Hate & Harmony

Despite the Union government’s tardy approach since the passage of the historic Forest Rights Act in 2006, states such as Jammu and Kashmir are now taking the lead in securing indigenous land rights. Groups including the Wullar Bachav Front and the All India Union of Forest Working Peoples (AIUWFP) have been engaging with the state administration on the issue

A week after being brutally attacked in Nawada, Mohammad Athar Hussain succumbed to his injuries, leaving behind unanswered questions on accountability, identity-based violence, and justice

Ayesha or Samreen, Maharashtra’s Muslim women widows of hate crimes live abandoned by family and society, haunted by questions to which neither state nor society provides healing or answers

In a win for Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), the broadcast regulator holds the channel responsible for stereotyping Muslims, manufacturing a false narrative, and linking unrelated crimes to an entire community

Months ahead of polls, Bengal politics takes a communal plunge –minority and majority -- with electronic and print media playing up both events: the foundation laying ceremony of the “new Babri Masjid” and the “Gita Recital” at the Brigade Parade Ground, Kolkata

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent undermining of rights through emphasising “duties” is both a majoritarian and feudal re-affirmation common to authoritarian states and societies

The organisation documents a 10-day trail of exclusionary, fearmongering and openly inflammatory statements across four states, urging urgent intervention to prevent further communal polarisation

Tejo Mahalay & Mina Bazar: P. N. Oak’s Pseudohistory demeaning both Muslims & Rajputs, is both Communal and Casteist; P. N. Oak’s legacy is not one of historical revision but of ideological engineering. His “Tejo Mahalay” myth and “Mina Bazar” fantasy are not just anti-Muslim—they are anti-Rajput and fundamentally Brahminical

Reassertion of obliterated historical facts has always been a project of the powerful majority and this crucial piece, once again, exclusively in SabrangIndia, counters this propaganda

As the Sanatan Ekta Padyatra traversed 422 village panchayats across three states, it carried not merely religious symbolism but explicit political messaging. Calls for a Hindu Rashtra, vilification of Muslim communities, and assertions of majoritarian dominance raise serious questions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita’s provisions on promoting enmity, inciting violence, and disturbing public tranquillity. Yet, as the aftermath shows, ranging from protests in Datia to a clash in Vrindavan, the legal system’s response has been fragmented and cautious. This report interrogates that legal vacuum, situating the padyatra within established precedents of hate-speech jurisprudence and the enduring gap between statutory safeguards and ground-level enforcement.