with affected children scoring lower on developmental milestones by age two and three.[14] Framing pollution as a threat to children’s futures can mobilize parental action.

Older adults with diabetes or hypertension face amplified risks from pollution, including accelerated cognitive decline and cardiovascular complications.[15] Targeted messaging to caregivers and healthcare providers can amplify awareness of these vulnerabilities.

Flip the narrative, draw in attention

Narrative and design, both are crucial to effectively reframe pollution narratives. Here’s how:

1. Localisation and personalisation: Make it about the person, local communities. Tailor messages to specific demographics and geographies. For example, in agricultural regions, emphasise the link between crop burning and paediatric asthma; in urban centres, highlight the cardiovascular risks of vehicular emissions. Use localised data—e.g., “In your district, pollution causes 500 hospitalisations annually”—to enhance relevance.

2. Behavioural Triggers: Pair health risks with actionable solutions.

For instance,

“Wearing an N95 mask reduces your PM2.5 exposure by 95%”

Or

“Switching to public transport can lower your heart attack risk by 10%.”

Such messages empower individuals with tangible steps, reducing perceived helplessness.  This would also enable the public to call for better transport systems.

3. Emotional Engagement: Leverage storytelling to humanize the issue. Profiles of affected families can evoke empathy and urgency. Media partnerships and social campaigns can amplify these narratives, fostering collective identity around pollution mitigation.

The challenge

India’s pollution crisis demands urgent public engagement, yet the entities best positioned to initiate messaging face significant barriers. The government, ostensibly responsible for leading communication, has failed to translate initiatives like the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) into actionable, localized health advisories. NCAP’s focus on technical targets (e.g., PM10 reductions) lacks clarity on immediate health risks like heart attacks or asthma exacerbations, while political fragmentation and opaque data (e.g., poorly placed air quality monitors) erode public trust.

Organisations of citizens and civil society (CSOs), which could bridge this gap, are increasingly stifled. Government crackdowns—such as revoking Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) licenses and labelling activists as “anti-national”—have crippled their ability to operate with better efficiency.

Mainstream media, another potential messenger, is compromised by ownership ties to polluting industries. Corporations that profit from fossil fuels, construction etc. often control news outlets, leading to biased or minimal coverage of pollution’s health impacts. Sensationalist reporting during Delhi’s smog crises, for instance, prioritizes political blame over data-driven narratives on cardiovascular risks.

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives, meanwhile, are undermined by conflicts of interest. The largest CSR spenders in environmental campaigns—such as energy conglomerates or construction firms—are often the biggest polluters. Their messaging, even when well-intentioned, risks green-washing, as seen in superficial “sustainability” ads that avoid addressing root causes like coal dependency or vehicular emissions.

In this landscape, very few credible, independent entities can consistently convey pollution’s health risks to the public. This usually leads to a communication void, leaving most citizens unaware of actionable steps to protect their health or demand policy accountability.

How do we overcome?

To address the lack of effective public messaging on pollution, it is crucial to empower grassroots leaders and enable community-driven initiatives that can advocate for change with political influence. Rather than relying solely on government agencies, civil society organizations, or corporate-backed campaigns—many of which face restrictions or conflicts of interest—mobilising of affected communities can create bottom-up pressure for policy action.

One approach is to engage farmers’ organisations by highlighting how climate change contributes to lower crop yields and how sustainable practices can help mitigate pollution. Similarly, student-led movements in schools and colleges can foster long-term engagement by equipping young citizens to push for policy reforms. Self-help groups led by women can serve as powerful advocacy networks, spreading awareness at the grassroots level. Auto-rickshaw drivers and urban workers, who are disproportionately exposed to poor air quality, can be mobilized to demand cleaner transportation policies. Low-income city dwellers, who lack access to air purifiers or private healthcare, can be organized to push for better pollution control measures. By harnessing these diverse networks, a broad and powerful coalition can be built to demand transparent air quality data, stricter enforcement of pollution controls, and citizen-focused policies that put public health first.

The driving force behind this movement should be community leaders, supported by civil society organisations and even political stakeholders. This is an opportunity for genuine grassroots leadership to emerge—one that rises to confront a pressing and tangible crisis.

What we need is an immediate coalition for change

To amplify grassroots efforts, technology and data must be democratised. Mobile apps and community-led air quality monitoring initiatives can provide hyper-localised data, enabling citizens to track pollution levels in real-time and understand immediate health risks. For instance, low-cost sensors deployed in schools and hospitals can generate actionable insights, such as linking spikes in PM2.5 to asthma exacerbations in children, empowering parents and educators to demand accountability.

Education is another critical lever. Integrating pollution’s health impacts into school curricula can cultivate a generation of informed advocates. Student-led projects, such as mapping pollution sources in their neighbourhoods or organizing drives to call for action, can foster agency and long-term engagement. Similarly, vocational training programs for urban workers—auto-rickshaw drivers, street vendors—can include modules on air quality awareness, equipping them to advocate for cleaner transportation policies.

Policy reforms must align with grassroots momentum. Governments could incentivize community-based initiatives through grants or tax breaks. Moreover, cross-sector collaboration is vital. Universities can partner with NGOs to conduct localized health studies.

Our narrative, the power of the narrative

Reframing India’s pollution crisis as a public health emergency, rather than an abstract environmental issue, is the linchpin to meaningful action. By prioritizing immediate, localized health risks—such as heart attacks, asthma attacks, and developmental delays—communicators can bridge the gap between scientific data and public mobilization. Grassroots movements, armed with technology, education, and policy support, can transform passive awareness into collective action, compelling policymakers to prioritize health over political or economic interests.

The fight against pollution is not merely about cleaner air; it is about reclaiming agency. When citizens perceive pollution as a direct threat to their families and communities, they become powerful advocates for change. India’s battle against this silent killer will be won not through top-down mandates alone, but through a bottom-up revolution—one narrative, one neighbourhood, and one life at a time.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Team, E. (2024). Human-caused air pollution led to 1.6 million deaths in 2021 in India:  Lancet report. [online] Carbon Copy. Available at: https://carboncopy.info/human-caused-air-pollution-led-to-1-6-million-deaths-in-2021-in-india-lancet-report/#:~:text=Policy%20and%20Finance-,Human%2Dcaused%20air%20pollution%20led%20to%201.6%20million%20deaths,2021%20in%20India%3A%20Lancet%20report&text=According%20to%20the%202024%20Report,%E2%82%85)%20in%202021. [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].‌

[2] Bera, O.P., Venkatesh, U., Pal, G.K., Shastri, S., Chakraborty, S., Grover, A. and Joshi, H.S. (2024). Assessing the impact of the National Clean Air Programme in Uttar Pradesh’s non-attainment cities: a prophet model time series analysis. The Lancet Regional Health – Southeast Asia, [online] 30, pp.100486–100486. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lansea.2024.100486.

[3] Kawano, A., Kelp, M., Qiu, M., Singh, K., Chaturvedi, E., Dahiya, S., Azevedo, I. and Burke, M. (2025). Improved daily PM _2.5 estimates in India reveal inequalities in recent enhancement of air quality. Science Advances, [online] 11(4). doi:https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.adq1071.

[4] Anjum Hajat, Hsia, C. and O’Neill, M.S. (2015). Socioeconomic Disparities and Air Pollution Exposure: a Global Review. Current Environmental Health Reports, [online] 2(4), pp.440–450. doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/s40572-015-0069-5.

[5] Mukherjee, S., 2010. The emperor of all maladies: a biography of cancer. Simon and Schuster.

[6] Datta, P., Bhagirath Behera and Dil Bahadur Rahut (2022). Climate change and Indian agriculture: A systematic review of farmers’ perception, adaptation, and transformation. Environmental Challenges, [online] 8, pp.100543–100543. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envc.2022.100543.

[7] Mariconti, C. (2011). Understanding the Disconnect on Global Warming. APS Observer, [online] 22. Available at: https://www.psychologicalscience.org/observer/understanding-the-disconnect-on-global-warming [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].‌

[8] Krittanawong, C., Qadeer, Y.K., Hayes, R.B., Wang, Z., Thurston, G.D., Virani, S. and Lavie, C.J. (2023). PM2.5 and cardiovascular diseases: State-of-the-Art review. International Journal of Cardiology Cardiovascular Risk and Prevention, [online] 19, p.200217. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijcrp.2023.200217.

[9] UNICEF(2017), Danger in the Air: How air pollution can affect brain development in young children, Division of Data, Research and Policy, Available at: https://www.unicef.org/sites/default/files/press-releases/glo-media-Danger_in_the_Air.pdf

[10] Sirur, S. (2023). Exploring airshed management as a solution to India’s pollution woes. [online] Mongabay-India. Available at: https://india.mongabay.com/2023/09/exploring-airshed-management-as-a-solution-to-indias-pollution-woes/ [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].

[11] Ammons, S., Aja, H., Ghazarian, A.A., Lai, G.Y. and Ellison, G.L. (2022). Perception of worry of harm from air pollution: results from the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS). BMC Public Health, [online] 22(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-13450-z.

[12] Chakraborty, R. (2024). Mumbai’s poor AQI and erratic temperatures fuel respiratory ailments. [online] The Indian Express. Available at: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/poor-aqi-temperatures-respiratory-ailments-9747736/ [Accessed 27 Feb. 2025].

[13] Basith, S., Manavalan, B., Shin, T.H., Park, C.B., Lee, W.-S., Kim, J. and Lee, G. (2022). The Impact of Fine Particulate Matter 2.5 on the Cardiovascular System: A Review of the Invisible Killer. Nanomaterials, [online] 12(15), p.2656. doi:https://doi.org/10.3390/nano12152656.‌

[14] Hurtado-Díaz, M., Riojas-Rodríguez, H., Rothenberg, S.J., Schnaas-Arrieta, L., Itai Kloog, Just, A., Hernández-Bonilla, D., Wright, R.O. and Téllez-Rojo, M.M. (2021). Prenatal PM2.5 exposure and neurodevelopment at 2 years of age in a birth cohort from Mexico city. International Journal of Hygiene and Environmental Health, [online] 233, pp.113695–113695. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijheh.2021.113695.

[15] Li, N., Chen, G., Liu, F., Mao, S., Liu, Y., Liu, S., Mao, Z., Lu, Y., Wang, C., Guo, Y., Xiang, H. and Li, S. (2020). Associations between long-term exposure to air pollution and blood pressure and effect modifications by behavioral factors. Environmental Research, [online] 182, p.109109. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envres.2019.109109.

‌

Related:

Noise Pollution Ban: Unequal standards for diverse practices?

Indian Coal Giants Pushed for Lax Pollution Rules While Ramping Up Operations

Pollution Control Norms for Coal-Fired Power Plants Relaxed Despite Modi’s Commitment to Environment

The post Catch people’s attention on pollution narrative: “Switching to public transport can lower your heart attack risk by 10%.” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Escalation of protests

On February 25, the protests reached a boiling point when authorities, under heavy police security and the imposition of Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), initiated a land survey for the construction of a road connecting to the proposed port. Anticipating resistance, the district administration enforced prohibitory orders from 6 AM to 9 PM, preventing public gatherings. However, this move only fuelled the outrage, with schoolchildren and entire families joining the protests.

Determined to halt the survey work, hundreds of fishermen, including women and elderly members of the community, gathered at the shore in Kasarkod and staged a sit-in protest. The situation took a dramatic turn when over 50 protestors, including several women, waded into the sea, threatening mass suicide. Three women lost consciousness due to heat exhaustion and were rushed to hospitals, with one requiring critical care at Manipal Hospital.

Amidst the chaos, police detained more than a hundred protestors, including key leaders of the fishing community, accusing them of violating prohibitory orders. The arrests further enraged the demonstrators, who warned of escalating their protests unless their fellow protestors were released. In a show of solidarity, a young girl left a note threatening to jump into the sea, holding the state’s Fisheries Minister, Mankal Vaidya, accountable for the distress inflicted upon the fishing community.

1 of 5

State repression and suppression of dissent

Rather than addressing the genuine grievances of the community, the Karnataka government and district administration have reportedly resorted to heavy-handed measures to quell the protests. The imposition of prohibitory orders was a clear attempt to suppress dissent and create a hostile environment where the voices of the fishermen could be stifled. Instead of engaging in meaningful dialogue, the state deployed a large police force to intimidate the protestors, using arbitrary arrests and excessive force to disperse the gatherings.

The police crackdown was marked by signs of brutality and disregard for basic human rights. Protestors were forcibly dragged away, shoved into police buses, and detained without proper justification. Reports indicate that some were denied access to legal aid and held in custody for extended hours without clear charges. The authorities’ decision to conduct overnight raids in search of protestors who had spoken to the media further demonstrates their intent to silence any opposition to the port project.

The betrayal by Fisheries Minister Mankal Vaidya has only deepened the outrage. Once a vocal opponent of the port under the previous BJP administration, he has now aligned himself with corporate interests, disregarding the very people he once promised to protect. His refusal to intervene meaningfully, despite multiple pleas from the fishing community, has fueled accusations of political opportunism and abandonment of his responsibilities.

Devastating impact on livelihoods

For the 6,000 families that depend on fishing as their primary source of income, the construction of the port represents an existential threat. Fishermen argue that the project will destroy crucial fishing zones, disrupt marine biodiversity, and render many of them jobless. Additionally, the planned four-lane road leading to the port has already displaced local vendors and affected small-scale businesses tied to the dried-fish industry. The community fears that further infrastructure development, including a railway line, could lead to mass displacement of around 600 families, stripping them of their ancestral lands and livelihoods.

The destruction of olive ridley turtle nesting sites is another critical concern. The coast of Kasarkod is an ecologically sensitive area, home to annual nesting of these critically endangered sea turtles. Despite documented evidence of nesting activity, the Karnataka High Court dismissed a fishermen-led petition in 2021, citing a flawed report from the National Centre for Sustainable Coastal Management (NCSCM), which failed to account for the nesting season. Activists argue that the government and the courts have colluded to ignore environmental regulations in favour of corporate interests.

Legal and political setbacks

Efforts to halt the port project through legal channels have met repeated setbacks. In addition to the Karnataka High Court ruling, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) rejected a petition challenging the construction of the four-kilometer-long road on the grounds that it violated Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) norms. Despite mounting evidence of environmental violations, authorities continue to push ahead with the project, disregarding the legitimate concerns of the local community.

The district administration’s use of excessive force to suppress the protest has further deepened the mistrust between the government and the fishing community. Reports suggest that police conducted overnight raids in search of protestors who had spoken to the media, raising concerns about the state’s attempts to silence dissent. The deployment of heavy security forces, including riot police, to facilitate the survey indicates that the state sees its own citizens as obstacles rather than stakeholders in development.

A community’s unwavering resistance

Despite facing repeated crackdowns, legal hurdles, and betrayals by their own representatives, the fishermen of Honnavar refuse to back down. Their struggle has become emblematic of the broader fight against unchecked industrial expansion at the cost of local communities and ecological sustainability. Fishermen leaders have vowed to continue their resistance until the port project is scrapped entirely.

The protests at Kasarkod are not just about a single infrastructure project; they represent a larger battle against corporate encroachment, environmental destruction, and the marginalisation of traditional coastal communities. The state’s heavy-handed approach, marked by repression and disregard for public sentiment, has only strengthened the resolve of the protestors. As the confrontation between the fisherfolk and the government intensifies, it remains to be seen whether the authorities will acknowledge the voices of the people or continue to prioritise industrial interests at their expense.

Related:

Displaced and denied the right to fish, Muslim fishermen in Gujarat now prevented from voting

Duty of GOI to ensure that innocent fishermen are not punished: SC

TN: Samsung Workers Continue Protest, Accuse Management of Vindictive Action

The post K’taka: fisher-folk take to the sea in defiance of Honnavar port project appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Key takeaways from the 23/1 Bombay HC judgment

The case, Jaago Nehru Nagar Residents Welfare Association & Anr. v. Commissioner of Police & Ors., was filed by residents of Nehru Nagar, Kurla (East), Mumbai, who alleged that local authorities failed to take action against religious institutions using loudspeakers beyond prohibited hours. The petitioners contended that the persistent use of loudspeakers at odd hours disrupted their right to a peaceful environment and violated established noise pollution laws.

Issues involved in the case

• Whether the use of loudspeakers in religious practices constitutes an essential religious practice protected under Article 25 of the Constitution.
• Whether the failure of authorities to act against noise violations amounts to dereliction of duty.

Core observations by the Court:

1. Loudspeakers are not an essential part of any religion:

• The court emphasized that the use of loudspeakers does not enjoy protection under Article 25 (freedom of religion) since it is not an integral part of religious practice

“Noise is a major health hazard on various aspects. No one can claim that his rights are affected in any manner if he is denied a permission to  use loudspeaker. It is in public interest that such permissions should not be granted. By denying such permissions, rights under Article 19 or 25 of the Constitution of India are not at all infringed. Use of loudspeakers is not an essential part of any religion” Paragraph 18 of the judgment

• The court noted that while religious freedom is protected under the Constitution, it does not extend to acts that disturb public peace or infringe upon others’ rights to a noise-free environment.

“It is well settled by the Hon’ble Supreme Court in the case of Church of God (Full Gospel) In India (supra) that, undisputedly no religion prescribes that prayers should be performed by disturbing the peace of others nor does it preach that they should be through voice-amplifiers or beating of drums.” Paragraph 22 of the judgment

2. Failure of authorities to enforce noise pollution laws:

• • The court criticized thepolice and municipal authorities for failing to take strict action against noise pollution violations, despite existing laws prohibiting the use of loudspeakers beyond permissible hours.
  • It directed law enforcement agencies toproactively monitor and act against violators instead of waiting for public complaints.

“According to us, it is the bounden duty of the Respondent Nos.1 to 6 that, they must and should enforce the law by adopting all the necessary measures, as may be prescribed by the provisions of law. In a democratic State, there cannot be a situation that, a person / group of persons/ association of persons would say that, it will not follow or adhere to the law of the land and the law enforcers would be meek or silent spectators to it” Paragraph 21 of the judgment

3. Strict application of the Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000:

• • The court reaffirmed thatdecibel limits and restricted hours (10 PM – 6 AM) must be enforced uniformly across all religious institutions and public spaces.
  • It also instructed authorities to installnoise monitoring equipment and initiate automatic regulatory measures.

“The Respondent No.1 also to direct all the concerned Police Officers to use the decibel level measuring mobile application for checking the decibel levels. These applications are easily available on internet and would assist in monitoring the noise levels. Thus, loudspeakers and amplifiers or other equipment or gazettes which produce offending noise, one detected as violating the law or in defiance of the directions issued by the concerned Police Authorities can seize the said equipment/s under Section 70 of the Maharashtra Police Act” Paragraph 26.1 of the judgment

4. Public order and health concerns:

• • The judgment highlighted theadverse health effects of prolonged exposure to high-decibel noise, particularly on children, elderly individuals, and those with medical conditions.
  • It cited theright to life under Article 21 as including the right to live in an environment free from excessive noise pollution.

“in a civilized society in the name of religion, activities which disturb old or infirm persons, students or children having their sleep in the early hours or during day-time or other persons carrying on other activities cannot be permitted” Paragraph 22 of the judgment

5. Precedents and consistent enforcement:

• The judgment aligned with previous rulings, including the 2016 Bombay High Court decision and the 2005 Supreme Court case
• The court reaffirmed that prior Supreme Court and High Court directives on noise pollution must be enforced rigorously and not left to selective interpretation by local authorities.

Contradictions & broader context

• The Bombay HC’s decision predominantly addressed complaints regarding Azaan (Islamic call to prayer), while similar noise levels from Hindu bhajans, kirtans, and temple bells have not received equal scrutiny. This raises concerns about selective enforcement and religious bias in the application of noise regulations.
• Religious processions and festivals (Ganeshotsav, Navratri, etc.) often receive extended time limits until 11 p.m., whereas calls for prayer and other religious activities of certain communities face stringent restrictions. The inconsistency in granting permissions highlights potential discrimination in law enforcement
• The Allahabad High Court, in its 2014 ruling, reaffirmed the Supreme Court’s stance that noise pollution regulations must apply uniformly across all places of worship and religious institutions, irrespective of faith.

The judgement may be read here:

• The 2005 Communalism Combat report noted that after the Supreme Court ruling, compliance with noise restrictions varied significantly across religious communities. While many mosques voluntarily stopped using loudspeakers beyond prescribed hours, Hindu religious processions and festivals such as Ganeshotsav and Navratri received special concessions allowing extended use of amplified sound
• In Maharashtra, reports indicate that Muslim clerics led voluntary compliance efforts, asking mosques to regulate their loudspeaker usage. Meanwhile, some Hindu religious organizations continued to push for exemptions, arguing that their practices required amplified sound beyond the prescribed limits

The report may be read here: SILENT PRAYER

The Bombay High Court’s 23/1 ruling reinforces constitutional principles that religious freedoms under Article 25 do not extend to public nuisance. However, it also exposes inconsistencies in how noise regulations are enforced across different religious practices.

The judgment on Cr WP no. 4729 of 2021 delivered by A.S. Gadkari and Shyam Chandak, JJ may be read here:

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this legal resource has been worked on by Shailendar Karthikeyan)

The post Noise Pollution Ban: Unequal standards for diverse practices? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

When he breathed his last some time back, homages poured in from far and wide including the state and the national government. However when I visited his wife Vimla Bahuguna and daughter Madhu Pathak soon after this, they emphasized that what is most important is to honor his ideas and vision. Since then they have continued to work for this cause and their most recent effort is in the form of the book being discussed here. Titled ‘Paharon ki Peera’ (The Agony of the Mountains) this Hindi book containing 43 essays, memoirs and articles of Sunderlal Ji reminds us of the unique writing skills and style rooted in his unending travels ( including very long foot marches all over the vast Himalayan region) and struggles. In her introduction Madhu Pathak has acknowledged the help and encouragement she received from her mother Vimla and from her husband Dr.Bhuvan Chandra Pathak. Kumar Prashant has written an engaging foreword.

This book has Sundrlal Bahuguna’s writing on environment and forests, several pages of his diary, his recollections of various struggles, biographical sketches of great inspirational persons with whom he worked ( including Sridev Suman, Sarla Behan and Mira Behan, as well his observations on various issues of interest and importance. Parts of the book bring back vivid memories of the numerous campaigns and struggles with which he was associated.

The veteran environmentalist and Chipko ( hug the trees movement) activist was also a freedom fighter and regarded Mahatma Gandhi as his most prominent teacher and mentor. He devoted his life to applying principles of non-violent struggles in the context of increasingly important tasks of protecting forests and rivers.

Along with his wife Vimla ( who was more formally trained in Gandhian principles and methods by Sarla Behan, the famous European disciple of Gandhi) , several deeply committed Gandhian activists and villagers of Garhwal region of  Western Himalayas he was involved in many struggles to protect trees marked for felling and to prevent the construction of gigantic dams widely exposed for their serious risks and hazards by senior scientists and experts.

Born in a village along the bank of the Ganges river in Tehri Garhwal , as a schoolboy he met Sridev Suman , a famous freedom fighter who later sacrificed his life during a jail sentence, and decided to follow his example of a deeply committed social life.

After independence Sunderlal and Vimla settled in the remote village of Silyara to serve the villagers of surrounding areas, leading an austere life.

Following the Chinese invasion leading Gandhian  Vinoba Bhave called upon  Gandhian social workers in the Himalayan region to play a wider social role and so now  Sunderlal started travelling more widely  in many parts of Uttarakhand, particularly the Garhwal part. This led to increasing involvement with social and environmental concerns.

Both Sunderlal and Vimla were involved in anti-liquor movements and rights assertion movements of weakest sections which challenged various forms of discriminatory practices. Enduring relationships were established with several younger activists like those in Henvalghati region.

Around the late seventies a series of Chipko movement activities centered in Henvalghati region were launched for saving forests like those of Advani and Salet which generated a lot of enthusiasm. The action shifted then to even more remote forests like those of  Badiyargad, where Sunderlal Bahuguna went on a long fast in a dense forest area in very  difficult conditions and Vimla also followed him there. During a visit to this region to report on this movement, I learnt that Madhu, brave daughter of brave parents, had also plunged into a forest closer to Silyara Ashram to protect the trees being felled there.

Side by side Sunderlal maintained a dialogue with senior persons in the government. The then prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in particular had very high respect for him. Very big success was achieved as the government agreed to stop the green felling of trees in a vast Himalayan area.

Following this success Sunderlal went on a very long and difficult march from Kashmir to Kohima, including Bhutan and Nepal, covering a vast part of the Himalayan region to spread the message of saving forests and environment with the involvement of people. During this march, taken up in several stages, several times he faced threat to life but did not stop and completed the march. This march helped him greatly to known the conditions of people and environment in the Himalayan region to a much wider extent.

He emphasized protection of sustainable livelihoods along with protection of environment. He was involved closely in resisting displacement and organizing forest workers. He was also involved in several constructive activities relating to regeneration of degraded forests.

Soon he was in the thick of the movement for opposing the harmful social and environmental aspects of dam projects in Himalayan region particularly the gigantic and highly controversial Tehri dam project, which was described as a project of unacceptably high hazards even by officially constituted committees. This proved to be a very long and difficult struggle. Sunderlal Bahuguna left his ashram in Silyara and camped on the bank of the Ganges river for a very long time, accompanied by Vimla.

Although this long struggle did not succeed in stopping the high-risk dam, it certainly helped to spread awareness of these important issues far and wide.

Sunderlal Bahuguna became an inspiration source for forest protection and environmental struggles in many parts of India and even abroad. In the Western Ghats region, for instance, he was an important inspiration source for the great Appiko movement for saving forests. He visited the region and this proved to be an important turning point in the mobilization for the movement.

He was honored with several prestigious awards, including the Padma Vibhushan.

He contributed to many constructive causes such as the Bhoodan (gift of land) movement for making available some farmland to landless rural households.

He played a very important role in evolving an alternative development strategy for the Himalayan region rooted in a combination of combining environment protection with sustainable livelihoods.

Some more information on the book (in Hindi)—Paharo ki Peera by Sunderlal Bahuguna ( Selected writings compiled and edited by Madhu Pathak), 266 pages, Price INR 350, Paperback, Published by Samay Sakshay, 15 Faltu Line , Dehradun—248001, India.

The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Vimla and Sunderlal Bahuguna—Chipko Movement and the Struggle Against Tehri Dam Project, Man over Machine-A Path to Peace, Planet in Peril and A Day in 2071.

The post Problems, Struggles and Policy for Himalayan Region as seen in the Writings of Sunderlal Bahuguna appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In particular it is important for countries of the global south to evolve creative responses that are in tune with their need for strengthening communities as well as their sustainable livelihoods (instead of getting trapped in big business driven false solutions that can be disruptive for communities and their livelihood base).

In this context a recent national dialogue organised in Delhi has raised hopes regarding some interesting and significant possibilities which if followed carefully and in the right spirit can help in evolving a climate response from India that is not only more in keeping with our needs and strengths (particularly in the context of rural areas) but in addition can evoke the interest of many other communities not just in the global south but perhaps also in the north.

This dialogue took place from January 7 to 9 at India Habitat Centre, Delhi, and was formally titled ‘Swaraj Samvad (Dialogue on Swaraj)—Integrating Traditional Knowledge to Enhance Resilience to Climate Change’. This dialogue was organized by Climate Rise Alliance and Vaagdhara, with participation from all over the country.

It is interesting that the dialogue made an effort to create a wider framework within which many aspects of climate response (mitigation as well as adaptation aspects) including agro-ecology, strengthening of rural communities, protection of biodiversity and seeds and traditional knowledge relating to health and nutrition etc. can be included in integrated ways. This framework is based on the concept of swaraj and related thinking, and so this concept needs to be explained in some detail, particularly as despite its Indian origin it is useful and interesting for rural communities in other countries as well.

The word swaraj is used rightly in dialogues like this to mean greater self-reliance for rural communities to use their capabilities in better ways for sustainable livelihoods and climate response in tune with local conditions in decentralized ways. However some information on historical context is also needed.

The word swaraj goes back to the freedom movement of India with its literal meaning of self-rule. Although this word was being widely used even before the advent of Mahatma Gandhi in the freedom movement, he imparted a much wider meaning to this concept which is more relevant to the present times.

Mahatma Gandhi thought not just about freedom from British rule but also a lot about how the Indian self-rule after freedom will be able to meet in much better ways the real needs and aspirations of people. To prepare for this, he involved millions and millions of people in a range of constructive activities which are partly based on reviving traditional wisdom and good practices but also partially based on resisting the very harmful burden of some traditional thinking such as that relating to social discrimination. The overall result of what he sought to achieve would be unity based on equality and dignity for all including particularly the women and weaker sections. An attempt would be made for people to be free of all intoxicants such as liquor and related problems to the extent possible. Such communities, Mahatma Gandhi believed, are best suited to take up self-rule in the sense of trying to be as self-reliant as possible in highly creative ways, recognizing the dignity of physical work as well as skills of farmers, workers and artisans, in tune with local conditions for highly decentralized and sustainable progress, emphasizing peace, social harmony, meeting needs of all, protective attitude towards environment and all forms of life. The related concept of khadi helps to advance this thinking by exploring and advancing industrial activity more as cottage and small-scale efforts to meet various daily needs, to the extent possible and practical, and avoiding the kind of excessive mechanization that destroys livelihoods.

This swaraj is seen as essentially a very creative task of peaceful cooperation among many people, but if this is stopped or hindered in unjust ways, then this must be resisted and opposed in non-violent ways.

Various aspects of swaraj were highlighted in the recently organised dialogue in Delhi. These included conceptualizing swaraj in terms of agro-ecology, seeds, water, health, energy, governance and other important contexts. There were several inspiring narratives of very useful work taken up in many villages in tune with the swaraj approach. Senior civil society leaders and grassroots activists provided many valuable insights which can be very helpful in taking this forward.

However the effort probably fell short of providing a holistic vision of swaraj and it also appeared that segmented projects devoid of a holistic understanding cannot go very far on their own. However the very fact that nearly 500 delegates from all parts of the country expressed their commitment broadly to the swaraj approach is a very encouraging sign, particularly in the context of relating the swaraj approach to climate response.

This dialogue was perhaps the first such national-level effort to look at climate response in terms of the swaraj approach. This makes it a very significant initiative.

In the post-independence years many activists and scholars have sought to take forward the swaraj concept in numerous ways, as seen in several social movements and a lot of very creative, constructive work. The efforts of linking swaraj to climate solutions must be seen as a significant step forward in this direction and this opens up many more creative possibilities. The concept of swaraj provides many more possibilities of reducing the burden of fossil fuels in village as well as for strengthening climate adaptation, with its emphasis on sustainable livelihoods and strengthening of rural communities.

The possibilities opened up by this dialogue must be carried forward carefully and in the right spirit.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine, and A Day in 2071)

The post Can the Swaraj path be India’s answer to climate change? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This article tries to examine what one of the most pivotal international frameworks on climate change has achieved in the last 5 years. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)f is the parent treaty of the Paris Agreement with 198 parties i.e., a universal membership. It also is the parent treaty of Kyoto protocol-a treaty on reduction in emissions.

The Paris Agreement signed in 2015 is a legally binding international treaty on climate change with the main aim of holding the global average temperature increase to well below 2° C above pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5° C above pre-industrial levels. There are Nationally Determined Contributions under the agreement which the countries submit and are reviewed. The Conference of Parties (COP) is the supreme decision-making body of the convention and all state parties i.e., countries are represented here; it meets on a yearly basis.

The COP 29 climate meeting in Baku concluded in November 2024 with a disappointing deal on climate finance. Developed nations agreed to mobilize a “new collective quantified goal” (NCQG) of only $300 billion per year for developing nations by 2035. This was criticized by developing countries as a “paltry sum” since it represents only a three-times increase over their current mandate of $100 billion and falls significantly short of the estimated $1 trillion, or even $1.3 trillion, that developing countries need to effectively address climate change. Some even viewed it as a “betrayal” and a continuation of the trend of developed countries “taking apart the climate system” over the years. The 2022 Adaptation Gap Report had noted that the international adaptation finance flows to developing countries are five to ten times below estimated needs and will need over US $300 Billion per year by 2030.

Outcomes of the Last Five COPs

The last five COPs have each sought to advance the goals of the Paris Agreement, but they have met with varying levels of success:

COP 25, Madrid

COP 25 in Madrid (2019) focused on finalizing the “Katowice Rulebook,” the guidelines for implementing the Paris Agreement. However, countries failed to reach a consensus on critical issues like the rules for international carbon markets (Article 6). Despite the setbacks, COP25 made some progress on other issues. For example, it strengthened the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage by establishing the Santiago Network to offer technical assistance to vulnerable developing countries. It also adopted an enhanced gender action plan to promote gender-responsive climate action and climate finance.

COP 26, Glasgow

COP 26 in Glasgow (2021) was considered a pivotal moment for raising climate ambition and finalizing the Paris Rulebook. It achieved several notable outcomes, including the Glasgow Climate Pact, which called for countries to revisit and strengthen their emission reduction targets and accelerate the phase-down of unabated coal power and the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies. COP26 also finally completed the Paris Rulebook, including agreement on Article 6. Another key focus was adaptation. The Glasgow Pact called for doubling the amount of finance to support developing countries in adapting to climate impacts. COP26 also saw the launch of several significant initiatives, including the Global Methane Pledge and a pledge by over 100 countries to halt and reverse deforestation by 2030.

COP 27, Sharm El-Sheikh

COP 27 in Sharm El-Sheikh (2022) was dubbed the “implementation COP”. There was some progress on mitigation, adaptation, and finance, but many issues remained unresolved. A major breakthrough was the agreement to establish a fund to address loss and damage caused by climate change in developing countries. This was a long-standing demand from vulnerable nations and was widely seen as a significant step towards climate justice. However, the final agreement lacked strong commitments on phasing out all fossil fuels, including oil and gas. It also included weak language regarding “transitioning away from fossil fuels” that was at odds with the official global stocktake. COP27 also saw developed countries fail to deliver on their $100 billion per year climate finance pledge, which was due to be met by 2020.

COP 28, Dubai

COP 28 in Dubai (2023) was the biggest COP yet and marked the conclusion of the first ‘global stocktake’ of the world’s collective progress towards achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement. The key outcome of COP 28 was an agreement signalling the “beginning of the end” of the fossil fuel era. This agreement called for a transition away from fossil fuels in a just and equitable manner. It also called for tripling renewable energy capacity globally by 2030 and doubling the average annual rate of energy efficiency improvements over the same period. However, much of the language surrounding these commitments remained vague and non-binding. COP28 also made progress on operationalizing the Loss and Damage fund established at COP27. This fund will support developing nations experiencing the worst effects of climate change, like severe flooding and prolonged drought. COP28 also saw unprecedented recognition of the need to link efforts to address climate change with nature conservation. By the time COP 28 ended, the commitments to the Loss and Damage Fund totalled to US$ 661 Million.

COP, Baku

COP 29 in Baku (2024) focused on finance and aimed to set a new climate finance goal to replace the $100 billion goal set in 2009. The meeting ended with developed nations agreeing to mobilize a new NCQG of $300 billion per year for developing nations by 2035. While this trebled the previous goal, it was widely criticized as being inadequate to address the needs of developing countries, especially given that previous goals were not met. It was also criticized for offering “false hope” to vulnerable communities and nations and essentially “abandoning” them.

Unresolved Issues

Several critical issues remain unaddressed or inadequately dealt with during recent COPs. The most prominent of these is the continued insufficiency of climate finance. The financial commitments agreed upon at COP29 fall far short of what developing countries need to mitigate emissions, adapt to climate impacts, and address loss and damage. This funding gap undermines trust and hinders progress, leaving vulnerable communities and nations struggling to cope with the effects of climate change. The lack of a clear roadmap for achieving the new finance goal also raises concerns about accountability and implementation. Another unresolved issue is the ambiguity surrounding the phasing out of fossil fuels. While COP28 saw an agreement to “transition away from fossil fuels”, much of the language surrounding this agreement is vague and non-binding. The lack of a firm commitment to a rapid and complete phase-out of all fossil fuels, including oil and gas, remains a major concern. Finally, adaptation measures have not received the same level of attention and financial support as mitigation efforts, even though developing countries are facing increasingly severe climate impacts. This imbalance needs to be addressed to ensure a more comprehensive and equitable approach to climate action.

Challenges faced by developing countries

Developing countries are disproportionately vulnerable to climate change impacts, even though they have contributed the least to global greenhouse gas emissions. This is largely due to their geographic locations and limited financial and technological resources, which often make it difficult for them to adapt to climate impacts. As a result, developing countries rely heavily on financial support from developed countries to achieve their climate goals. These challenges are further exacerbated by the historical inequity of climate change. Developed countries have historically emitted the vast majority of greenhouse gases, contributing to the current climate crisis. This historical responsibility creates an ethical obligation for developed countries to provide financial and technological support to developing countries.

Balancing the scales and avoiding a Climate Black Swan

A “Climate Black Swan” event refers to a catastrophic and unpredictable climate-related event with severe global consequences. To avoid such an event, the international community must take urgent and ambitious action. This requires going beyond incremental steps and embracing transformative changes in our energy systems, economies, and lifestyles. It is essential to recognize that climate change is a global issue that requires a collective and coordinated response, one that prioritizes equity, justice, and the needs of the most vulnerable.

To address the imbalance between developed and developing countries and to effectively combat climate change, several actions are crucial. First and foremost, developed countries must fulfill their existing climate finance commitments and significantly scale up their financial support to developing countries. This includes providing grants and concessional loans for mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. Technology transfer and capacity-building are also essential. Developed countries should facilitate the transfer of clean technologies and provide capacity-building support to developing countries, empowering them to implement their climate plans and transition to sustainable development pathways. To ensure a just and equitable transition, the shift to a low-carbon economy must also consider the needs of workers and communities dependent on fossil fuels. This includes providing retraining opportunities, creating green jobs, and ensuring a fair distribution of the benefits and costs of the transition. Finally, all countries, especially major emitters, must set ambitious emission reduction targets aligned with the 1.5 degrees Celsius goal. This requires a rapid phase-out of all fossil fuels and a swift transition to renewable energy sources.

(The author is part of the legal research team)

Related:

SC: The right to be free from adverse effects of Climate Change is a fundamental right

Adverse impact of climate change? 43% of farmers found half of their standing crops damaged

March to border, relay fast on climate change and demands for Ladhakh to continue as climate activist Sonam Wangchuk ends hunger strike after 21…

The post From Madrid to Baku: A chronicle of inadequate climate action at UN Conferences appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Nehru says,

‘My desire to have a handful of my ashes thrown into the Ganga at Allahabad has no religious significance, so far as I am concerned. I have no religious sentiment in the matter. I have been attached to the Ganga and Januna [Jumna] Rivers in Allahabad ever since my childhood and, as I have grown older, this attachment has also grown. I have watched their varying moods as the seasons changed, and have often thought of the history and myth and tradition and song and story that have become attached to them through the long ages and become part of their flowing waters. The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved by her people, round which are intertwined her racial memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India’s age‐long culture and civilizatiton, ever changing, ever flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga. She reminds me of the snow‐covered peaks and the deep valleys of the Himalayas, which I have loved so much, and of the rich and vast plains below, where my life and work have been cast’.

My cultural association with Ganga

I was born in a place which is the confluence of two small rivers, tributaries of the Ganga (Ganges), and from where river Kho, begins its journey which is a tributary of Ram Ganga river. The first time I saw Ganga at Muni-ki-Reti and Lakshman Jhula near Rishikesh was when I was just a seven year-old child. The first sight of the Ganga mesmerised me. Then I realised how the Ganga is part and parcel of life of people in Uttarakhand.

I was perplexed to see that movement to protect Ganga did not get any public sympathy in Uttarakhand. I did not understand why a state where the Ganga is so deeply rooted in our psyche remain untouched to the atrocities being committed on it in the name of ‘development’. Was there a disconnect between people and ‘intellectuals’ or ‘experts’ as usually happens everywhere? The result of this questioning is this journey. I have tried to cover every part, every confluence that Ganga had with its tributaries and distributaries.

The Ganga in the Himalayas

I started the journey in September 2021 trekking from Gangotri to Bhojwasa on the way to Gaumukh. I traversed on my path almost all the major rivers of Uttarakhand including Yamuna, Tons, Gauriganga, Kali-Sharda etc. Prior to that, I travelled to all the Prayags and the valleys of the beautiful Dhauli Ganga, Mandakini, Nandakini, Pinder, Alaknanda and Bhagirathi. That made this journey unique. It took nearly four years and this was truly not merely a journey touching some spots only to return but an attempt to understand the crisis faced by the Ganga and its tributaries.

From Gangotri till Bay of Bengal, I saw a massive civilizational crisis emerging. If that is not addressed, we will –all–be in deep trouble. Ganga is the largest river of India and its plain is the most fertile land where farmers have flourished and millions of people depending on water, gained life and livelihood. The bio diversity of the river Ganga remains unparalleled.

Chipko Movement

In Uttarakhand, the Ganga and its tributaries face threat from various hydropower projects because they snatch the beauty of the river, control its water and impact the rich bio-diversity of the river.

A travel to Niti Valley and Lata and Raini villages,  the epicenters of the Chipko movement, gave me the idea of what is wrong with those who romanticise a movement without understanding it’s nature. The Chipko movement was the cry of the native communities for their access to forest produce which they used to enjoy prior to the Indo-China war 1962 when people had access to the Tibetan market and vice versa. There was a huge market for domestic products, forest produce etc. A large number of villagers got dislocated and all the passes to Tibet were closed. The other side of the story is that government continued with the British policy of auctioning the forests. So every year, the Symonds company would obtain the forest produce, chop the trees mercilessly and take them out of the state. Gaura Devi and her Saathis protested against this in Raini and threw the contractors out. This was welcomed by all in Uttarakhand and the movement gained prominence. H.N Bahuguna, the chief minister, called some of the ‘activists’, mostly the Brahmanical elite, to Lucknow for a conversation. The auctioning to ‘privates’ was stopped by a new entity (boss) was created which was the ‘Uttar Pradesh Van Nigam’. This made the lives of the people even more miserable. While many people got name and fame internationally, the native (indigenous) people fighting had to resort to ‘Chheeno Jhapto’ movement to gain the access to forest. H N Bahuguna therefore emerged as the biggest villain of the piece who actually looked down upon this movement and tried to sabotage it.

The problem with the intellectuals and their devotees in the media is that they ignored that the essence of the movement that was essentially led by Adivasis-janjati people. The history of the Chipko movement is that of those people, the Bhutiyas and others but their issues and role were conspicuously obliterated from the popular discourse. The movement was superficially romanticised as a ‘protection of trees and ‘environment’. World over, it is the indigenous communities who are dependant on forests and it is they who nurture it. No community would ever nurture mountains and rivers without using the resources. This needs to be understood. That the relationship between native communities and nature is their interdependence; this issue was grossly ignored and underestimated by the environmental elite.

Ganga and its various tributaries shine through Uttarakhand. The confluences of different rivers are unparalleled and stunning. Sadly however this will all disappear once different barrages and dams that are proposed actually start functioning. There was a beautiful Sangam of Bhilangana with Bhagirathi at Tehri which is not visible now. There is a beautiful Sangam of river Gori with Kali at Joljibi in Pithoragarh. If the Pancheswar dams comes through, then some of these beautiful places and confluences will disappear. The Sangam of Rupin and Supin river at Netwar in Uttarakhand which start the journey of Tons is supremely beautiful but a dam near the confluence is bound to finish them off. Nobody can deny the importance of energy but we also need to think that the Himalayas and its rivers are not merely our ‘resource’ but also our heritage, our identity particularly for the people living in these regions. So, my simple point to the power elite is stop destroying our identity. A destruction of the Himalayas will bring unprecedented crisis to Gangetic plains in India and so, we must not do anything that escalates the crisis we already facing.

The crisis in the Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh

The Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh will suffer in future with acute desertification. The Ganga loses its shine once it enters Balawali, Bijnor district. Travel to this region and onward during the summer, and you will realise how the Ganga water has drastically reduced and agricultural land and green pastures have been converted into a desert. Already. Water at Garhmukteshwar remain merely for the rituals and the pollution is increasing exponentially. By the time, it reaches Kannauj and has its first confluence with Ramganga, you can walk through the river Ramganga. Reaching the confluence has been difficult because of changing embankment of the river. A local farmer told me at the confluence that it is not the ‘kheti (farming) but ‘reti’ (sand mining) which is rampant and ‘source’ of earning for even the farmers. This reflects the sad state of the crisis.

A few kilometers onwards, we are at historic place Bithoor which is now more known as a ‘religious’ place and to ensure that magnetism of religion. Suddenly, you really feel wonderful to see ‘water’ in the river. A couple of boats are visible and again we see the beauty of the river Ganga but our fear are confirmed. About seven kilometers from Bithoor is the Ganga Barrage on the Kanpur Unnao border. While there is enough water to quench your religious thirst at Bithoor, at Kanpur the river looks dry with huge sand beds on both banks. You won’t be able to recognise the river from the original embankments. Moreover, Kanpur which is called the Manchester of the East, is actually, contributing a huge quantity of ‘sewage’ water to Ganga making it look like the Sewage tributary of the Ganga. The river stinks on the ghats. It is very disturbing to see that ‘Ghats’ that have been constructed with money from the ‘Namami Gange’ project but no efforts are visible to improve the plight of the holy river. All it reflects that we want to worship the river from a nice built-up place of concrete but don’t really care about the existential crisis that the river is facing.

The patch between Allahabad and Varanasi via Vindhyanchal is beautiful and water less contaminated perhaps because of the Yamuna which is bigger in Allahabad and carries more water from Chambal in it which is definitely an unpolluted river. At Varanasi, however, we see the devastating pollution in the river. We are told that two ‘rivers’ flow into Ganga in Varanasi, the Assi Ganga and Varuna.  A visit to the ‘confluence’ of them only reveals the pathetic hypocrisy of those who call them ‘rivers. They have been turned into absolute sewage ‘rivers’, and further pollute the Ganga.

Ganga at Varanasi

At Varanasi the Mahaarti has been commercialised. It has become a ‘light and sound show’ with no real spiritual power which it used to emit once upon a time. Big moneyed people use the trawlers and cruise to watch the spectacle while the normal, common humans have to pay huge sum to watch it from the back. It was definitely a sad scenario.

Between Varanasi to the Gomti Ganga Sangam is again a pathetic sight. There is no water in the Gomti and it is much polluted river. There are lots of birds on the island zones in the Sangam. Ganga’s entry into Bihar is via Buxar and just a few kilometers before the city is Chausa, a historic town where Sher Shah Suri’s forces had defeated Humanyun. The so-called memorial is nothing but a ‘selfie park’. All memorial and historical places are carefully being converted into amusement parks everywhere and mythological characters are being re-created as historical figures and events. Again, the Karmnasha-Ganga confluence shows the terrible state of agriculture in the region. I was there during the deadly heat of June and the Karmnasha looked like a dry stream flowing into Ganga. Agricultural land showed sign of ‘cracks’ even when we would see numerous birds chirping near the confluence. Sewage continues to flow into the river in Buxar too.

Massive sand mining in Bihar

But the biggest challenge, I saw on our rivers was at a historic place called Chirand in Saran district where the Ghadhra and Son[1] rivers flow into the Ganga. The confluence zone has shifted a few kilometers again. From Revelganj to Chirand, on the National High way, a huge smoke of dust welcomes you apart from huge lane of big trucks used for carrying Sand. On the banks of river Ghaghara, which local call Saryu, you can see hundreds of cargo streamers used for carrying sand from the river. Any person who is not habitual of staying in these zones, would just collapse as breathing become impossible. The Red Sand from river Son is the most popular. It is also a fact that Sand mafia has political protection. It is time for sensitization of people as well as stricter environmental norms imposed otherwise this region too wait for a catastrophe. Similar conditions can be seen around Hariharpur Sonpur area where Ganga and Narayani Gandaki conflate. Sonepur was famous for the cattle fair but that is a thing of past now. It is merely a fair which is more as a recreational ‘time pass’ for the locals and others who visit the famous shrine at Hariharpur.

The river Ganga in Patna looks polluted. Patna itself is a polluted city. From there until Munger, we can see the Ganga splitting at various places and huge sandy river beds everywhere. The summer in these regions are extremely difficult with massive dust in the air. Most of the agricultural land is turning barren. Water level in the river is reducing drastically resulting in the extension of its breadth and creation of the sandy patches or islands in between. You can see huge bridges across Ganga but the river looks tiny. The only time it does look like a river is in the monsoon season. Mokama, Begusarai and Khagaria present an abysmal picture but the biggest shock was at Kosi Ganga Sangam which is difficult to reach due to the river bed turning sandy. To reach to the area is difficult. On a normal winter or summer day, the water at the confluence is extremely low and the river looks dirty too. Again, the breadth of the river increases. However, from Manihari in Katihar to Sahebganj, a trip on a cargo Ship is a worthwhile memory to stack away though it is difficult to cruise because of low water levels. But this will work till the bridge connecting Sahebganj and Manihari is completed.

Historical Rajmahal

However, the most fascinating part of the river Ganga (Ganges) in Bihar is in South Bihar. From Munger –which itself is a historical place—the old fort area is totally encroached upon and you will see no effort to preserve the historical architecture and buildings. The river from Munger to Bhagalpur and Kahalganon is phenomenal. It is a breathless treat to watch. It looks less polluted and is called ‘Uttar Vahini’ at Sultanganj where the historical Ajgaibinath temple is located. Bhagalpur is an extremely important location where enough evidence exits of our Buddhist, Adivasi and Jain past. There are historical places. The most beautiful region is Kahalgaon and Vikramshila. It has been reported that the entire area from Sultanganj to Kahalgaon, has been declared by the Bihar government as a ‘Dolphine Sanctury’. The fisherfolks are protesting against it as they lose their right to fishing. The Ganga Mukti Abhiyan started from this place fighting against the Zamindari on water and finally Lalu Prasad Yadav as chief minister of Bihar ended that cruel system imposed during the British period that looted the fisher communities of the region but the lives of the fish workers are not safe. Zamindari has gone but Rangdari has started. People still live in fear.

Sahebganj is the only Ganga district in Jharkhand. The Ganga here as a massive presence between Manihari to Sahebganj. There is an international port and a domestic one, possibly one that is under-utilised. The water level is still not that much which can ensure an easy passage. Secondly, the Ganga splits more in Jharkhand. Various streams split up and join again. The most important place of Ganga journey in Jharkhand is Raj Mahal, a very historical place, former capital of undivided Bengal under the Mughal King Akbar era. Raja Man Singh was made the Viceroy of Bengal and it is he who established Rajmahal as the capital of the state. It still has few landmarks like Jami Mosque, Baradari and many other places which still need deep care as they remind of our rich historical legacies.

Between Raj Mahal and Farakka, the Gumani river rising from the Raj Mahal hills ultimately merges with the Ganga and then moves towards Farakka. The link road between Rajmahal and Farakka is in extremely bad shape in the last 10 kilometers perhaps because it is the area of coal mining and thermal power plant. Again, the air is filled with dust and smoke most of the time in nearly 10 kilometers area. One can just imagine the lives of people during the summers here.

The one point on which the fisherfolk from three states, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand unit is on the issue of Farakka Barrage. They want this barrage de-commissioned as it has damaged the fish diversity in the river above Farakka. Hilsa is not available to fisherfolk in UP, Bihar and Jharkhand. After Farakka, fisherfolk claim that they do manage to harvest the fish but due to the closure of gates at the barrage, Hilsa and other fish can’t move back. Many farmers too reflected that due to the existence of a barrage, a large part of land in Jharkhand and Bengal face flooding in monsoon. The impact of Monsoon floods is tremendous in Bihar and Bengal and governments have so far not been able to reach to any particular conclusion or solution so that human lives or agricultural land is not lost. Every year, the soil erosion has already engulfed thousands of acres of land and made people landless. It is time for a serious think over –and concerted response to–these issues and protect our communities, farmers, fish workers and others living nearby the river.

Ganga in Bengal: Rise of Bhagirathi

The journey of the mighty Ganges (Ganga) in Bengal is extremely important to understand the issue of climate change. The split in the rivers become the norm. Right from Nimtitta town, the Ganges becomes wider and splits into two parts. The river flows towards Bangladesh and is known as Padma there while the second part of the river again splits at Giria and is known as Bhagirathi which then travels to different districts from Murshidabad, Plassey, Nabadweep where again Jalangi meet it and the new river is now known as the Hooghly. The interesting part is that there are towns on both sides of the Hooghly. There is history. Nabadweep is the birth place of Chaitnya Mahaprabhu. After passing through many places the Hooghly ultimately flows into Bay of Bengal in the Sundarban region. The place where it merges into the sea is known as Ganga Sagar but Sagar Dweep itself has numerous issues of climate crisis. Many villages have disappeared and many might disappear in future as the water level of the sea is rising regularly.

To conclude, I would say, preserving Ganga is extremely important for the health of India as it emerges from Himalayas and finally flows into the Bay of Bengal near the Sundarban. Both the Himalayas and Sundarban are world heritage sites. The impact of climate change is acutely visible in both these places. The question is whether the so-called climate change is a natural process or a human-made disaster. The number of commercial activities in the Himalayas as well as in Sundarban are bound to impact all of us.

We need to think out of the box but certainly not to convert the entire issue of Ganga and climate change to one merely concerning ‘experts. It is time, we engage and involve the local communities, fishermen, farmers and other native communities who are inter-dependant on the river and its surroundings as without their active participation in any debate or decision-making processes, we won’t be able to achieve anything meaningful.

‘Save the Ganga’ slogan means protecting and preserving Himalayas and Sundarbans apart from all the big and small rivers and large riverine area that makes up the mighty Ganga.

(This is the text of the talk delivered at Jawahar Bhawan, New Delhi, on November 18, 2024, was organised by Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies)

[1] Ghaghra and Son are the tributaries of river Ganga. Ghaghara is a 1080 km long river that originates from Mapchachungo Glacier in Tibet. It flows through Tibet, Nepal, and India where it joins river Ganga near Chhapra, Bihar.

Related:

VECL consistently flouting environmental laws: Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti

Vapi Industries Association wants Gujarat Pollution Board to relax environmental clearance norms

The post River Ganga, communities, cultures & livelihood: will Indians preserve its life-sustaining legacy? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

All those detained Mohammad Abdullah Gujjar (resident of Sigdi Bhata), Noor Din (resident of Kakerwagan), Ghulam Nabi Choppan (resident of Trungi – Dachhan), Mohammad Jaffer Sheikh (resident of Nattas, Dool), Mohammad Ramzan (resident of Dangduroo – Dachhan), trade union leaders from Kishtwar district and Rehamatullah from Doda District (J&K) were only raising pertinent issues regarding socio-environmental impacts of large projects as well as solid waste management.

Some of the key signatories from over 20+ states, include notable activists, academics, advocates like: Prof. Roop Rekha Verma, Rama Teltumbde, Soumya Dutta, Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty, Prof. Uma Chakravarti, Lalita Ramdas, Kavita Srivastava, Adv Indira Unninayar, Dr. Sandeep Pandey, Elina Horo, Mayalmit Lepcha, Himanshu Thakkar, Anuradha Bhasin, Sheikh Ghulam Rasool, Anmol Ohri, Mohd Ishak, Shamsul Islam, Arun Khote, Anand Patwardhan, John Dayal, Dunu Roy, Dr. Nandita Narrain, Raja Muzaffar Bhatt, Prafulla Samantara, Prof. Padmaja Shaw, Hasina Khan, Ashok Chowdhury, Yash Marwah, Cedric Prakash, Ruchit Asha Kamal, Adv Vinay Sreenivasa, Dr. Gabriele Dieterich, Manshi Asher, Kailash Meena, Suhas Kolhekar, Vidya Dinker, Madhuri, Bittu KR, Bhanu Tatak, AS Vasantha, Prasad Chacko, Adv Vertika, Meera Sanghamitra and many others.

The signatories came out in strong support of the activists stating, “socio-ecological justice activism and raising legitimate concerns should not be mislabeled as “anti-national.  Attempts to silence dissent by branding it as “anti-national” weaken the foundations of democratic governance and hinder constructive dialogue on pressing social issues”. Such actions of the State undermine people’s right to hold authorities accountable, the right to peaceful protest and community involvement in decision making processes.

It must be emphasised that popular opposition to hydro-power, mega infrastructure is not isolated to the region of Jammu & Kashmir, but is seen across the Himalayan states, given the enviro, socio-economic threats these projects pose to the region at large. Thus, clamping down on ecological movements in the region only hampers the much-needed struggle to combat climate crisis.

An appeal was made both to the newly formed government in Jammu & Kashmir and to the Union Government not to resort to high-handed interventions, as people on the ground voice legitimate concerns in a peaceful way. The signatories hoped that as the 29th United Nations Climate Change Conference at Baku (COP29) is underway, necessary attention would be paid to environmental defenders back home, safeguarding ecology at great risk.

Yesterday, November 12, The Wire had reported that one of those detained, a young activist from Doda, whose detention under the Public Safety Act (PSA) was quashed in 2016 by J&K high court, has again been booked under the controversial law, with his family and a member of J&K legislative assembly alleging that he was targeted by the authorities for his activism. Ironically, Rehamatullah’s detention under the same draconian law was quashed by the HC in 2017. His arrest comes soon after five trade union leaders of Chenab Valley were slapped with the PSA, allegedly for raising concerns over the increasing health risks and environmental degradation caused by the construction of power projects in the region.

This action comes days after five trade union leaders from the adjoining Kishtwar district of Chenab Valley were slapped with the PSA and taken into preventive custody, allegedly for raising concerns over the increasing health risks and environmental degradation caused by the construction of power projects in the region.

The controversial legislation, which has been dubbed as a “lawless law” by Amnesty International, has been widely used to silence political dissidents and government critics in Jammu and Kashmir by the Union government after the reading down of Article 370 in 2019, according to free speech activists.

Though the Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir now has an elected government, the police report to the Union ministry of home affairs via the lieutenant governor since the UT government’s limited mandate does not extend to law and order.

‘Sympathiser of militants’

In its latest action on November 9, Rehamatullah, 25, who lives in Dessa Bhatta of Doda, was booked under the PSA on charges of being an alleged “overground worker and sympathiser of militants” who posed a “threat to the security of the state”. The dossier (PSA 02 of 2024) also accused Rehamatullah of being “in continuous touch with ISI/PAK based settled militants”.

However, the five-page dossier, which has been prepared by the Senior Superintendent of Police (Doda) and approved by deputy commissioner Doda Harvinder Singh, does not refer to any formal anti-terror charges under which Rehamatullah has been booked in the past.

The dossier stated that the young activist has been booked in five FIRs (two of them for his speeches, one each for wrongful restraint, abduction and criminal trespass) and he has got bail from the courts in all the cases. It also referred to a Daily Dairy entry (No. 5 of August 2, 2024) against Rehamatullah at Doda police station.

The DD entry accused the young activist of purportedly using VPN for accessing the internet “so that his anti-national activities and his links across the border with PAK/POK based militant cannot be detected”.

“As evident from the above, it can be…concluded that the subject has maintained his links with the PAK/ POK based militants, which may have been used by foreign terrorists in killing defense forces personnel in multiple attacks in the district in the last 6 months. It is clear that the subject…has become a great threat to the security of the State,” the dossier noted.

Rehamatullah is the father of two minor children and the youngest among three siblings.

‘A big scam’

However, Doda MLA and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader, Mehraj Malik sought to link the detention of Rehamatullah under the PSA with a video interview on November 6 in which the activist had accused the Doda deputy commissioner of failing to enforce the rules governing the disposal of solid waste in the town.

Against the backdrop of plumes of smoke rising from mounds of garbage, which he claimed had been set on fire by Doda town’s municipal authorities, Rehamatullah can be heard saying that the unscientific disposal of garbage was causing health issues for the residents. A Solid Waste Management Project was approved by the National Building Construction Corporation Limited in 2008 for Doda to collect garbage from 17 wards of the town and convert it into manure.

“The plant was supposed to minimise the negative impacts of solid waste on environment, quality of life and health. Why is the magistrate not taking suo moto cognisance? Why is the pollution control board and municipality silent? It is a big scam. Crore of rupees are being swindled. The government should look into it,” the activist had asked. In another video on September 16, Rehamatullah can be heard appealing the people to use their democratic right to vote to give a “befitting reply” to the “forces of tyranny” and “those targeting the identity” of Jammu and Kashmir, “I appeal people to throng the polling booths and give a befitting reply to the tyrants by raising the slogan of ‘Inquilab zindabad’,” he said.

Charges against five trade union leaders

The detention of Rehamatullah came days after five trade union leaders in the adjoining Kishtwar district were booked under the PSA amid growing concerns over the environmental degradation caused by the power projects in the district. The detention of the five leaders was condemned by the Peoples Democratic Party president Mehbooba Mufti, among others.

According to reports and several social media posts from journalists and activists in Chenab Valley, which comprises Doda, Kishtwar and Ramban districts, the five detainees had been flagging the issues of environmental degradation, poor compensation and health hazards triggered by pollution due to the ongoing construction of these power projects.

However, the administration has accused the five men of “anti-national activities” and “disturbing public order”. Doda-based journalist and editor of The Chenab Times, Anzer Ayoub said that the fact that the detainees were trade union leaders “is a gross abuse of power.”

The entire statement issued by academics and activists may be read below:

Stop Arbitrary Detentions and Intimidation of Social & Environmental Activists in Jammu & Kashmir

Save Ecology & Uphold Democratic Rights in J&K and entire Himalayan Region Release all detained activists immediately: Withdraw arbitrary cases

The National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM), along with other people’s organizations and concerned citizens from across India strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of social and environmental activists in Jammu & Kashmir under the Public Safety Act (PSA). Those detained under the provisions of J&K Public Safety Act, 1978, include Mohammad Abdullah Gujjar (resident of Sigdi Bhata), Noor Din (resident of Kakerwagan), Ghulam Nabi Choppan (resident of Trungi – Dachhan), Mohammad Jaffer Sheikh (resident of Nattas, Dool) and Mohammad Ramzan (resident of Dangduroo – Dachhan), trade union leaders from Kishtwar district.

The authorities claim that these persons were attempting to ‘obstruct projects of national importance’. However, according to local sources and social media posts of activists and journalists from the Chenab Valley, the detained activists were voicing several specific concerns about the hydropower projects including infrastructure-related impacts and damages, environmental violations, denial of compensation and rehabilitation etc. They also alleged that local houses and properties suffered severe damage due to project-related blasting and that construction work reportedly caused ‘structural integrity issues’ in nearby buildings. It is learnt that 22 other persons have been placed under state ‘surveillance’ and we fear that they may also be subject to arbitrary detention or arrests.

It has also been reported that another young climate activist Rehamatullah (25), from Dessa Bhatta of Doda (J&K), who has been vocal about environmental issues and was actively uncovering a solid waste management scam, has been detained under the Public Safety Act (PSA). His work exposed the alleged misuse of funds and negligence in managing local waste, affecting public health and the environment. These detentions have raised concerns among local communities and environmental organizations, who view it as a suppression of environmental activism and transparency efforts.

We are of the earnest view that the detention of these activists who have only been advocating for the protection of local ecosystems, people’s democratic rights and truly sustainable development, undermine the right to hold authorities accountable, the right to peaceful protest and community involvement in decision making processes. It also represents a troubling misuse of power and a suppression of fundamental rights, which should alarm every citizen who believes in democracy and justice.

The criminalization of activism in Jammu and Kashmir, exemplified by laws such as the Public Safety Act (PSA), has systematically suppressed local voices. We must unite in support of activists, including climate justice activists, and support their well-meaning advocacy efforts in J&K. It is imperative that the new government that has been voted to power in J&K with expectations that at least some democratic rights would be upheld, must live up to this popular mandate. Even as issues and subjects of federal rights are divided between the Centre and J&K, we expect the Lieutenant Governor and the Central Government to act responsibly and refrain from high-handed interventions, as people on the ground voice legitimate concerns in a peaceful way.

It must be emphasised that popular opposition to hydro-power and mega infrastructure is not isolated to the region of Jammu & Kashmir, but is seen across the Himalayan states, given the environmental and socio-economic threats these projects pose to the region at large. Thus, clamping down on ecological movements in the region only hampers the much-needed struggle to combat climate crisis.

NAPM strongly asserts that socio-ecological justice activism and the act of raising legitimate concerns should not be mis-labelled as “anti-national.” Attempts to silence dissent by branding it as “anti-national” weaken the foundations of democratic governance and hinder constructive dialogue on pressing social issues.

We call for the immediate and unconditional release all detainees and demand that the PSA, other charges against them be withdrawn. Activism and dissent are essential components of a healthy democracy, and they should be respected rather than criminalized. The authorities must instead impartially inquire into the allegations of corruption, ensure participatory socio- environmental impact assessments and prioritize ecological justice. As the 29^th United Nations Climate Change Conference kickstarts at Baku (COP29), we hope necessary attention would be paid to environmental defenders back home, safeguarding ecology at great risk.

List of Signatories 

The post 250+ activists from across India call for immediate release of Jammu and Kashmir’s environmental defenders appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Calling “detentions and intimidation” of social and environmental activists in J&K “arbitrary”,  NAPM sought in a statement the release of all detained activists immediately, withdrawal of arbitrary cases under Public Safety Act (PSA) against them, and stop criminalising activists.

National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM), along with other people’s organizations and concerned citizens from across India strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of social and environmental activists in Jammu & Kashmir under the Public Safety Act (PSA). Those detained under the provisions of J&K Public Safety Act, 1978, include Mohammad Abdullah Gujjar (resident of Sigdi Bhata), Noor Din (resident of Kakerwagan), Ghulam Nabi Choppan (resident of Trungi – Dachhan), Mohammad Jaffer Sheikh (resident of Nattas, Dool) and Mohammad Ramzan (resident of Dangduroo – Dachhan), trade union leaders from Kishtwar district.

The authorities claim that these persons were attempting to ‘obstruct projects of national importance’. However, according to local sources and social media posts of activists and journalists from the Chenab Valley, the detained activists were voicing several specific concerns about the hydropower projects including infrastructure-related impacts and damages, environmental violations, denial of compensation and rehabilitation etc. They also alleged that local houses and properties suffered severe damage due to project-related blasting and that construction work reportedly caused ‘structural integrity issues’ in nearby buildings. It is learnt that 22 other persons have bene placed under state ‘surveillance’ and we fear that they may also be subject to arbitrary detention.

It has also been reported that another young climate activist Rehamatullah (25), from Dessa Bhatta of Doda (J&K), who has been vocal about environmental issues and was actively uncovering a solid waste management scam, has been detained under the Public Safety Act (PSA). His work exposed the alleged misuse of funds and negligence in managing local waste, affecting public health and the environment. These detentions have raised concerns among local communities and environmental organizations, who view it as a suppression of environmental activism and transparency efforts.

We are of the earnest view that the detention of these activists who have only been advocating for the protection of local ecosystems, people’s democratic rights and truly sustainable development, undermine the right to hold authorities accountable, the right to peaceful protest and community involvement in decision making processes. It also represents a troubling misuse of power and a suppression of fundamental rights, which should alarm every citizen who believes in democracy and justice.

The criminalization of activism in Jammu and Kashmir, exemplified by laws such as the Public Safety Act (PSA), has systematically suppressed local voices. We must unite in support of activists, including climate justice activists, and support their well-meaning advocacy efforts in J&K. It is imperative that the new government that has been voted to power in J&K with expectations that at least some democratic rights would be upheld, must live up to this popular mandate. Even as issues and subjects of federal rights are divided between the Centre and J&K, we expect the Lieutenant Governor and the Central Government to act responsibly and refrain from high-handed interventions, as people on the ground voice legitimate concerns in a peaceful way.

NAPM strongly asserts that socio-ecological justice activism and the act of raising legitimate concerns should not be mislabeled as “anti-national.”  Attempts to silence dissent by branding it as “anti-national” weaken the foundations of democratic governance and hinder constructive dialogue on pressing social issues.

We call for the immediate and unconditional release all detainees and demand that the PSA charges against them be withdrawn. Activism and dissent are essential components of a healthy democracy, and they should be respected rather than criminalized. The authorities must instead impartially inquire into the allegations of corruption and ensure that ecological justice is prioritized. As the 29th United Nation Climate Change Conference kickstarts at Baku (COP29), we hope necessary attention would be paid to environmental defenders safeguarding ecology at great risk.

Courtesy: CounterView

The post Detentions and intimidation of social and environmental activists in J&K arbitrary: NAPM appeared first on SabrangIndia.