History bears witness to the fact that Islam has contributed several positive changes throughout human history, and I firmly believe that it still offers valuable lessons to the world. My conviction stems from both my readings on Islam and my close association with many Muslim friends. I have not only read the Holy Quran but have also lived among Muslims for years. Based on my studies and personal experiences, I can confidently say that much of the propaganda against Islam and Muslims is entirely baseless and politically motivated. However, that is not the focus here. My intention is to share my experience with Eid.

During my stay in the Sabzi Bagh area of Patna, I had the opportunity to observe and participate in the Eid festival. Sabzi Bagh is a densely populated area on the banks of the river Ganga, about half a mile east of the historic Gandhi Maidan. This large ground, famous for hosting powerful speeches from leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan to Lalu Prasad Yadav—speeches that have shaken the foundations of Indian politics—is considered the “lung” of Patna, which grows more congested by the day. The Sabzi Bagh area has both Hindu and Muslim populations, but the specific location of the office of Qaumi Tanzeem, one of Bihar’s leading newspapers, is predominantly inhabited by Muslims. It was during my first visit to Patna and the office of the Qaumi Tanzeem that I saw Sabzi Bagh. 

My birthplace is Raxaul, located on the India-Nepal border in the East Champaran district of Bihar. After passing my matriculation, albeit with a third division, my family showed little interest in supporting my further education. My elder brother entered into a partnership with one of his Marwari friends to open a coal shop and asked me to manage it on his behalf. I would open the shop in the morning and stay there until evening, selling coal. However, my passion for reading did not fade, even though I was cut off from formal education. I spent my free time at the shop reading newspapers and magazines. During that period, I learned Urdu with the help of a Maulvi from Mau (Uttar Pradesh), who worked as a muezzin at an Islampur mosque across the Sariswa River in Raxaul. He used to visit my locality to teach the Quran to Muslim students, and he kindly accepted my request to teach me Urdu alongside them. Later, my proficiency in Urdu improved with the guidance of other teachers, notably Amin Saheb from Islampur and Maulana Nasrullah, who ran a chicken shop on Post Office Road in Raxaul.

I quickly learned Urdu and gradually began reading Urdu newspapers. At the time, my knowledge of politics was limited, and my interests were mostly focused on sports. A few months into reading these papers, I felt a strong urge as a writer to express myself. I wrote a short piece on cricket in Urdu and sent it to Qaumi Tanzeem for publication. To my delight, the newspaper not only published my article but also included my picture, which filled me with joy. This marked the beginning of my connection with Qaumi Tanzeem—first as a reader, and then as a writer.

In addition to submitting articles, mostly about sports, I worked as a correspondent for the Urdu daily for a long time, covering Raxaul and its surrounding areas. As I ventured deeper into the field of writing, I realized that my knowledge was limited. In my pursuit of learning, I re-enrolled in formal education. I passed my intermediate exams and decided to move to Patna to pursue a degree in English, hoping to improve my English skills and become a better journalist. One of my seniors convinced me that to excel as a journalist, even in Urdu media, mastering English was essential.

Although I was able to secure admission at A.N. College, Patna, in English Honors, the biggest challenge I faced was finding accommodation. The college had no hostel, and I did not have the financial means to pay for room rent. It was during this difficult time that I sought help from the editors of Qaumi Tanzeem. Ashraf Fareed and the late Ajmal Fareed, the editors of the newspaper, were kind enough to allow me to share a room on the office premises without charging rent. I lived in that room for four years, sharing it with Shabbir Bhai, the office peon. Our room was also the dumping zone for the leftover paper. In our room, scrap paper was also stored. During the newspaper printing process, some paper would be left over from the paper rolls, which would be kept in our room for a month and then sold at the end of the month. At the beginning of the month, a bundle would arrive, and by the end of the month, a large part of the room would be filled with a mountain of paper. Many times, we feared that the pile of paper might fall on us. It was during my stay in Sabzi Bagh that I had the opportunity to participate in Eid celebrations. 

At the time, I worked at the Qaumi Tanzeem office. My responsibilities included translating English stories into Hindi, proofreading, and even attending press conferences. Since I was pursuing my graduation alongside working, I used to help out in the office whenever I had free time. I often found myself looking forward to iftar more eagerly than my Muslim colleagues. The aroma of pakoras, the fragrance of ripe fruits, and the vivid redness of Rooh-Afza would make my mouth water. As a bachelor living on my own and cooking my own meals, the prospect of enjoying delicious food always excited me. When the staff sat down to break their fast, I was invited to join them, just like any other rozedar. I noticed that the editors and other staff members would often insist that I eat more, treating me with extra warmth and hospitality.

During iftar, I never felt for a moment that I was an outsider. After iftar, when the believers would offer namaz, I would return to the office. No one ever insisted that I join them for prayer, nor did they make any comments about my religious identity. In fact, my editors and other staff members would ask if I had performed pooja during Hindu festivals. However, as I grew older, my interest in rituals gradually faded. When I told them I hadn’t performed any, they would suggest that I should have. I realized that while my Muslim colleagues were deeply connected to their faith, they also respected the beliefs of others. Years later, when I read the Holy Quran, I discovered that, contrary to widespread propaganda, it strongly supports tolerance, pluralism, and harmony. Consider these words from the Quran: “For you is your religion, and for me is my religion”.

As Eid approached, the market’s hustle and bustle intensified. The shops in Sabzi Bagh, illuminated by countless bulbs, stayed open late into the night. New stalls popped up on the footpaths, making it hard for pedestrians to navigate. Various tea stalls emerged, and shops selling delicious dates were everywhere. Golden, fried sewai were stacked in baskets for sale. Shops selling kurtas and perfumes also opened. Late into the night and into the early morning, Sabzi Bagh stayed alive. The area was decorated like a bride, and every night felt like Diwali. In the evenings, I would roam the alleys of Sabzi Bagh, sipping tea and chatting with friends. One of my favourite spots was the tea stall in front of the Bankipur post office. Unlike the night, the day had a deserted look until noon. The food-selling hotels would hang curtains in front of their shops, and behind them, those who did not fast would sit and eat. The curtain was put up as a mark of respect for those who were fasting. 

Since charity holds a significant place in Islam, many needy, destitute, and poor people would come to Sabzi Bagh during the holy month of Ramadan, hoping to receive some financial assistance. At the Qaumi Tanzeem office, an elderly blind man used to visit and stay for a few days during Ramadan. He would beg for money in the evenings. On several occasions, I saw him sitting on one of the porches, carefully counting his coins. By the end of the month, when he prepared to return home, he had collected a substantial amount in charity.

The day before Eid, the staff members would receive Eidi, a small monetary gift from the late editor, Ajmal Farid. No one knew exactly how much anyone else received. Before leaving the office, everyone would meet ‘Jammu’ Sir, as Ajmal Farid was affectionately called, in his chamber. He would discreetly take some money from his pocket, place it into the recipient’s pocket, embrace them, and wish them “Eid Mubarak.” I, too, eagerly awaited my turn. Ajmal Farid would slip a few hundred-rupee notes into my pocket and hug me, repeating, “Eid Mubarak.” Before I left his chamber, he would invite me to his home for food, as his house was located close to the office.

My preparation for Eid mostly involved washing my clothes and getting them ironed. I would also try to stay fresh for the occasion. On Eid day, I didn’t miss the opportunity to visit my editor’s house. There, we would be treated to a variety of delicious foods, many of which I had never tasted before. They gave me special attention, urging me to eat more and proudly introducing me to other guests, saying I was very good at Urdu.

In the evening, I was invited by the late Khursheed Hashmi to his house near Rukanpura, close to Rajapul in Panta. Khursheed Hashmi was from Gaya and worked as the senior-most journalist at Qaumi Tanzeem. He was responsible for deciding the main stories for the front page of the daily. A PhD in Urdu literature, Hashmi was a journalist with a clear perspective. While many journalists at Qaumi Tanzeem imitated the leading Hindi newspapers, he would privately express his frustration to me, saying that a good journalist develops their own perspective. He often remarked that what might be a top story for a leading newspaper doesn’t necessarily have to be a leading story for us. He emphasized that a journalist should never be swayed by the big media houses and should instead trust their own research and observations.

Khursheed Saheb was one of the best journalists I have ever met. Unfortunately, it’s a sad reality in the media industry that hundreds of dedicated journalists like Khursheed Hashmi, working for smaller media houses, are often underpaid and their contributions remain unrecognized. During my time at Qaumi Tanzeem, I grew close to him. He would often visit my room to have tea that I made. When he returned home, I would walk with him to Gandhi Maidan after 10 p.m., from where he would hire an auto to his place. Almost every day, I accompanied him to Gandhi Maidan to see him off, which gave me the opportunity to discuss pressing issues with him.

On the day of Eid, he used to wait for me, and we would take our meals together in the evening. He lived in a one-room flat in Rukanpura, and I would spend hours sitting with his family, talking. I stayed in Patna for several years before leaving for Delhi to pursue higher education. Each year, I made it a point to visit his house on Eid. I remember the day I was leaving Patna—he came to see me off at Gandhi Maidan bus station. Since then, whenever I visited Patna, I never missed an opportunity to meet Khursheed Saheb and visit the Qaumi Tanzeem office. Even today, some residents of Sabzi Bagh recognize me and greet me warmly. However, I heard the heartbreaking news that Khursheed Saheb passed away during the COVID-19 pandemic, leaving behind his family without any source of income. Since Urdu newspapers rarely offer social security to their staff, his family had to vacate their house in Patna and return to their hometown. His son, an engineer, has been trying to find a job.

Whenever Eid approaches, I reflect on my time at Qaumi Tanzeem. My experience of Eid is a testament to the inclusive nature of festivals in our society, celebrated by all, regardless of religious affiliation. However, I am deeply concerned about a segment of hardliners attempting to divide festivals along religious lines and communalize public religious spaces. Religious faith is a personal matter, while the celebration of festivals and the organization of religious events are social activities that thrive on the equal participation of all sections of society. These cherished memories of Sabzi Bagh are engraved in my heart and mind. When I reflect on them, I see the absurdity of the divisive politics surrounding festivals and the vilification of minority communities.

(The author holds a PhD in Modern History from the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. His book on Muslim Personal Law is forthcoming. Email:debatingissues@gmail.com)

The post My Eid Celebration at Sabzi Bagh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to posts on X by @HindutvaWatchIn, “Mohammad Sharif, 53, died after an altercation with Holi revellers who allegedly assaulted him when he objected to being forcibly smeared with colours” on March 15 in Unnao.

Link: https://x.com/HindutvaWatchIn/status/1903426684352606593

This aligns with family accounts but contrasts with the police narrative of a heart attack. Furthermore, AIMIM Lok Sabha MP Asaduddin Owaisi expressed outrage on X, stating, “Unnao’s Sharif was beaten to death. His crime? He objected to being forcibly smeared with Holi colour,”

उन्नाव के शरीफ को कल पीट-पीट कर मार दिया गया। उनका जुर्म? उन्होंने उन पर जबरन रंग लगाने पर ऐतराज किया। मेरी दुआएं उनके घर वालों के साथ हैं। वो सिर्फ इस नुक्सान का ग़म ही नहीं मना रहे हैं, बल्कि पुलिस के झूठ से भी जूझ रहे हैं। पुलिस इस मामले को ये कहकर बंद करना चाहती है कि ये एक…

— Asaduddin Owaisi (@asadowaisi) March 16, 2025

The Incident: a fatal encounter

Sharif, a resident of Qasim Nagar, was no stranger to hard work or resilience. The sole breadwinner for his wife, Raushan Bano, their five daughters—two of whom are married—and a minor son, he had spent over a decade abroad to secure a better future for his family. On that fateful morning, while fasting for Ramadan, Sharif stepped out in an auto-rickshaw, reportedly heading toward a dairy near Sheetla Mata Temple, just beyond Chota Chauraha. It was around noon when his path crossed with a group of revellers celebrating Holi, the festival of colours.

According to his family, the encounter quickly escalated from playful to perilous. The group allegedly attempted to forcibly smear Sharif with colours, an act he resisted. His nephew, Mohammad Shamim, recounted the scene based on witness accounts to Hindustan Times, “He was being heckled, and the revellers were determined to apply colours. When I reached the site, my uncle was requesting them not to do so. The issue seemed settled then, but later, many of them caught hold of him again” Hindustan Times reported

Witnesses told Shamim that Sharif was repeatedly slapped, a brutal assault that left him struggling to breathe. Moments later, he collapsed.

Bystanders intervened, pulling Sharif from the fray and offering him water as he sat on a nearby platform. But the relief was fleeting—Sharif soon succumbed, his body going limp in the arms of those who tried to save him. His daughter, Bushra, spoke with raw anguish to Maktoob Media. “They beat my father so brutally that he struggled to breathe. He was beaten to death. They also took the money he was carrying,” as reported by Maktoob Media on X

“They beat my father so brutally that he struggled to breathe. He was beaten to death. They also took the money he was carrying,” says Bushra, daughter of Mohammad Sharif, who died on March 15 after allegedly being assaulted by a group of people for resisting Holi colors in Uttar… pic.twitter.com/A609tcCOPm

— Maktoob (@MaktoobMedia) March 17, 2025

Taken to a hospital, Sharif was declared dead on arrival, leaving his family shattered and his community reeling.

The official narrative vs. family claims

The Unnao Police, under the Kotwali Sadar jurisdiction, swiftly took custody of Sharif’s body and ordered a post-mortem, conducted with videography by a panel of doctors. The report, as cited by the police, concluded that Sharif died of cardiac arrest, with no visible injury marks on his body. Additional SP Akhilesh Singh emphasized to Hindustan Times, “The police are investigating this case. There is no law-and-order problem as such” reported HT. The official stance suggested a natural death, starkly contrasting the family’s allegations of a violent assault.

This discrepancy ignited a firestorm of scepticism and anger. A relative, speaking anonymously to Maktoob Media, dismissed the post-mortem findings, “Bystanders saw him being thrashed. They spoke to the media, saying it happened right in front of them. How can there be no injury marks on his body?” reported Maktoob Media.

The family refused to allow the autopsy until the culprits were arrested, a stance that persisted into the late evening as police and administrative officers worked to persuade them otherwise.

Based on Minhaz, Sharif’s brother-in-law’s initial complaint, an FIR was filed against four named individuals—Kishan, Amarpal, Munnu, and Sanjay—along with others unidentified, under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) including Section 105 (culpable homicide not amounting to murder), Section 352 (intentional insult to provoke breach of peace), and Section 190 (constructive liability within an unlawful assembly). Three individuals were detained, but no arrests followed, leaving the family’s demand for justice unmet.

A funeral turned flashpoint

Sharif’s death sent shockwaves through Qasim Nagar and beyond, drawing a large crowd to his funeral that night. Around 11:45 PM on March 15, as the procession reached the Lucknow-Kanpur highway near IBP Chauraha, mourners placed Sharif’s body in the middle of the road, blocking traffic.

What the family saw as a rightful expression of grief and outrage, the police framed as a disturbance. On March 16, a second FIR was lodged—this time against 117 individuals, including Sharif’s relatives Minhaz, Sameem, and Shadab, along with 100 unidentified persons. The charges included rioting (Section 191(2)), disobedience to a public servant’s order (Section 223), abetment (Section 49), obstructing a public servant (Section 221), and causing obstruction in a public way (Section 285) under the BNS. Investigating Officer SI Brajesh Kumar Yadav confirmed no arrests had been made, but the FIR itself felt like a betrayal to the grieving family.

Minhaz, now both a complainant and an accused, voiced his disbelief to Maktoob Media from the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court, where he was preparing to file two writ petitions against the Uttar Pradesh Police, said, “I don’t understand what kind of system this is. We lost a family member. We filed a complaint against those who assaulted Sharif, leading to his death, and now the police have booked us instead of taking action against the accused,” as reported by Maktoob Media

The incident unfolded against a backdrop of heightened communal sensitivity, with Holi coinciding with Jumu’ah Namaz on March 14, prompting increased security across Uttar Pradesh. Shahr Qazi Saqib Adeeb Misbahi, who travelled from Kanpur to mediate, as per Clarion India, “Such an incident has never occurred before in Unnao’s history. Holi passed off peacefully in the district until this” as per Clarion India. He affirmed the administration’s promise of a thorough investigation, yet the family’s plight suggested a deeper malaise.

UP CM Yogi Adityanath said, Muslims are the safest in UP

Amid the controversy, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, in an ANI podcast on March 26, claimed, “Muslims are the safest in UP.” He argued that a Muslim family among Hindus enjoys safety and religious freedom, contrasting it with the vulnerability of Hindus among Muslim majorities, citing Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan as examples. “Before 2017, riots were happening in UP—Hindu shops were burning, and Muslim shops were also burning. But after 2017, riots stopped,” he added.

A Family’s Plea

For Sharif’s family, the fight is personal. Left without their provider, they demand the arrest of all accused, monetary compensation, and a job for Sharif’s minor son. The post-mortem report and police FIRs have only deepened their sense of injustice, turning their grief into a public battle against a system they feel has failed them. As protests flared and Rapid Response Teams descended on Unnao, the question lingered: in a state claiming safety for all, why does justice feel so elusive for Mohammad Sharif’s kin?

The Unnao tragedy is more than a single death—it’s a mirror to a society grappling with bias, accountability, and the fragile threads of coexistence. For now, Minhaz stands at the courthouse, petitions in hand, seeking answers in a system that seems to have turned its back on his family’s pain.

Related:

Uttar Pradesh: Police action to deter fight for Dalit rights, says jailed activist and former IPS officer

Inquiry into rights violations by UP police during 2019 anti-CAA protests: NHRC

Assam Police Firing: Support for victims grows

The post Unnao’s Mohammad Sharif Killing: A tale of grief, injustice, and systemic bias appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since March, action has been taken against 136 madrasas that were ‘not registered with the education department or the Madrasa Board.’ Reports suggest that, according to government estimates, the state has around 450 registered madrasas while 500 are operating without the recognition of these two departments. However, these institutions are being run under the Societies Registration Act.

A statement put out by the state reportedly said, “Action against illegal madrasas, unauthorised shrines, and encroachments will continue. Unregistered madrasas have been reported in towns bordering Uttar Pradesh, and such unauthorised institutions pose a serious security concern.”

In January 2025, the CM had first directed ordered a ‘verification drive’, and the district administrations have been surveying madrasas to ascertain various aspects, including their financial sources. In Udham Singh Nagar, the government has sealed 64 madrasas; in Dehradun, 44; 26 in Haridwar; and two in Pauri Garhwal, officials said.

Khurshid Ahmed, the state secretary for Jamiat ulema-i-Hind, claimed that the exercise is illegal as the managers of these institutions are not given notices before they are closed. “For a large-scale drive like this, the government needs to pass an order, but that has not happened. The sealing is taking place during Ramadan when the children are away at their homes. Several institutions had closed after the year-end exams. What needs to be seen is if the children will be able to assimilate with other schools and curriculum when they get transferred,” he said.

Madrasa Board chairperson Mufti Shamoom Qasmi said that the children from the sealed madrasas will be transferred to schools and madrasas nearby, and urged the administration to initiate this action. “We will look into how many children study here after the report on the drive is submitted. The children are entitled to the right to education and we will make sure it is not violated,” he said.

The issue of inequitable comparisons between educational qualifications in a madrasa and a school, Qasmi said the education department will try to resolve this. It may be recalled that, in Uttar Pradesh, the government has awarded equivalence to Munshi and Maulvi curricula in class 10 and Alim in class 12. “A set of guidelines have been formed, which will bring the congruence. The Education Board headquartered in Ramnagar will resolve this and accord recognition,” he said.

In Uttarakhand, it was the DMs (Collectors) who conducted the state-wide inspection in all 13 districts, yet, the findings are not public. Recognised madrasas come under the state boards for madrasa education, while unrecognised ones follow the curriculum prescribed by the bigger seminaries such as the Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama and Darul Uloom Deoband.

Related:

Uttarakhand: Six Muslims killed after demolition of Madarsa, Haldwani MLA says officials rushed the process

Lucknow demolition drives resume a day after central government’s oath taking ceremony

Demolitions as retributive state policy used against minorities in India: Amnesty

Historic 600 year old Delhi mosque demolished without notice

The post 136 madrasas sealed, Uttarakhand CM Dhami now orders probe into funding appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Amid heavy police security, civic authorities demolished a two-storey house of #Nagpurviolence key accused Fahim Khan over unauthorised construction, officials said.https://t.co/KUgWpxbvV8 pic.twitter.com/PxUxA0DgB8

— The Hindu (@the_hindu) March 24, 2025

#WATCH | Maharashtra: House of Nagpur violence accused Faheem Khan being demolished in Nagpur. Police personnel are present at the spot. pic.twitter.com/RKzAFCokED

— ANI (@ANI) March 24, 2025

Demolition of the house of Yusuf Sheikh, also an accused in the Nagpur violence case, was also reported on the same day.

#WATCH | Nagpur, Maharashtra: NMC’s (Nagpur Municipal Corporation) anti-encroachment squad demolishes the illegal construction of the house of Yusuf Sheikh, accused in the Nagpur violence case.

Visuals from Johripura, Mahal. pic.twitter.com/K1f9rbsWjL

— ANI (@ANI) March 24, 2025

It is essential to note that the Municipal authorities have claimed the demolition was carried out under the Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning (MRTP) Act, citing “unauthorised construction” as the reason. However, the selective and arbitrary nature of such demolitions raises serious questions about due process and the rule of law. Khan, who remains in judicial custody, is among more than 100 individuals—mostly Muslims—arrested in connection with the violence. Local residents have accused the police of bias and indiscriminate arrests, further deepening fears of state-sponsored communal targeting. The suggestions of there being biased enquiry into this violence can also viewed from the fact that the 11 members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal, who had allegedly burnt the effigy of Aurangzeb as well as a chadar from a local Dargah to demand the removal of the tomb of Aurangzeb, had been given bail hours after surrendering to the police.

In regards to the demolition of Fahim Khan’s house, Nagpur Municipal Corporation’s deputy engineer, Sunil Gajbhiye, asserted that the demolition was conducted after an “investigation” and a 24-hour notice issued under Section 53(1) of the MRTP Act. However, the absurdity of such rapid enforcement—especially when encroachments by politically influential individuals often remain untouched for decades—suggests that this was less about urban planning and more about political retribution.

#WATCH | Nagpur: “…We had the order to investigate into a complaint. We did a proper investigation. As per Sec 53(1) of the MRTP Act (Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act, 1966) a notice was issued for 24 hours. As soon as the duration completed, this action was… https://t.co/9eEE1GJsAm pic.twitter.com/6edPdYfegh

— ANI (@ANI) March 24, 2025

While Indian law does not permit property demolitions as a punitive measure, the BJP has increasingly used this tactic as an extrajudicial weapon against Muslims, particularly in cases of communal violence. Despite a Supreme Court stay on such measures, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis brazenly justified the “bulldozer action,” declaring on March 22 that it would be used “wherever required.” He further stated that damage caused during the violence would be recovered from the accused, failing which their property would be seized and auctioned. The CM also alarmingly suggested that those accused of inciting violence through social media would be treated as co-accused, raising concerns about potential misuse of state power to silence dissent.

The government’s rhetoric has been disturbingly violent, with Maharashtra minister Pratap Sarnaik openly advocating for extrajudicial violence, stating, “The bulldozer should be run over him, not his house, if anyone is involved in such violent activities.” His remarks, reported by the Deccan Herald, reflect the growing normalisation of state brutality and the erosion of legal safeguards.

The pattern of bulldozer politics, seen recently in Sambhal and other BJP-governed regions, is not just a violation of legal norms but a deliberate strategy to intimidate and collectively punish Muslims. That such actions continue despite the Supreme Court’s directives underscores the growing impunity of state actors who use communal violence as a pretext to enforce their majoritarian agenda.

With at least 105 individuals arrested and multiple FIRs registered, the situation in Nagpur reveals a deeply disturbing reality: rather than upholding the principles of justice and accountability, the state is resorting to bulldozers and arbitrary punishment, sending a chilling message about whose rights matter in today’s India.

Lifting of curfew, multiple arrest and a fatality

It is also crucial to provide here that the communal violence that erupted in Nagpur on March 17 has now resulted in the death of a 38-year-old man, Irfan Ansari, who succumbed to his injuries at Indira Gandhi Government Medical College and Hospital on March 23. A welder by profession, Ansari had left home to catch a train to Itarsi in Madhya Pradesh but was caught in the chaos near Central Avenue. He was brutally attacked by a mob, sustaining severe head injuries. His family was informed only after the police took him to the hospital, where he briefly regained consciousness before succumbing to his wounds.

The Nagpur police have arrested a total of 105 individuals in connection with the violence, including 14 people, among them 10 minors, who were detained earlier this week. According to Deputy Commissioner of Police Lohit Matani, 13 cases have been registered, and multiple First Information Reports (FIRs) have been filed. Assistant Public Prosecutor Megha Burange confirmed that 19 accused individuals had been remanded in custody until March 24.

The violence occurred just hours after Hindutva groups held a demonstration demanding the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb in Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar. In response, authorities imposed prohibitory orders across 11 police station jurisdictions. While restrictions were gradually eased in some areas by March 21, the curfew was fully lifted on March 24, with police continuing to patrol sensitive localities.

Communal narratives and unverified claims of ‘Bangladeshi’ links

On Sunday, March 23, Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Nirupam had made unverified claims about the involvement of individuals linked to Bangladesh in the recent violence in Nagpur. At a press conference, Nirupam alleged that the unrest was “pre-meditated” and part of a larger conspiracy. He also accused one of the arrested individuals of using social media to fund “Mujahideen activities,” without providing any substantial evidence.

His statements took a political turn as he attacked the rival Shiv Sena (UBT), insinuating that its leaders were aligning with extremist elements. “Is the Sena (UBT) aligning itself with the Mujahideen? Are the Thackerays and (Sanjay) Raut supporting them?” he asked, attempting to stoke communal and political divisions. Furthering his rhetoric, he claimed that Uddhav Thackeray’s residence, Matoshree, would soon display a photo of Aurangzeb alongside those of Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj—an inflammatory remark aimed at discrediting the opposition.

The political exploitation of the violence has been evident in the statements of BJP allies like Sanjay Nirupam, who, instead of addressing the root causes of communal tensions, have chosen to push unverified claims of a “foreign hand” in the violence. His remarks, along with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ endorsement of punitive bulldozer actions, signal a dangerous trend of targeting minorities under the pretext of law enforcement.

The use of such rhetoric not only undermines due process but also diverts attention from the failure of law enforcement to prevent the violence in the first place. The events in Nagpur mirror a broader pattern of state-sponsored impunity, where accountability is selectively applied, and majoritarian politics dictate justice.

Police action, alleged mastermind and multiple FIRs

The Maharashtra Police have booked six individuals, including Minorities Democratic Party leader Fahim Khan, on charges of sedition and spreading misinformation on social media. The accused are among 50 others named across four FIRs.

Authorities have charged primary suspect Fahim Khan with sedition, among other offences. Police records indicate that Khan allegedly coordinated a demonstration outside a Nagpur police station on March 17. His criminal history includes charges of electricity theft and participation in protests during 2023-2024.

According to the FIR, Khan led a group of 50 to 60 individuals who illegally assembled outside Ganeshpeth police station on Monday to submit a memorandum opposing an earlier Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) protest. Officials stated that Khan and eight others later went to the Bhaldarpura area, where they found 500 to 600 people gathered near Shivaji Maharaj Chowk, which led to his arrest.’

Besides the sedition case, a separate FIR has been filed against individuals accused of editing videos of the protest against Aurangzeb, allegedly “glorifying violence” and circulating them online. Another case pertains to video clips allegedly made to incite communal clashes, while a third concerns social media posts that further fuelled tensions.

Deputy Commissioner of Police (Cyber Cell) Lohit Matani stated that misinformation was initially spread on social media, triggering the violence, followed by more videos that glorified it. “He [Fahim Khan] edited and circulated the video of the protest against Aurangzeb due to which the riots spread,” ANI quoted Matani as saying. “He also glorified violent videos.”

More than 120 people, including 11 minors, have been taken into custody, according to Commissioner Singal. Additionally, on March 19, Commissioner Singal had confirmed that investigations were ongoing to identify additional assailants and determine the involvement of individuals mentioned in the FIR regarding Khan’s suspected role in orchestrating the violence.

It is also being reported that the law enforcement has established 18 dedicated teams to pursue and capture those responsible for the unrest in Nagpur. According to a senior official, the police have identified 200 suspects and are working to determine the identities of 1,000 more individuals recorded on CCTV during the violence. Authorities have lodged five First Information Reports (FIRs) at Ganeshpeth and Kotwali police stations, naming 200 accused persons. Officials confirmed that they are reviewing CCTV recordings to identify additional participants.

As per a report of the Hindustan Times, Nagpur Commissioner of Police Dr Ravinder Kumar Singal briefed journalists about the special teams, which include personnel from Ganeshpeth, Kotwali, and Tehsil police stations, along with the Crime Branch. These teams are working in conjunction with the cyber cell to support the identification of suspects.

Aurangzeb’s tomb covered by tin sheets

In a related development, the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) on the night of March 19 had installed tin sheets around Aurangzeb’s tomb, following orders from the Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar district administration.

“The green net covering two sides of the tomb was in bad shape, and the structure was visible to those visiting the nearby Khwaja Syed Zainuddin Chishti grave,” an ASI official told PTI. “So we have installed tin sheets.”

The demand for the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb has been intensifying in recent weeks, with Hindutva groups, including the VHP and Bajrang Dal, claiming that the structure is a “symbol of pain and slavery.”

Congress response to the violence and reports of state bias

On March 20, Maharashtra Congress chief Harshvardhan Sapkal had informed the media about forming a team of party leaders to visit the riot-affected areas of Nagpur. The delegation includes senior leaders such as Manikrao Thakare, Shomati Thakur, Hussain Dalwai, and Sajid Pathan. Nagpur district Congress chief Thakare will serve as the convenor, while AICC Secretary Praful Gudade Patil has been appointed as the coordinator.

Meanwhile, Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi, a cleric from the Barelvi sect, had written to Union Home Minister Amit Shah, seeking a ban on the film Chhava, alleging that it incited communal tensions and was directly responsible for the Nagpur violence.

Sequence of events and aftermath

The violence in Nagpur erupted hours after Hindutva groups held a protest in the city demanding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb. The clashes broke out at 7:30 pm in central Nagpur’s Chitnis Park, where stones were thrown at the police amid rumours that a cloth bearing the Islamic declaration of faith, known as the Kalma, had been burned during a Hindutva-led agitation.

Unidentified Bajrang Dal office-bearers told The Indian Express that its members had only burned an effigy of Aurangzeb during the protest. However, another clash erupted in Hansapuri, close to Chitnis Park, between 10:30 pm and 11:30 pm. The violence soon spread to Kotwali and Ganeshpeth areas, prompting the police to fire tear gas shells and resort to lathi charges to disperse the mobs. Prohibitory orders barring public gatherings were imposed within the limits of 11 police stations.

A preliminary survey found that over 60 vehicles were damaged in the violence, including 20 two-wheelers and 40 four-wheelers. Two cranes were also set on fire, with a construction company reporting a loss of Rs 70 lakh. Authorities announced that individuals whose vehicles were fully damaged would receive Rs 50,000, while those with partially damaged vehicles would be compensated with Rs 10,000. The said compensation is said to be given to the victims on March 25.

(A detailed report may be read here and here)

A disturbing precedent

The Nagpur violence and the state’s response underscore a disturbing trend of bulldozer justice, arbitrary arrests, and communalised governance. The punitive demolition of Fahim Khan’s house—while the state turns a blind eye to Hindutva organisations inciting violence—reveals a stark bias in law enforcement. Statements from ministers and ruling party leaders openly endorsing extrajudicial action further normalise the idea that the law can be bypassed when dealing with minorities.

This particular incident of demolition of the house of an accused belonging to a minority religious community is not the first incident that has taken place in Maharashtra after the BJP has formed the state government. On February 23, (Sunday) during the highly anticipated India-Pakistan Champions Trophy match 2025, a local passer-by, owing allegiance to the Vishwa Hindu Parisha (VHP), accused a 15-year-old boy from a Muslim scrap metal trading family of shouting “anti-India” slogans during the India-Pakistan cricket match. This event took place reportedly around 9:30 pm on February 23. Varadkar, while the complainant one Sachin Varadkar, was on his bike riding to a friend’s house and claimed to have overheard the boy and a group of others shouting what he described as “anti-India” slogans. Later that evening, when passing by the area again, Sachin Varadkar reportedly saw the boy cycling and chose to confront him. What initially seemed like a minor disagreement quickly escalated, with Varadkar allegedly taking the matter to the authorities.

The situation intensified three days later when the boy was apprehended, his parents arrested, and their scrap shop demolished following complaints from locals. Just like in Nagpur, state sponsored illegal action in the name of demotions had taken place Muslim accused with following the due procedure of law. (Detailed story on the Malvan demolition may be read here.)

The broader context of the Nagpur violence reflects an alarming state strategy: use communal tensions as a pretext for aggressive law enforcement against one community while shielding provocateurs from accountability. This pattern not only erodes faith in the justice system but also contributes to deepening social divisions in Maharashtra and beyond.

Related:

How communal unrest was stoked, misinformation & rumours ignited unrest in Nagpur

Shielded by Power? How Prashant Koratkar’s remains un-arrested, even after making derogatory comments against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj

Colours of Discord: How Holi is being turned into a battleground for hate and exclusion

Maharashtra Human Rights Commission probes Malvan demolitions after suo moto cognisance

Hindutva push for ‘Jhatka’ meat is a Brahminical & anti-Muslim agenda

WB LoP Suvendu Adhikari’s open call for Muslim-free assembly from the Assembly must be met with action, not silence

The post Demolition of Fahim Khan’s house: A political message disguised as law enforcement appeared first on SabrangIndia.

From accusations of “grave sin” to his daughter’s Holi celebrations being deemed “illegal,” Shami’s dedication to his sport has ignited a fierce debate. A cleric and All India Muslim Jamaat president Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi, labels him a “criminal,” while a government minister champions his right to choose. This isn’t just about cricket; it’s a clash of ideologies, a battleground where personal freedom collides with religious dogma. As Shami’s wickets tumble and his critics fume, one question echoes: in a nation of diverse faiths, can professional excellence truly triumph over narrow-minded extremism?

Razvi called Shami a criminal for not observing Roza

The controversy began on March 5, when a video emerged showing Shami drinking an energy drink during an India-Australia match in the UAE, despite it being the holy month of Ramadan. This led to strong criticism from Razvi, who accused Shami of committing a “grave sin” by not fasting. “One of the compulsory duties is ‘Roza’ (fasting)… If any healthy man or woman doesn’t observe ‘Roza’, they will be a big criminal,” he said in a video statement, reported Times of India

Razvi’s comments focused on Shami’s public visibility as a national icon, using his actions as a teaching moment. “If he is playing, it means he is healthy. In such a condition, he did not observe ‘Roza’ and even had water. This sends a wrong message among people.” For Razvi, Shami’s failure to fast was more than a personal matter; it became a public issue that he felt needed to be addressed.

According to The Indian Express, he added, “A famous cricket personality of India, Mohammed Shami, had water or some other beverage during a match. People were watching him. If he is playing, it means he is healthy. In such a condition, he did not observe ‘Roza’ and even had water and an energy drink… This sends a wrong message among the followers of Islam.”

This critique ignited a debate on the role of religious leaders in monitoring personal and public actions, especially when individuals in the limelight choose national commitment over religious observance. Shami’s choice to prioritize his professional responsibilities added another layer to the ongoing discussion.

Holi celebrations of Shami’s daughter are “illegal” and “against Shariat”: Razvi

The controversy took a new turn in March 2025 when Razvi turned his attention to Shami’s young daughter after a video surfaced of her celebrating the Hindu festival of Holi. Razvi deemed the act “illegal” and “against Shariat,” causing a media storm.

In his video, Razvi acknowledged the child’s age but made an important distinction. “If she plays Holi without understanding (it), then it is not a crime.” However, he added, “If she is sensible and still plays Holi, then it will be considered against Shariat.” This two-pronged argument emphasized Razvi’s belief that even young children must align their actions with religious doctrine, especially when the actions are publicized.

His comments did not stop at the child; they also extended to Shami and his family, urging them to prevent their children from participating in cultural practices that he considered incompatible with Islam. “Holi is a very big festival for Hindus but Muslims should avoid celebrating Holi,” Razvi stated. He continued, “If someone celebrates Holi even after knowing Shariat, it is a crime.”

Razvi also instructed Shami to urge his family members not to belittle Shariat, reported The Telegraph.

He also congratulated the Indian cricket team and Mohammad Shami for its recent victory in the ICC Champions Trophy. “I congratulate Team India’s captain, all the players, and Mohammad Shami from the bottom of my heart on their success,” he said.

MP Minister slams cleric’s objection to Shami’s daughter playing Holi

Madhya Pradesh Sports Minister Vishwas Sarang condemned cleric Shahabuddin Razvi’s remarks about Shami’s daughter celebrating Holi, writing to Shami to reassure him and his daughter not to be intimidated by ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘extremists.’ Sarang called Razvi’s statement extremist and detrimental to the country’s social harmony, warning that such politics would no longer be tolerated. He also accused the opposition Congress party of engaging in ‘appeasement politics.’

Sarang stated, ” Is desh mein kattarpanthi aur charanpanthi apni seemayein laangh rahe hain. Is desh me nafrat ki raajneeti nahin chalegi” (In this country, extremists and hate-mongers are crossing their limits. Hatred-driven politics will not succeed here… Cleric Shahabuddin Razvi’s statement is unacceptable, and such threats will not be tolerated.) reported the Free Press Journal.

कट्टरपंथी और चरमपंथी अपनी सीमाएं लांघ रहे हैं! इस देश में अब धमकी और नफरत की राजनीति नहीं चलेगी।

क्रिकेटर मोहम्मद शमी की बेटी के होली खेलने पर मोहम्मद शहाबुद्दीन रजवी का बयान न केवल आपत्तिजनक बल्कि अस्वीकार्य है। मैंने शमी को पत्र लिखकर कहा है कि उन्हें और उनकी बेटी को… pic.twitter.com/eDiuBTUSTd

— विश्वास कैलाश सारंग (@VishvasSarang) March 17, 2025

Sarang demanded an immediate public apology from Razvi over the latter’s “objectionable” remarks, reported the Statesman

Razvi questioned AIMPLB for being allegedly hijacked by political interests

In a related development, Razvi recently criticized the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) for being hijacked by political interests. He lamented that the organization had strayed from its original mandate of addressing social issues within the Muslim community, instead becoming embroiled in political battles. His comments came amid protests related to the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, further showcasing his desire to influence the discourse around religious and social matters, reported The Siasat Daily.

“The board now includes people affiliated with different political groups, whether in Parliament or other positions. Leaders from the Samajwadi Party, Congress, and even AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi hold influential positions within the Muslim Personal Law Board,” he stated.

He said that, “”It is clear that the Muslim Personal Law Board has been hijacked by politicians and political parties. This hijacking will prove to be disastrous for the real issues concerning Muslims,”

He also criticized the AIMPLB for organizing the protest during Ramadan, stating that such events should not take place in this sacred month and could be held at any other time of the year. He dismissed the AIMPLB’s claim that Muslims are unsafe in India, emphasizing that the Muslim community in the country is free to observe its religious practices, including Namaz, Roza, Haj, Zakat, processions, and Urs, without any obstruction. He accused the Muslim Personal Law Board of misleading Muslims in India.

Moreover, Razvi earlier expressed his support for the Waqf Amendment Bill, 2024.

AIMPLB supports Shami, states he can skip Roza due to his tour

Maulana Khalid Rashid Farangi Mahli, Executive Member of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board, spoke about Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami, saying, “It is mandatory for all Muslims to observe Roza, especially during the month of Ramadan. However, Allah has clearly stated in the Quran that if someone is traveling or unwell, they have the option to skip Roza. In Mohammed Shami’s case, since he is on a tour, he has the right not to observe it. No one has the authority to criticize him for this decision.”

#WATCH | Lucknow, UP | On Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami, Executive Member of All India Muslim Personal Law Board, Maulana Khalid Rashid Farangi Mahli, says, “It is compulsory for all Muslims to observe Roza, especially in the month of Ramazan. However, Allah has clearly… pic.twitter.com/aseHrTkaYR

— ANI (@ANI) March 6, 2025

Mohammad Shami’s performance in the 2025 ICC Champions Trophy has been nothing short of stellar, reinforcing his status as one of India’s premier fast bowlers. Returning from a year-long injury layoff, Shami shouldered the responsibility of leading India’s pace attack amidst Jasprit Bumrah’s absence. In the tournament, he claimed eight wickets across key matches, including a crucial spell in the semi-final against Australia, helping India secure a four-wicket victory and a spot in the final. His ability to deliver long spells with precision and swing has kept him among the top-ranked ODI bowlers internationally.

Amidst extremist backlash for drinking an energy drink during Ramadan and his daughter celebrating Holi, Shami faced unwarranted criticism for prioritising professional duty over religious observance. Yet, he remained unshaken, letting his on-field heroics—consistently dismantling batting line-ups—silence the detractors. Shami’s resilience exemplifies how true merit transcends narrow ideologies.

Related:

Why Quranic Principles Advocate Secular Democracy Over Theocracy? Part 1

‘No faith in the Muslim Personal Law Board’

On UCC, personal law reform & the politics of competitive communalism

The post Mohammad Shami faces extremist’s backlash for prioritizing professional duty over religion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. The Quranic Concept of Justice (ʿAdl)

The Quran repeatedly emphasizes the importance of justice (ʿadl) as a fundamental virtue in Islam (Q.4:135, 5:8). The Quranic notion of justice extends beyond divine law (Sharia) to include human rights, social equality, and individual freedoms (Q.5:32, 17:70). The Quran warns against favouritism (Q.4:58) and emphasizes the protection of marginalized groups (Q.4:75). Secular democracy, with its emphasis on the rule of law, equality before the law, and the separation of powers, is better equipped to ensure justice in this comprehensive sense.

2. Human Freedom and Agency (Ikhtiyar)

The Quran emphasizes human freedom and agency (Q.18:29, 76:3), affirming that “no soul is burdened with more than it can bear” (Q.2:286). The Quran’s statement that “there is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) reinforces the principle of voluntary belief. Secular democracy protects individual liberties and allows citizens to make choices about their own lives, in alignment with this Quranic recognition of human agency.

3. Rational Inquiry and Critical Thinking (Ijtihad)

The Quran encourages rational inquiry and critical thinking (ijtihad), urging believers to reflect on creation and investigate truth (Q.38:29, 49:6). Theocratic systems often suppress critical inquiry in favour of dogmatic adherence to religious authority. Secular democracy, with its protection of intellectual freedom and public debate, fosters the Quranic principle of reflection and investigation.

4. Separation of Powers and Prevention of Tyranny

The Quran warns against the concentration of power and the dangers of tyranny (Q.27:34). The principle of shura (mutual consultation, Q.42:38) emphasizes collective decision-making and power-sharing, essential to democratic governance. Secular democracy’s system of checks and balances is a safeguard against authoritarianism and power abuse.

5. Freedom of Religion and Conscience

The Quran unequivocally upholds religious freedom, stating “There is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) and acknowledging belief and disbelief as part of human nature (Q.10:99, Q.109:6). Secular democracy, by protecting religious expression without privileging any faith, aligns closely with this Quranic vision.

6. Accountability and Moral Responsibility

The Quran emphasizes individual moral accountability (Q.6:164) and asserts that no individual can bear the burden of another’s sins (Q.17:15). Secular democracy allows individuals to exercise their moral agency freely, reflecting this Quranic principle of personal responsibility.

7. Pluralism and Social Diversity

The Quran affirms diversity as part of divine wisdom (Q.49:13) and acknowledges that God “could have made you one community” but created diversity as a test in righteousness (Q.5:48). This aligns with secular democracy’s principles of protecting minority rights and promoting inclusivity.

8. Moral and Ethical Guidance in Politics

The Quran provides a moral framework for leadership, prioritizing justice, compassion, and the protection of the vulnerable (Q.4:58, 6:165, 28:5). Secular democracy, with its emphasis on ethical leadership, reflects these Quranic values without imposing religious dogma.

9. Historical Context and Flexibility

The Quranic verses addressing governance emerged in specific historical contexts, underscoring the Quran’s adaptability to changing circumstances. The Quran encourages ijtihad (intellectual exertion) to develop context-specific solutions rooted in justice and fairness (Q.5:8, 42:38). Secular democracy’s flexibility aligns with this Quranic adaptability.

10. Critique of Authoritarianism

The Quran critiques oppressive rulers and warns against those who “divide their people into factions” (Q.28:4) and “spread corruption in the land” (Q.5:33). Secular democracy’s mechanisms for accountability and transparency provide a stronger safeguard against tyranny than theocratic systems.

11. The Real Purpose of Quranic Revelation

The Quran’s guidance encompasses social relationships, economic dealings, and personal conduct, emphasizing justice, equality, and compassion (Q.4:58, 5:8, 16:90). These values are best realized in a secular democratic system that ensures individual freedoms and impartial governance.

12. Denial of Coercion as an Ought

The Quran asserts that “there is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) and emphasizes human agency and free will (Q.67:2). Enforcing Sharia law compels individuals to adhere to prescribed rules, undermining the Quranic purpose of human existence as a test of free will. Secular democracy provides a framework that upholds religious freedom and individual autonomy.

Fulfilling the Quran’s Promise

The Quranic principles of consultation, justice, freedom of religion, protection of minorities, and the separation of religious and political authority provide a strong foundation for a secular polity. By promoting inclusivity, accountability, and individual agency, the Quran aligns with the core values of secularism. Secular democracy amplifies the Quranic vision of a just and equitable society, ensuring governance guided by ethical principles rather than sectarian interests. Embracing secularism allows Muslims to honour the Quran’s timeless message and contribute to a world where justice, compassion, and individual freedoms prevail.

(V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. He can be reached at vamashrof@gmail.com)

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post Why Quranic Principles Advocate Secular Democracy Over Theocracy? Part 1 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to reports, the controversy began when a local resident associated with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) accused a teenage boy of raising so-called “anti-India” slogans during the cricket match. The allegations, based on overheard statements, led to a gathering of people outside the minor’s residence, creating a volatile atmosphere. Subsequently, the Malvan police registered an FIR against the boy and his parents, leading to their arrest. The municipal authorities then took swift and arbitrary action by demolishing their scrap shop without issuing a prior notice. Further revelations indicated that the residence of the boy’s paternal uncle was also demolished without following legal procedures.

SHRC Order Highlights Violations of Due Process and Rule of Law

As per the IE, taking suo-moto cognisance of the reports, the SHRC issued a strongly worded order, stating that a preliminary reading of the news items indicated a prima facie violation of legal due process. The order categorically noted that “the principles of rule of law, which form the foundation of democratic governance, have been flouted in this case.”

Reportedly, the commission also observed that the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution, which protect individuals from arbitrary state action, had been severely compromised. It further emphasised that the criminal justice system, which requires a legal process to determine guilt, had been bypassed, with the administration usurping judicial functions. The order underlined that such actions violated the doctrine of separation of powers enshrined in the Constitution, which is recognised as part of its basic structure.

The SHRC’s observations align with the Supreme Court’s November 2024 ruling, which explicitly directed that no demolition should take place within 15 days of a show-cause notice being issued unless the structure in question was an unauthorised construction in a public space such as a road or street. The fact that no such notice was served in this case suggests a blatant disregard for established legal safeguards.

The commission has sought a fact-finding inquiry report from the Sindhudurg district collector and the Superintendent of Police regarding the incident. A division bench comprising retired Justice Swapna Joshi and former IPS officer Sanjay Kumar is set to hear the matter.

Procedural lapses and political influence

It had also come to light that the MSHRC had been without a chairperson and member at the time the reports were first published on February 25, 26, and 27, 2025. The suo-motu cognisance was taken only after the new appointments were made, underscoring a delayed but necessary response from the human rights body.

The controversy erupted when Sachin Varadkar, a self-identified VHP worker, alleged that he had overheard the 15-year-old making “anti-national” remarks while riding past the boy’s home on his motorcycle. He later confronted the boy and escalated the matter by filing a police complaint. Within days, police had arrested the boy’s parents and detained the minor, sending him to an observation home. Meanwhile, the Malvan municipal authorities, reportedly acting on complaints from locals and a letter from Shiv Sena MLA Nilesh Rane, razed the family’s scrap shop. The demolition reportedly took place without official bulldozers, raising concerns that vigilante groups may have been involved.

Municipal Chief Officer Santosh Jirge initially justified the demolition, claiming that the scrap shop was an “unauthorised structure” and was obstructing traffic. However, further scrutiny revealed that the structure had been demolished the same day a complaint was received, without any due notice or legal verification. Jirge later admitted, as per the IE report, that no official record was available to determine when the structure was built, further exposing the arbitrary nature of the demolition. (Detailed story may be read here.)

Political backing and the role of the state

The demolition was openly endorsed by Shiv Sena MLA Nilesh Rane, who posted images of the razed shop on social media, boasting about the swift action taken against what he described as “a Muslim migrant scrap dealer.” Rane’s post suggested a communal motive behind the action, as he vowed to expel the family from the district. This raises serious concerns about the weaponisation of state machinery to target marginalised communities under the pretext of maintaining law and order.

Meanwhile, the arrested parents were eventually released on bail, and police have indicated that they will be filing a chargesheet against them. The charges, filed under Sections 196 (promoting enmity between groups), 197 (imputations prejudicial to national integration), and 3(5) (acts with common intention) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, carry a maximum sentence of three years’ imprisonment.

Implications and the road ahead

The SHRC’s intervention in this case is a critical step towards holding the administration accountable for its actions. The commission’s preliminary observations highlight the dangerous precedent set by demolishing properties as an extrajudicial form of punishment. The incident underscores the increasing use of punitive demolitions against minority communities, a practice that has been widely criticised by human rights groups.

Many have pointed out that the incident reflects broader trends of erosion of due process, where municipal bodies, under pressure from political figures, carry out demolitions to appease majoritarian sentiments. The involvement of a right-wing MLA in publicly celebrating the demolition raises concerns about the fusion of political influence and administrative action in targeting vulnerable communities.

The SHRC’s demand for a fact-finding inquiry, if done without any political influence, will be pivotal in determining accountability in this case. If the commission’s final report confirms procedural lapses, it could set a legal precedent for challenging similar demolitions carried out under questionable circumstances. Additionally, it could serve as a test case for reinforcing the legal requirements surrounding demolition procedures, particularly in cases where communal and political factors appear to be at play.

Related:

A 15-year-old boy “accused”, family shop and home demolished in direct contravention of SC orders?

FIRs for hate speech registered against BJP MLAs Nitesh Rane and Geeta Jain: Maharashtra Police to Bombay High Court

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

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The agitated Muslim community, which is at the receiving end of the state government’s ire as well as the Hindutva brigade led by the Sangh Parivar, staged a protest on March 4, 2025, in front of the office of the Dehradun District Magistrate, terming the administrative action as “draconian, undemocratic and unconstitutional.” The protest was led by the local unit of the Jammiat-Ulema-E Hind and Muslim Sewa Sangathan. The protesters courted arrest and were later let off by the police from police lines.

On instructions from Chief Minister Dhami, the state administration started action against ‘Madrassas’ and sealed five of them and giving notices to six others in village Dhakrani and Nawabgarh in Vikasnagar tehsil of Dehradun district and in Dehradun city as well. A mosque at Dhakrani has also been sealed off.

A team of local civil administration, Mussoorie Dehradun Development Authority (MDDA) and State Madrassa Board led by Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) Vinod Kumar, had been raiding ‘Madrassas’ in Vikasnagar tehsil since March 1, 2025 leading to resentment amongst minority community.

The action comes in the backdrop of Chief Minister Dhami threatening action against Madrassas which, he claimed, were “running illegally”. Vinod Kumar, SDM, Vikasnagar, told the media that action had been taken against those Madrassas that were not registered with the state Madrassa Board or built without getting the map passed from the competent authorities.

Nayeem Quraishy, president, Muslim Sewa Sangathan, told reporters that the action by the administration was “unwarranted and without any prior notice”.

A memorandum addressed to the District Magistrate stated that the administrative action was a clear violation of guarantees provided under Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution for professing, propagating and teaching of religious studies.

Quraishy further said that the administration’s assertion of to seal the Madrassas not affiliated with Uttarakhand Madrassa Board was unlawful.

“These Madrassas are being run under the Societies Registration Act and Trusts and do not require affiliation with a government-managed institution. Interestingly, no legal order has been given for such sealing. The civil administration is passing the buck to MDDA, and we will start a protest against MDDA on Wednesday,” said Quraishy.

The recent onslaught on Madrassas is not new as since the advent of the BJP government in 2017,  there have been continuous attacks on Muslim and their institutions throughout the state. Chief Minister Dhami has himself spearheaded a campaign against the so-called ‘Love Jehad’, ‘Land Jehad’, ‘Mazar Jehad’ and ‘Thook Jehad’ since 2021.

The action against Madrassas was preceded by several anti-Muslim threats. Last week, Hindu Rakshak Dal, a Hindu outfit, suddenly announced to publicly recite the Hanuman Chalisa in front of the Dehradun Jama Masjid as they claimed that a two-minute Azaan (call to prayers) from the mosque was “disturbing” the general public.  The Hindu group was stopped by the police from approaching the mosque, and a case was registered on the complaint of the Muslim Sewa Sangathan, but no one was arrested.

Three weeks ago, on an alleged complaint of eve-teasing, members of an outfit called the Hindu Kali Sena publicly threatened a Muslim living and doing business in Nathuwala, near Doiwala. They allegedly smashed bill boards of Muslim-owned shops giving them an ultimatum to leave the area. A case was registered by the police and none has been arrested. Some out of the 30-odd Muslim families there have reportedly left the area out of fear.

In another case, Muslims of Raiwala, who had been performing Namaz at Prateek Nagar area since 1989, said they were asked by the Naib Tehsildar, Raiwala, to stop the prayers.

Abdul Aziz and Abdul Mazid, both managing the mosque, said they got notices on December 24, 2024, to stop the prayers. In their reply, they informed the SDM, Rishikesh, that Muslims had been holding prayers since 1989 at that place as per their constitutional right. Giving the reference of the Supreme Court judgement in Mohd. Sharif Versus state of UP and others delivered on January 28, 1999, the petitioner stated that stopping them from holding prayers in the mosque violated their fundamental right to pray, but to no avail.

Interestingly, since 2017, there have been a dozen verbal announcements by respective BJP Chief Ministers, including the present incumbent Dhami, of conducting a ‘survey’ of Madarassas.  After conducting such exercises countless times with the help of police and intelligence outfits since 2017, the outcome has not been made public.

The state government has not elaborated the reasons for such a proposed exercise, which has led the Muslim community to believe that the aim is “vilification and targeting” of the minority community.

The writer is a freelancer based in Dehradun, Uttarakhand.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Uttarakhand: Relentless Anti-Muslim Campaign Continues in Holy Month of Ramzan appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Though the family approached the police and demanded an investigation into the killing of the infant, the cops reportedly did not respond. It was only after the villagers staged a protest at the residence of Alwar SP (rural), police registered an FIR against two head constables and one unnamed police official

A 6 am raid, police abusing family, kicking the infant, reveals the FIR

According to the FIR, the incident took place on the morning of March 2, 2025, in Ragunath Garh, Nouganwa, Alwar district, Rajasthan, when a police raid led to the tragic death of a one-month-old infant. According to the FIR filed by the infant’s father, Imran, a group of 12 to 15 police officers from the Nouganwa Police Station arrived at their home around 6 AM. The officers allegedly abused the family and searched their home and mobile phones.

In his complaint, Imran described the incident that, “On 02.03.2025, at about 6 AM, 12 to 15 police officers from Nouganwa Police Station entered my house, abusing us. They searched our house and mobile phones. My child was kicked by the police, and she died instantly. My parents started shouting and causing a scene, which made the police flee the area.”

FIR Registered at PS Nouganwa u/s 103(1) of BNS, 2023

Imran also recognised two of the officers involved—head constable Girdhari and Jagveer—who were named in the FIR. He added, “I knew two of the police officers, Girdhari and Jagveer. I can recognize the others by their faces. There was no illegal case against me, and I tried explaining this to them, but they did no listen.”

Cop stepped on my infant daughter’s head and killed her: mother of infant

Razida Khan, the mother of the infant told the Times of India that, “When I was sleeping on the cot with my infant daughter, the policemen arrived all of a sudden and pulled me out and sent me out of the room. They also pulled my husband out. They stepped on my infant daughter’s head and killed her.”

“ This is murder, and I want justice,” she added, reported TOI.

No cases registered against infant’s father Imran neither is he named in any FIR

Such a raid, though now frequent is unjustified under any circumstances. Here, with no cases registered against Imran Khan, him not named in any FIR related to cybercrime cases makes it worse. Additional SP Tejpal Singh said that a police team had gone to a house in the Nouganwa police station area on Saturday to arrest an accused in a cyber fraud case, reported Hindustan Times.

Disciplinary action taken against five cops over infant’s death, no arrest yet

Outraged by the alleged negligence and the tragic death of the infant, villagers gathered outside the residence of the Alwar Superintendent of Police, staging a protest and demanding immediate action against the police officers involved in the raid.

In response to the mounting pressure, Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP) Tejpal Singh confirmed that an FIR had been filed against police officers connected to the incident. He assured the family of swift action against those responsible for the infant’s death.

However, a delegation led by former minister Nasru Khan also met with ASP Tejpal Singh to discuss the incident. As part of the disciplinary actions taken, two head constables—Jagveer and Girdhari—and three constables—Sunil, Sahid, and Rishi—were reassigned to the police lines on Sunday, March 2, pending further investigation into the matter.

ASP Tejpal Singh further clarified, “Two head constables and three constables have been sent to the police lines in connection with the case. Additionally, the location of the mobile phone allegedly used in the cybercrime was not found at the victim’s residence,” as reported by The Week.

The Additional SP said that the protest ended on Monday.

Alleged police extortion and cover-up: Raj LoP Tikaram Julie demands CBI probe

Leader of the Opposition, Tikaram Julie, has raised questions about the police administration in relation to this incident. Speaking to NDTV on Monday (March 3), he said, “In this incident, it’s not just the five constables who are guilty, action should also be taken against the officers. In the name of taking action against cyber criminals, the police are looting people. We have raised this issue before, and during the discussion on the Home Department in the Assembly, we will demand answers from the government. The police are running a nexus. They arrest 50, but release 48. The action is now being used by the police as a means of extortion.”

He stated that suspending five police officers will not bring the deceased child back. He further said, “This kind of dictatorship is not new; since the BJP came to power, there has been a race to show that their law-and-order system is very effective. In the name of cyber fraud, terror is being spread. I raised this issue during the Lok Sabha elections as well, highlighting that the police is engaging in illegal activities. The government is not being held accountable in this matter” reportedNDTV Rajasthan

He added, “Is it just the fault of these five individuals? Didn’t the SHO, CO, and ASP know where their officers were going? The police have set up an entire racket, and this should be fully investigated by the CBI to ensure the truth comes to light.”

He also wrote on X (formerly Twitter) that, “Crime is at its peak in Rajasthan, and the government has lost control over the law and order situation in the state. The tragic incident in which a one-and-a-half-month-old baby died during a police action in Raghunathgarh Colony, under the Nouganwa Police Station in Alwar district, has shaken me to the core. I raised this issue in the Assembly and also addressed it during a press conference in the Lok Sabha elections, highlighting that the police in Alwar are intimidating the public. The police are harassing common people in Alwar, which is unjust.

राजस्थान में अपराध चरम पर है, प्रदेश की कानून व्यवस्था पर सरकार का अंकुश नहीं है।

अलवर जिले के नौगांवा पुलिस थाना अंतर्गत रघुनाथगढ़ कॉलोनी में पुलिस की कार्रवाई के दौरान एक डेढ़ माह की बच्ची की मौत की घटना ने मन को झकझोर के रख दिया l यह बात मैने विधानसभा में भी उठाई है और लोकसभा… https://t.co/liBqZHFwp3

— Tika Ram Jully (@TikaRamJullyINC) March 2, 2025

“Under the BJP government, Rajasthan’s image is shifting from being a “crime-free” state to a “crime-ridden” state. During BJP rule, the state has fallen under the control of jungle raj and mafia raj. Criminals have become so emboldened that they are carrying out robberies, murders, thefts, and dacoities in broad daylight.” He added further on X

Former minister Nasru Khan also alleged that the police harass these families on a daily basis and extorts lakhs of rupees from them.

Brinda Karat met with infant’s mother, demands arrest of all police officers involved

A delegation from the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), led by Polit Bureau member Brinda Karat, visited Raghunathgarh village in the Naugaon police station area of Alwar on March 4 (Tuesday). The visit was in response to the tragic death of a one-and-a-half-month-old infant girl, Alishda, who allegedly died after being crushed under the boots of police officers during a raid, reported TOI

“A delegation from the CPI(M), including Brinda Karat (Polit Bureau member), Kishan Parikh (secretary, Rajasthan State Committee), Sumitra Chopra (State Secretariat member, Rajasthan State Committee), and Raisa (district secretary), visited the family of one-month-old Alishda, who was killed by police brutality on March 2, 2025,” the CPI(M) said in a statement.

Brinda Karat on the murder of one-month-old child Alishda by the Police at Raghunathgarh Village, Alwar. pic.twitter.com/Wziz47ineS

— CPI (M) (@cpimspeak) March 4, 2025

Moreover, Brinda Karat also demanded the immediate arrest of all police officers involved in the infant’s death, as reported by The Hindu

No women police officers present during the raid: a grave violation of protocol

The tragic death of a one-and-a-half-month-old infant in Alwar during a police raid has raised serious questions about law enforcement’s conduct in the state. Reports indicate that the raid, which took place in Tauliya Bas, Raghunathgarh, was conducted without any women police officers present—a direct violation of established protocols. When dealing with families and vulnerable children, the presence of women officers is essential.

The raid was reportedly carried out without prior information and Imran and his family even not named in the FIR and no criminal cases registered against them. This illegal and reckless conduct not only led to the death of the infant but also exposing serious flaws in police operations and accountability.

Blame on five officers or a deeper systemic issue of police insensitivity?

The tragic death of a one-and-a-half-month-old infant during a police raid in Alwar raises more than just questions about the five officers directly involved. The incident points to much deeper systemic issues within the police force and law enforcement practices. How can such a brutal event unfold with no proper oversight or accountability? The absence of women police officers during the raid, a direct violation of protocols, compounds the gravity of the situation. Furthermore, the raid itself, carried out without prior notice and in apparent disregard of Supreme Court guidelines, raises concerns about the legality of police actions.

What is even more troubling is the lack of immediate response from statutory bodies from among the state or national commissions such as the Women’s Commission and the Child Rights Protection Commission. The absence of suo-moto action by these bodies, highlights a significant gap in their responsibility and duty to protect vulnerable groups. Additionally, the failure to arrest the officers involved in this incident further perpetuates the cycle of impunity within law enforcement.

Is it truly just five officers at fault, or does this incident reflect a much larger issue within the police force’s culture, practices, and lack of accountability? Until these deeper systemic issues are addressed, tragedies like this will continue, with no meaningful justice for the victims.

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The post Month-old Muslim infant allegedly crushed during police raid in Alwar: No arrests made; three cops booked on murder charges appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The situation intensified three days later when the boy was apprehended, his parents arrested, and their scrap shop demolished following complaints from locals.

महाराष्ट्र के मालवण में India Vs Pakistan क्रिकेट मैच के बाद कुछ लोगों पर पाकिस्तान समर्थित नारेबाज़ी के आरोप लगे, जिसके बाद दुकान पर बुलडोज़र कार्रवाई देखने को मिली। pic.twitter.com/zEsCQhYi7L

— Ashraf Hussain (@AshrafFem) February 25, 2025

Reports on the incident first surfaced in The Indian Express on Tuesday. Reportedly, the boy had been apprehended immediately after, first sent to an observation home and then released to relatives. He had been initially produced before the district Child Welfare Committee and sent to a remand home. The parents, who were produced before a local Sindhudurg court, were first sent to magistrate’s custody until adequate legal aid was obtained after which they were granted bail. Bail formalities however took some time so reportedly they were released only on Wednesday. Meanwhile their home and scrap shop had been razed to the ground, reportedly not by any official bulldozers but by vigilantes belonging to controversial organisations.

On November 13, 2024, the Supreme Court bench of Justice BR Gavai and KV Viswanathan had delivered a landmark judgment addressing the issue of illegal demolitions, a phenomenon popularised as “bulldozer justice”. The judgment, which is widely regarded as a significant in protecting fundamental rights, critiques the executive’s use of property demolition as a substitute for criminal prosecution. The judgment asserted that the executive cannot bypass judicial processes to punish an accused by demolishing property, as this oversteps executive powers and undermines the rule of law. The Court described these arbitrary demolitions as “high-handed” and deemed demolitions without the authorities following the basic principles of natural justice and acting without due process to be a “chilling sight”.

Sindhudurg SP Saurabh Kumar Agrawal told The Times of India, “The anti-national slogans led to our lodging an FIR.”

The three were booked under Sections 196 (promoting enmity between groups and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony), 197 (imputations/assertions prejudicial to national integration, and 3 (5) (acts with common intention) under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita. For offences under Sections 196 ((any person who promotes enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc. and acts likely to prevent their maintenance) and 197 (acts likely to prejudice national integration) and 3(5) (when two or more persons have committed a criminal act in furtherance of a common purpose (under the BNS, 2023. The maximum punishment is 3 years in jail or fine or both.

Hence, based on the complaint by a VHP worker, the police acted and detained the family: a scrap metal trader, his wife, and their teenage son.  The minor was sent to a juvenile home, while his parents were initially remanded to 14 days of judicial custody. However, they were subsequently granted bail.

The Bulldozer’s fury: demolition controversy

Other reports indicated that, on February 24, it was none less than the Malvan Municipal Council, under the leadership of Chief Officer Santosh Jirge, that took a drastic step by demolishing of the family’s scrap shop claiming on the back of Sunday’s complaint that the constructions were “unauthorised” and obstructing traffic “The concerned scrap metal business had done unauthorized construction here. Moreover, this scrap metal business was also obstructing traffic in the city,” stated Jirge to the BBC Marathi.

This action, however, appeared to be influenced by Shiv Sena MLA Nilesh Rane (brother of BJP MLA and right-wing leader Nitesh Rane), who publicly condemned the family’s alleged actions. Rane shared visuals of the demolition on X, stating, “In Malvan, a Muslim migrant scrap dealer raised anti-India slogans after the India-Pakistan match yesterday. As an action, we will definitely expel this outsider from the district, but before that, we immediately destroyed his scrap business.”

“Shiv Sena’s Nilesh Rane shared the visuals of the bulldozer action against the shop on X and stated, ‘In Malvan, a Muslim migrant scrap dealer raised anti-India slogans after the India-Pakistan match yesterday. As an action, we will definitely expel this outsider from the district, but before that, we immediately destroyed his scrap business. We thank the Malvan Municipal Council administration and the police administration for taking prompt action,'” as seen on Rane’s X account.

मालवणात एक मुसलमान परप्रांतीय भंगार व्यवसायिक यानी काल भारत पाकिस्तान मॅच नंतर भारत विरोधी घोषणा दिल्या.
कारवाई म्हणून आम्ही या परप्रांतीय हरामखोराला जिल्ह्यातून हाकलून देणारच पण त्या अगोदर तात्काळ त्याचा भंगार व्यवसाय उध्वस्त करून टाकला.
मालवण नगर परिषद प्रशासन आणि पोलीस… pic.twitter.com/LK1yDPuLa6

— Nilesh N Rane (@meNeeleshNRane) February 24, 2025

Parents of boy get bail but can’t leave state without court’s permission

In the remand application before the court, police stated that the complaint was filed by Malvan resident Sachin Varadkar, a 35-year-old labourer and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) worker. Varadkar told The Indian Express that he had overheard 15-year-old boy shouting “anti-national” slogans during the India-Pakistan cricket match on February 23. Following this complaint, the boy’s parents were arrested.

However, on February 25, a local court in Malvan, granted them bail. The court rejected the police’s request for custody, placing conditions on their release, including restrictions on leaving the state without court permission, cooperation with the investigation, and weekly attendance at the local police station until the chargesheet is filed. Despite being granted bail, the couple was not released until late Wednesday as the bail formalities were still being processed, as reported The Indian Express

The absence of evidence: a case built on flimsy claims?

As per BBC Marathi report, a crucial aspect of this incident is the lack of concrete evidence supporting the allegations. Sindhudurg Superintendent of Police Saurabh Agarwal confirmed, “There is no video available regarding the anti-national slogans.” The police action was based solely on a complaint, casting doubt on the reliability of the accusations.

“Sindhudurg Superintendent of Police Saurabh Agarwal, while reacting to the matter, said, ‘An investigation is underway in this case. There is no video available regarding the anti-national slogans. We have taken this action based on a complaint from a person. We are investigating the matter,'” he stated.

Legal expert Aseem Sarode criticized the demolition, deeming it illegal and arbitrary. “Taking such action without giving any notice even if the residence is unauthorized is illegal,” said Sarode to BBC Marathi. He also raised concerns about the rise of “illegal power centres” and the dangers of “self-policing.”

While speaking to BBC Marathi, Sarode said that“Taking such action without giving any notice even if the residence is unauthorized is illegal. The second thing is why the municipality did not notice this earlier? All the procedures of giving notice and then understanding their side are written in the law. Taking such unilateral action just because some leader tells you to is very wrong. This increases the risk of an illegal power centre starting,” according to BBC Marathi.

Political fallout and community tensions

The incident triggered strong political reactions. Vinayak Raut, a leader from the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena, condemned the alleged anti-national slogans and questioned the role of the Maharashtra Home Department. “It is condemnable that Pakistani people come to a small town like Malvan and do business there,” said Raut.

“While interacting with the media, he said, ‘It is condemnable that Pakistani people come to a small town like Malvan and do business there. The pests who live in Malvan and raise slogans of ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ should be crushed. Who supported these Pakistani people there? Who encouraged them to do business? If Pakistani people are coming to a small town like Malvan, what is the Maharashtra Home Department doing?’” as reported BBC Marathi.

Locals organised a motorcycle rally, demanding strict action against the family. Reports circulated on social media, claiming that lawyers in Malvan would boycott the family’s case. However, Satish Kumar Dhamapurkar, president of the Malvan Taluka Bar Association, refuted these claims. “This is incorrect information. We have not taken any decision to boycott or not to take legal papers,” Dhamapurkar clarified.

The family’s residency: questions and investigations

Superintendent Agarwal confirmed that the family originally hails from Uttar Pradesh and has been residing in Sindhudurg for 20-25 years. They possess Aadhaar cards, voting cards, and PAN cards issued in Sindhudurg. “The persons against whom the case has been registered are originally from Uttar Pradesh. However, they have been residing in Sindhudurg for the last 20-25 years,” confirmed Agarwal.

“The persons against whom the case has been registered are originally from Uttar Pradesh. However, they have been residing in Sindhudurg for the last 20-25 years. Their Aadhaar card, voting card and PAN card are also from Sindhudurg. Were there any irregularities in obtaining all these documents? We are investigating this,” Agarwal stated.

Nilesh Rane, however, questioned the legitimacy of their residency and documents. “They are three brothers, where did they come from, how did they come? How did they come to Malvan 10-12 years ago, no answer has been found yet,” Rane stated in a video.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Nilesh Rane FC (@nileshranesamarthak)

A town divided: unanswered questions and lingering tensions

The Malvan incident has left a community grappling with unanswered questions and lingering tensions. The absence of concrete evidence, the swift punitive action, and the involvement of non-governmental entities have raised serious concerns about the erosion of due process and the rule of law.

“No evidence surfaced on anti-India slogan and Malvan never had a history of communal tension,” reports indicated. “Doubt of whether any such slogan was raised. This is not confirmed however. Malvan never had a history of communal tension: According to a video shared by the Hindutva Watch, claims that the shop of the family raised in the presence of local right-wing leaders, they also raised the slogans against the Muslim family.

However, the Malvan incident presents a complex situation marked by rapid action and numerous unanswered questions. The swift arrest of the family, the demolition of their shop, and the lack of concrete evidence raise concerns about due process and the influence of political entities.

Was the demolition legally justified, especially without prior notice?

How did a single accusation lead to such drastic measures, and what role did political figures play in these actions?

The absence of video evidence for the alleged slogans leaves the foundation of the case in doubt. Were the family’s residency documents properly vetted, or were they used as a pretext for further action? The community’s response, including rallies and social media claims, underscores existing tensions.

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