The attack on Pastor Bipin Bihari Naik, which took place on January 4, 2026 in Parjang village, involved acts of violence so extreme that they amount to public torture and religious coercion—including forced consumption of cow dung, public parading with a garland of slippers, and attempts to compel religious slogans. Despite the public uproar, the case has seen little progress, with the alleged perpetrators remaining at large and the victim facing a counter-FIR instead.

As the delay continues, anxiety has spread beyond the pastor’s family to the wider Christian community in the region, several of whom have reportedly gone into hiding. What has unfolded in Parjang is no longer being viewed as an isolated incident, but as part of a growing pattern of communal violence, administrative apathy, and criminalisation of religious practice, increasingly reported across Odisha.

Pastor chooses forgiveness on Graham Staines’ martyrdom anniversary

On the anniversary of the martyrdom of Australian missionary Graham Staines, who was burnt alive along with his two young sons in Odisha in 1999, Pastor Naik publicly chose the path of forgiveness over retribution.

Speaking to Catholic Connect, the pastor said he had forgiven not only those who assaulted and humiliated him, but also those who falsely accused him of forced religious conversion.

“On the anniversary of the martyrdom of Graham Staines, I choose forgiveness. I forgive those who assaulted me and those who falsely accused me. Our God forgives us unconditionally, and He teaches us to forgive. In that spirit, I forgive them and place everything in God’s hands,” he said.

However, Pastor Naik emphasised that forgiveness did not mean surrendering constitutional rights. His sole appeal to the authorities, he said, was for peace, safety, and freedom of religion.

“I have only one humble request: that my family, I, and all the Christian faithful be allowed to live peacefully and freely strengthen our faith in the God we have chosen to follow. This is what I clearly conveyed to the Superintendent of Police when I met him in Dhenkanal on 13 January.”

He also expressed gratitude to individuals and organisations across Odisha and beyond who stood by him during what he described as one of the darkest moments of his life, acknowledging the prayers, solidarity, and moral support he received.

Elder Brother: “Justice has still not been delivered”

Echoing the pastor’s anguish, his elder brother Udaya Naik spoke to Catholic Connect about the family’s ordeal since the attack, stating bluntly that justice has not been delivered even after fifteen days.

“Instead of justice, our family is living in constant pain, disturbance, and a complete loss of peace,” he said.

According to Udaya, when the local police failed to act, the family mobilised support from the Christian community and personally approached senior authorities.

“When no action was taken by the local police, I gathered around forty-five faithful members and went to the office of the Superintendent of Police to submit a complaint. We spent nearly eight to ten thousand rupees hiring a vehicle to reach there, hoping our voices would be heard.”

Despite these efforts, he said, no concrete steps were taken.

“This prolonged inaction has shaken my faith in the Constitution and the justice system—especially for innocent people like us.”

Allegations of police negligence and delayed response

Udaya Naik alleged that the assault was premeditated and could have been prevented had the police acted promptly.

“Had the police responded immediately, my brother could have been rescued,” he said. During the assault, family members repeatedly contacted the police helpline, while Pastor Naik’s wife, Vandana, rushed to the nearest police station. Instead of intervening immediately, the police allegedly demanded an FIR and proof while the violence was still ongoing.

Pastor Naik was allegedly dragged through village streets, beaten, paraded in slippers, and publicly humiliated. “Are there no CCTV cameras on those roads?” Udaya asked, adding that photographs showing the public parade were dismissed by the police as insufficient evidence.

The family claims they were repeatedly asked for medical proof, even as the pastor bore visible injuries—an approach they described as deeply insensitive and negligent.

What happened in Parjang village

According to Telegraph, Pastor Naik had travelled to Parjang village—a Hindu-majority village with only seven Christian families—to attend a routine prayer meeting with his wife, children, and other believers.

The gathering was disrupted when a mob of around 40 people, allegedly including members of the Bajrang Dal, forcibly entered the house.

“They started beating everyone inside,” Vandana told Maktoob. “Besides us, there were seven families praying. My children and I managed to escape through a narrow alley and ran to the police station.”

While Vandana sought help, Pastor Naik was seised by the mob. He was beaten with sticks, slapped repeatedly, smeared with red sindoor, garlanded with slippers, and paraded through the village as a spectacle.

He was later tied to a Hanuman temple, his hands bound behind a rod, and was forced to consume cow dung while being beaten and coerced into chanting “Jai Shri Ram”. Vandana stated that despite her repeated pleas, police reached the village nearly two hours later.

Even after police intervention, the mob reportedly did not immediately disperse.

Police conduct after the rescue

A social activist told Maktoob Media that after being rescued, Pastor Naik was made to sit at the police station for nearly an hour without medical assistance, despite bleeding and being visibly traumatised.

Police eventually registered a complaint regarding the assault. However, they also filed a counter FIR against Pastor Naik, accusing him of forced religious conversion—an allegation for which no evidence has been produced.

Such counter-cases, activists note, have increasingly become a tool to dilute accountability in communal violence cases involving Christians.

Christian families forced into hiding

Following the attack, the situation in Parjang deteriorated further. Vandana told Maktoob Media that all seven Christian families in the village have gone into hiding due to threats, social boycott, and fear of further violence.

“They are staying with relatives in different places. The villagers have threatened them and cut off all support,” she said.

Pastor Naik’s own family is currently staying in a safe house, unsure when—or if—they can safely return home.

A pattern of communal violence in Odisha

The Parjang assault forms part of a broader pattern of communal violence in Odisha. In recent weeks alone, a Muslim man was lynched by gau rakshaks for transporting cattle, while another Muslim youth in Mayurbhanj district was paraded naked and forced to chant religious slogans.

In Malkangiri district, Protestant Christians were attacked while returning from church in Kotamateru village, leaving eight injured. Christian leaders again pointed to Bajrang Dal members, while police initially attempted to downplay the violence as a “family dispute.”

Earlier this month, a 29-year-old nun was forcibly removed from a train by Bajrang Dal activists and detained for 18 hours on false allegations of trafficking and conversion.

Forgiveness without forgetting

Despite the trauma, Pastor Naik and his family say they are choosing peace over confrontation, drawing inspiration from Gladys Staines, the widow of Graham Staines, who publicly forgave her husband’s killers.

“We now choose the path of forgiveness,” Udaya Naik said. “But if the police initiate an inquiry on their own and punish the perpetrators, we would welcome it wholeheartedly.”

For now, the family says it no longer has the strength to continue pursuing justice through repeated appeals.

“This entire episode is a deeply painful reflection on the present state of our country and its people,” Udaya said.

As the perpetrators remain free and fear grips minority communities, the silence of the justice system continues to speak louder than any slogan—raising urgent questions about accountability, constitutional protections, and the rule of law in contemporary India.

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The post Publicly Tortured, Forced to Eat Cow Dung: No arrests in Odisha Pastor assault case appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While police remain uncertain whether the violence stemmed from a puja subscription dispute or a traffic altercation, political parties have come forward with their conflicting versions of events.

Speaking to The Wire on Tuesday, January 14, Unakoti Superintendent of Police Avinash Rai mentioned that multiple narratives have emerged on what started the violence.

“There are many account. One group is saying the conflict started from a fundraising drive. Another group says it started from a heated conversation between an e-rickshaw driver and a bike rider. There is also another version – that a local truck driver struck a bike,” Rai stated.

Rai said police are investigating the case. “But it is clear that there was a verbal altercation between people of two communities, which turned into communal violence. As soon as we learned about it, we immediately went there and controlled the situation within half an hour,” he added.

On Friday, January 16, Kumarghat Sub-divisional Police Officer (SDPO) Utpalendu Debnath told The Wire that 13 individuals have been arrested and are now under judicial custody. Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita was withdrawn on the same day.

Addressing the extent of damage, Debnath stated, “Two shops were gutted, and a hay stack at a house’s courtyard was burnt.”

‘Our mothers and sisters’

The chairman of TIPRA Motha Party’s Minority Cell, Mohammad Shah Alam Miah, who visited the affected site on Thursday, January 15, while prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the BNSS were still in place, painted a severe picture of the destruction. After submitting a deputation at Fatikroy Police Station, Miah addressed the media.

“After visiting the place, we were shocked. Where are we living? Is there any system of administration in this state? The tiles of a mosque were burnt, the microphones used for the Azaan were burnt, and the Quran inside was burnt. Cash belonging to the imam worth Rs 35,000, his international passport, and his clothes were all burnt,” Miah said.

“There was a madrasa next to the mosque, which was also set on fire. Along with that mosque, a house was completely burnt and destroyed, as were a truck and two tractors. A wooden shop was set on fire. Next to it there was a goat shop, where he probably sold mutton…the goats were also stolen,” he added.

The administration has failed to provide immediate relief to the affected families, Miah claimed. “The most shameful incident of all is that the administration did not provide any assistance to the 50 to 60 families there. They are still sitting without food,” he alleged.

Moreover, Miah claimed that the victims were being portrayed as perpetrators. “They are dragging our mothers and sisters forward, making them pose for photographs while holding sticks and bottles, trying to brand us as extremists. They will say the bottles contained petrol and claim that our mothers and sisters burned down their own homes. A Class 12 student has been arrested. Those who were attacked are the ones who have been made the accused,” he stated.

Miah also alleged that the police crackdown had created an atmosphere of fear in the village. “There are no men left in the village as police have arrested people randomly. The men ran away and hid themselves out of fear. The women in the village are sitting without food,” he said.

Several women in the village also alleged that the arrested Class 12 student has his board examinations soon and that it is unfair that he is unable to participate in the registration process which has already started.

Speaking to The Wire, Kumarghat SDPO Debnath said that legal action was being initiated against Miah for violating prohibitory orders.

“We are taking legal action against him also, because he went to that place without permission during the promulgation of Section 163 of the BNSS. The statements he gives are spreading hate among other communities,” Debnath said.

“The incident happened and we cannot reverse it, but as a civil society, our duty is to normalise that situation. But the statements he spreads are making the situation worse,” Debnath added.

“I personally went there to the Muslim areas and talked to the people, and everything is normal now. But if they talk to the families whose family members have been arrested, then they will of course speak against us,” he added.

The SDPO emphasised that all national political parties had to take permission from the police before visiting the site.

“We told them to go there after the withdrawal of Section 163 of the BNSS, which was withdrawn today, January 16. As we were busy with the chief minister yesterday, he took the chance and went there. We are investigating the root cause, and you should not stand in the way of our findings,” Debnath stated.

Tripura is burning: Congress

While addressing the media on January 10, Tripura Pradesh Congress president Asish Kumar Saha drew a direct connection between the incident and what he described as a pattern of communal violence under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule.

“Since BJP rule began in the country, communal divisions have been created across the nation. Sometimes it is Hindu-Muslim, sometimes Hindu-Christian, and sometimes Hindu-Buddhist. There has always been a divide among them. Similarly, in our state under eight years of BJP rule, communal riots have started. This incident is nothing new as similar communal riots have been witnessed earlier in Dharmanagar, Udaipur, and Agartala,” Saha said.

According to Saha, the violence began with a puja subscription demand. “As far as I know, subscription money was demanded from a Muslim shopkeeper for a festival. From there the trouble started, and his shop was vandalised and set on fire. Then his house was also set on fire and vandalised. Even tractors and vehicles were set ablaze. Alongside this, the houses of his relatives were also vandalised and set on fire,” he stated.

Saha sharply criticised the state government’s claims of maintaining law and order. “Even after all this has happened, how can the chief minister claim that law and order in the state is perfectly fine? The chief minister himself knows that the people of the state do not believe what he is saying. That is why he had the state DGP hold a press conference to say that Tripura’s law and order situation is perfectly fine and that good governance is running in the state,” Saha said.

“Is this good governance? Not even 24 hours have passed since the press conference, and everyone is seeing Tripura burning. People of the minority community in Tripura are fleeing in fear. Even after all this, how can he claim that good governance is running in the state?” he questioned.

The Congress president likened the current state of affairs to jungle raj. “A lawless situation is prevailing in the state. According to the information I have received, the youth wing of BJP and the ruling party’s village head and deputy head all went there and created mayhem. I demand strict punishment against all of them,” Saha asserted.

CM’s roadshow 

CPI(M) politburo member and Tripura assembly Leader of Opposition Jitendra Chaudhury, speaking on January 10, alleged systematic cultivation of violence by the local MLA representing the Fatikroy assembly constituency, Sudhangshu Das.

“In our state, particularly in Fatikroy assembly constituency, the MLA is continuously fomenting this violence, and these innocent people are becoming victims of it. I have heard that this incident started at 9 am this morning, and even after the fire service was informed, they were not allowed to reach there. When fire service personnel reached there after about two hours, they could not save anything, so several families have lost everything,” Chaudhury stated.

According to Chaudhury, the violence was triggered by excessive subscription demands. “According to the information we have received, a Muslim timber seller arrived in front of his shop with a truck loaded with sawn timber. At that time, some local people went there to collect subscription money for a fair. It could be that the subscription amount was so high that he refused. After that, those youth spread some communal rumours and started creating mayhem. Then groups of people came from outside and started attacking that place. His shop was burnt, vehicles were set on fire, and houses were vandalised and set on fire,” he said.

Chaudhury drew parallels with previous incidents across the state. “Some leaders of the ruling party have taken the oath of the constitution and become MLAs. These incidents are happening because of their provocative statements, like what happened at Koitor Bari, Gandacherra, and Pekuacherra in Panisagar. And now today at Fatikroy. Such incidents keep happening one after another,” he said.

According to Chaudhury, none of the previous incidents have seen proper accountability.

The CPI(M) politburo member also mentioned that he saw a disturbing video showing affected families alleging police bias.

“A while ago, a video came to us where a woman is saying in front of the camera that her house has been attacked, her shops have been burnt, that the fire service came after two hours, and that they have lost everything. She says that the police are trying to arrest her people. I am verifying how much of this is true. If this is true, it is very unfortunate. I would request the police to deal with this with a strong hand,” Chaudhury said.

The leader of opposition also criticised the chief minister Manik Saha’s response to the crisis. “In our state, the administrative and political executive have no remorse and no sensitivity. This morning when the incident happened, the chief minister was doing a roadshow. He went to Kanchanpur and held a big rally. There is not a single mention of this incident. If he were truly sensitive, he would have left everything else and gone to that place,” Chaudhury said.

Atmosphere of fear

On January 12, a delegation from the Communist Party of India (CPI) attempted to visit the violence-hit Shimultala village but was prevented by police, including SDPO Debnath, citing Section 163 restrictions. The delegation included CPI Tripura state secretary Milan Baidya, state secretariat members Rasbihari Ghosh and Nilmani Deb, women’s leader Hasna Begam and others.

CPI leadership reported that minority communities in the area have been living in extreme fear since the incident, with many families unable to access markets or carry out daily activities. They appealed to the administration to ensure there is no shortage of food and daily necessities for the affected minorities.

The delegation demanded comprehensive assessment of losses suffered by affected minority families and appropriate compensation. They also called for quick repair of damaged religious institutions, mosques, houses, and vehicles.

“Such an atmosphere of fear and unrest has never been seen in the state before,” they stated, strongly urging the administration and government to immediately restore an atmosphere of peace.

Congress doing vote bank politics: Sudhangshu

Cabinet minister and Fatikroy MLA Sudhanshu Das dismissed opposition claims as “false rumours” and accused the Congress of anti-Hindu politics. Addressing the media on January 11, Das urged opposition parties to refrain from spreading communal incitement.

“Even with internet services suspended, attempts are being made through fundraising and provocative statements to mislead the common people,” Das alleged.

The minister claimed that opposition allegations about houses of a particular community being vandalised were fabricated. “Instead of spreading such rumours, I invite the opposition to visit the spot if necessary and see the real situation,” he stated.

“Congress is an anti-Hindu party and has been doing politics of opposition to Sanatan Dharma. Congress only does vote bank politics, whereas the Bharatiya Janata Party does not calculate vote banks,” he added.

Contradicting the fund-collection narrative, Das claimed a bike collided with a truck loaded with timber and set off the fight. “Subsequently, a person named Musabbir Ali came and claimed the timber was his, which further complicated the situation,” he claimed.

Left’s regime

CM Manik Saha, during his North Tripura district tour on January 11, addressed questions raised by the local media regarding the communal disturbance at Shimultala. Saha claimed that the administration was handling the situation with utmost seriousness.

“It is advisable not to make unnecessary political comments on such matters. The administration is working to keep the situation under control,” he remarked and referred to incidents during the Left Front regime. “During CPI(M) rule, similar incidents occurred in Mandwi and Khowai, and even one of their ministers was brutally murdered. What role did they take then?” he asked.

Courtesy: The Wire

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After videos that went viral of a violent lynching of a Muslim man, Makarand Muhammad of Astia village in Odisha’s Balasore district, three suspects were reportedly arrested for lynching the 33-year-old. Before that, a video of social media, of the victim being asked to chant a religious slogan and being assaulted had emerged the previous day, Wednesday, January 7. The victim, Sheikh Makarand Muhammad of Astia village, was reportedly a helper in a pickup van that was waylaid for ferrying cattle. He was attacked with sharp weapons and pipes, cops quoting the man’s brother said. The viral video, alleged to be that of the incident, shows the group assaulting Mohammed with pipes and forcing him to shout “Jai Shri Ram” and “Gau Mata Ki Jai”. Despite his compliance with this violent aggression, the mob did not stop the beating.

At the outset, The Telegraph and New Indian Express reported, a group of cow vigilantes tried to stop the van Mohammed was in. The pick-up van travelling from the Jayadeva Kasba side, overturned on the outskirts of a town. While the driver of the van escaped, Mohammed was caught by the mob, The Telegraph reported.

Later though the police took Mohammed to hospital, but on Thursday, he succumbed to injuries he had suffered during the attack.

The police have registered a case under a section of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita that pertains to lynching by a group motivated by prejudice based on religion, race or caste. Mohammed’s brother. This is the second FIR in the case. Sk Jitendar Mahammad, had filed a police complaint and named five persons as suspects. In his statement, he alleged that five men had intercepted the van and assaulted his brother with deadly weapons. He further stated that although a police patrol vehicle reached the spot and shifted Mahammad to the Balasore District Headquarters Hospital, he died during treatment. Based on the second complaint, police booked five accused under Section 103(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), which pertains to punishment for murder committed by a mob.

The Odisha police reportedly initially registered a first FIR based on a complaint related to the pickup van accident. According to this FIR, the vehicle, allegedly being driven rashly, lost balance and overturned on the roadside. It stated that by the time police reached the spot, the driver had already been shifted to a hospital and a cow was found at the site.

“The cow was seized and brought to the Maa Bharati Goshala, and the pickup vehicle was brought to the police station. The complainant submitted a written report for taking legal action against the owner and driver of the pickup van,” the first FIR noted.

Rabi Behera, the head of the Odisha Milk Farmers’ Association, was quoted as saying by The Telegraph that the activities of cow vigilantes had increased since the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Mohan Majhi was elected to power in the state in June 2024. “The government must ensure stern action in such cases,” Behera said.

It is to be seen if any outcome comes of the final investigations, especially with relation to the mob violence and murder. Odisha has seen a spate of attacks on Dalits, Christians and Muslims over the past two years.

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The post Odisha: Man forced to chant religious slogan, lynched by cow vigilantes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reports by Zee News and others state that these series of violent incidents against Muslim hawkers and workers in Bihar has caused deep fear and anger, with families saying that poor members of the community are being targeted on mere suspicion, abused in public, and attacked without protection. Fresh cases from Katihar, Saharsa and Madhubani show a pattern where daily wage earners and small vendors were beaten, robbed, shot, or killed, while their families are now struggling for justice.

According to media reports, in Katihar district, a young Muslim utensil seller was thrashed after being abused as “Bangladeshi” and also robbed of his hard-earned money. In Saharsa, a biscuit seller was shot after a robbery attempt. In Madhubani, a Muslim youth died after being beaten by a group of people, with his family alleging mob lynching, even as police claim it was a road accident.

The most grievous assault and murder case has come from Madhubani district, where Mohammad Qayoom, a young Muslim man from Haithiwali village, died after being beaten in Pattitol village under Bhairabsthan police station. According to his family and relatives, Qayoom and two friends had gone to buy gutkha from a shop on a motorbike. An argument broke out with the shopkeeper. Soon after, several people gathered and attacked Qayoom.

Police are reported to have taken him to hospital, where doctors declared him dead. While police have suggested it was a road accident, Qayoom’s family strongly rejects this claim. “This was not an accident. He was beaten by many people. His body had injury marks,” a grieving family member said. “Why is the truth being hidden?” Community members say the family fears that the case may be weakened if it is treated as an accident rather than a lynching.

Seen together all these hate crimes have raised serious questions about the security and safety of daily wage earners –hawkers and labourers –in BJP-ruled Bihar, many of whom depend on daily sales to survive.

While the Katihar incident took place on January 11 in the Pothia police station area and the victim, Akmal Rehman, a resident of Simaria Chowk under Korha police station, had gone to Chakla village in Sameli block to sell utensils.  According to victim, Rehman, who spoke to the media, two local youths stopped him, abused him, and accused him of being Bangladeshi. When women who were buying utensils objected, the attackers threatened them as well.

“They started abusing me and saying I was Bangladeshi. When the women spoke up, they got angry and hit me with sticks,” Rehman said from his hospital bed.

The assailants allegedly hit him on the head with a stick. After he fell unconscious, they took ₹12,000 from his shirt pocket and fled. Rehman was admitted to Korha Community Health Centre and is said to be in stable condition. While a written complaint has been submitted to Pothia police station and the Sub-Divisional Police Officer. Police questioning of villagers and women buyers led to the identification of the accused as Chuiya Mandal, son of Patal Mandal, and another local resident of Chakla village.

Sub-Divisional Police Officer (Sadar-2) Ranjan Kumar Singh said, “At first look, this appears to be a robbery case. Villagers have told us that the accused are known for attacking hawkers. We are investigating and action will be taken.”

Relatives and family members, however, say the attack was also driven by hate and fear created around Muslim identity. “My son went to sell utensils, not to fight. Calling him Bangladeshi was an excuse to beat and loot him,” a relative said. In another disturbing case, criminals in Saharsa targeted a Muslim biscuit seller, Mohammad Mujahid. According to police and family sources, Mujahid was robbed and then shot by miscreants. He was rushed to hospital in a critical condition and remains under treatment. Doctors have confirmed that the bullet caused serious injury.

Several locals told media reporters that small Muslim vendors are easy targets because they carry cash and have no protection. The incident has created fear among other hawkers, many of whom have stopped working after dark. Police have said they are searching for the attackers, but no arrests have been announced so far.

Human rights activists and local residents say these incidents show how Muslim hawkers and workers are being treated as suspects instead of citizens under the newly elected administration. “Poor Muslims who sell utensils, biscuits, or small items are being attacked on suspicion alone. This is not law and order, this is failure,” said a local social worker in Katihar. Families of the victims have demanded fair investigation, strict action against the accused, and protection for hawkers who move village to village to earn a living.

As cases pile up, pressure is growing on the Bihar administration to act firmly and restore confidence among Muslim communities who say they feel unsafe even while doing honest work.

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India was never built on bulldozers. It was built on pluralism, dignity, and equal citizenship.

First, a medical college in Jammu was shut down because Muslim students got admission to MBBS on merit.

Now, a school in Baitul district of Madhya Pradesh has been bulldozed simply because it was built by a Muslim, ON HIS OWN LAND, WITH HIS OWN MONEY, to educate Dalit and Tribal… pic.twitter.com/X65w2Sa1SO

— Gaurav Pandhi (@GauravPandhi) January 15, 2026

Meanwhile the Indian Express  reported that a private school built to educate children from nursery to Class 8 in Madhya Pradesh’s Betul district became the target of a kind of prejudicial politics by the administration when, after rumours falsely branding it as an unauthorised madrasa led to its partial demolition, officials told the newspaper on January 14, Wednesday.

Abdul Naeem, a local resident who had reportedly poured nearly Rs 20 lakh of borrowed money and family savings into the construction, watched portions of his “educational dream” turn to rubble on the evening of January 13 as the dreaded JCB/earthmovers unilaterally brought down the walls and a front shed under administrative orders. No notice, no chance to explain was given to the private owner of the building on private land raising serious questions of the lawfulness or constitutionality of the perverse action.

Reports state that for several years, Naeem had envisioned a nursery-to-Class 8 school for children in Dhaba village and surrounding tribal hamlets, where families often send their children miles away for decent education. He persisted and thereafter secured commercial land diversion, obtained a panchayat NOC, and on December 30 filed his formal application with the School Education Department, submitting all requisite land documents.

“I had decided to construct the school on my private land so that my village can progress and some people can study. Senior officials claimed that we were doing wrong things here,” Naeem said. Even when construction was progressing smoothly when, just three days of viciously circulated rumours led to the brazen action, the demolition. The rumours circulating stated false that a madrasa was being built in the area. Even construction of a Madrasa is in no way a prohibited act!! An anguished Naeem said, “ “This is a village with only three Muslim families. How would a madrasa even function here? And the building wasn’t even complete — no classes, no students,” Naeem said.

Chronology

Last Sunday, January 11, the Gram Panchayat issued a notice ordering Naeem to demolish the structure himself, citing lack of permission. When he rushed to the panchayat office to submit a formal response, he says officials refused to accept his application and told him to return later. Without giving him any opportunity to be heard, two days later, on January 13, as Naeem and a group of concerned villagers travelled to the district collectorate to meet the Collector and seek clarity, the administration moved in. A JCB machine, flanked by heavy police presence, arrived at the site in Dhaba. By dusk, a portion of the school building and the front shed had been razed.

Despite being a public servant answerable to the rule of law and Constitution, Sub-Divisional Magistrate Ajit Maravi defended the action, saying it followed a complaint from the gram panchayat alleging encroachment and rule violations. “A verification found that part of the construction fell under encroachment. Only the illegal portion has been removed, not the entire building,” Maravi said, adding that all mandatory permissions had not been obtained. Naeem strongly disputes this. “I had the panchayat NOC. I had applied for school approval. If there was any mistake in paperwork, I was ready to pay whatever fine the government demanded.”

The Video may be seen here

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The post Hate Crime: Abdul Naeem’s school built with private money on his land demolished by bulldozers in Madhya Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Farhad had reportedly just stepped out of the examination centre when the attack occurred at the college gate. Witnesses saw flames leap from his clothes as people nearby scrambled to put them out.

Fortuitously, another group of students and passers-by rushed to douse the fire with water and cloth. Some used water bottles. Others shouted for help. For a few minutes, the scene dissolved into panic.

Police said that Farhad sustained around 8% burn injuries. He was first taken to a private facility on Delhi Road and later shifted to the district hospital. His condition is said to be stable, officials said. Moradabad (city) SP Kumar Ranvijay Singh said, “It appears the attackers used a petrol-filled bottle. We’re collecting forensic samples to confirm. An FIR is being registered.” Predictably, none have been arrested yet.

Hindu College is one of Moradabad’s older educational institutions. Police have taken statements from witnesses and are analysing footage from nearby CCTV cameras. The bottle suspected to have been used in the attack has been sent for chemical analysis. Police identified suspects as students of the same college. Their names emerged during questioning of those present on campus.

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Terrorism’s Shadow: Rising hatred against Indian Muslims after Pahalgam terror attack

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I profusely apologise for the incessant atrocities that are being committed against you all since 2014 by the Modi Regime.

There are thousands and lakhs of Muslim Freedom fighters, who gave their blood and lives to make this Nation, when RSS traitors were colluding with the British.

The sadistic pleasure drawn by few self-proclaimed Hindus, on withdrawal of MBBS Course from Shri. Mata Vaishnavo Devi Institute of Medical Excellence in Jammu, is so disheartening and nauseating that I don’t wish to be associated with this kind of Hindu Community.

My sense of dismay, disheartenment is so profound and intense that I now realise and feel the pain that Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar must have felt while Quitting this hate filled, demonic, human social system.

Followers of Manusmriti are using the very Constitution which promised you all, other minorities and the poor and downtrodden, a dignified, egalitarian position in the India liberated on 15-08-1947.

Neither this is that India, nor are the bulwarks of that Constitution intact.

Lynching Muslims, dehumanising them, reducing them to second citizens, bulldozing their homes and forcefully pushing them into Bangladesh, committing genocide against them like in Godhra, even a Muslim MP is not safe and are deprived of the fundamental human dignity in the Parliament.

Doesn’t matter, that Modi Regime and its cronies are accepting the Gulf Dinars from the Sheikhs, to survive and sustain their business, which in any sovereign state eg. America, would tantamount to, proceeds of crime.

I can never forgive myself for what my sister Bilkis Bano had to go through. A believer in the Rule of Law, a pious, devout Hindu can never accept this and never promote such cowardice. I am stunned to see the Hindus (baring few exceptions), not condemning the Regime which enabled atrocities on Muslims of Godhra.

It’s suffocating, I am literally gasping for breath, as the chain of events run through my mind, as a fast forwarded video, full of blood, cries for help, daggers and machetes slashing human beings, bullets fired on innocent young Muslim Kashmiris, poor truck drivers being thrashed, lynched and killed on hate filled, inhuman and fake Hindutva narrative of Cow smuggling.

I choke and wake up at nights with the cries of little kids, young girls, women being drawn into the crowd by Hindutva zombies; those tears welling down those wrinkled cheeks of mothers and fathers who lost their sons, daughters or some loved ones, a source of support and strength in old age, snatched away, ask me, IS THIS WHAT YOUR RELIGION IS ALL ABOUT?

I have read the Vedas, Upanishads, Geeta, Ramayan, Mahabharata, the texts sacred to Hindus religion. I ask any Hindu to tell me, on the basis of which Verse, are Muslims being lynched, killed and relegated to second class citizenship and made to live in fear?

I also ask my Hindu brothers and sisters, IS THIS ‘YOUR’ HINDU RELIGION AND DOES IT TEACH YOU TO KILL OTHER HUMANS, IRRESPECTIVE OF THEIR RELIGIONS AND RELEGATE THEM TO SECOND CLASS CITIZENSHIP?

What do you ask of your Idols, when you light the lamps every day in your homes, or visit the Temples? That hey lord, please give Hindutva Regime more strength to instil fear amongst Muslims and lower caste Hindus? If that’s the case he seem to be answering their prayers!

This is repulsive and I want to give away any identity that I may knowingly or unknowingly, have with such a Group, Society, Community, Religion.

I fail to understand how can pious, loving and warm Hindu friends and fellow Indians allow 04 lumpen Gujarati thugs, hard-core criminals, recognised internationally, denied Visas, summoned by International Courts, to be our representatives, using the very Constitution which GUARANTEES PROTECTION TO EVERY INDIAN?

Sorry, this is not Hindu Religion by any wild stretch of imagination. This is using Hindu Religion, like Taliban, to kill people, for Power and Control.

The Congress Party has profoundly failed to protect our Muslim brothers. It is being brought down by its on archaic bureaucracy which is not able to give shape to the dreams and vision of Rahul Gandhi. What are they doing behind paying lip service and using SM handles like Journalists and Activists. What worth is their Power? Who will expose and preempt the wicked, demonic Modi Regime? Few Journalists and SM activists, YouTubers are even doing that, at the cost of their lives. What have Congress and Opposition MPs, MLAs done about it since 2014?!

In my five decades of existence, having seen the World, learning about the Civilisations, Religions and experiencing the collective social progress we made together, especially since the Liberalisation, I have never imagined, India would be taken over by such criminals.

Now that we are and that their claim to Power and source of legitimacy is the very Hindutva, derived from Hindu Religion, I have decided to keep distance and my future course shall be carved out soon.

If this is what the HINDU RELIGION can do, as is seen since 2014, I am better off it.

I would also like to ask My dear Hindu Brothers and Sisters – with whom you have shared your homes, Offices, travelled together, played and dreamed together – whether they have become ACCUSTOMED to these atrocities against you all, to the dehumanisation, disenfranchisement and demonization of Muslims?

I hope they answer in Negative. I know many of them are as nauseated and repulsed by the bloody Communal politics of the Sangh Parivar but are mum and frightened for their own selfish reasons.

I am convinced, I owe an unconditional apology to my Muslim Brothers and Sisters. My being a Hindu, a Brahmin at that, makes me a perfect candidate to seek this unconditional apology for the dreadful experience you have had, are having.

I am too weak to do anything about it individually but I hope and wish, my fellow Indians, friends and followers, especially Hindus, Brahmins at that, share letters of support and show Muslims, show the poor, the downtrodden, the backwards class compatriot Brothers and Sisters that we don’t subscribe to what the Modi Regime is doing to them.

Yours faithfully,

Raju Parulekar
(An Ashamed Hindu)

The post Apologies from an ashamed Hindu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The complaint, dated December 23, 2025, comes nearly a month after CJP’s initial representation of November 25, 2025, which documented how a politically affiliated individual publicly targeted Muslim vendors through religious profiling, forced identity checks, and inflammatory accusations. The absence of any visible deterrent or corrective action, CJP notes, has emboldened the perpetrator and enabled a series of fresh incidents — transforming hate speech into administrative and police action on the ground.

A pattern, not isolated incidents

At the heart of CJP’s follow-up complaint is a critical assertion: what is unfolding at Malabar Hill is not a series of sporadic outbursts, but a continuing and aggravated course of conduct.

Across multiple dates — November 13, December 6, and December 17, 2025 — the same individual has repeatedly targeted Muslim street vendors by appearance and presumed religious identity, invoking communal conspiracy theories such as “land jihad,” “illegal Aadhaar,” and “national security threats.” Each time, these public accusations were followed by immediate and tangible consequences: removal of vendors’ stalls, disruption of livelihood, and police intervention.

The cumulative effect, the complaint argues, is the systematic conversion of a public marketplace into a site of religious policing — where Muslim citizens are publicly cast as illegal, dangerous, and undeserving of economic survival.

Details of the previous complaint may be read here.

December 6: “Land jihad” and the criminalisation of livelihood

On December 6, 2025, a video widely circulated on social media captured the accused individual publicly accusing Muslim hawkers at Malabar Hill of engaging in “land jihad” — a loaded communal trope that frames ordinary economic activity as covert territorial aggression.

Soon after these statements, the vendors’ stalls were removed and the vendors themselves were handed over to the police.

The complaint underscores that such rhetoric is not casual or rhetorical. By deploying conspiratorial language in a crowded public market, lawful vending activity was reframed as an anti-national act, effectively legitimising coercive action against an entire religious group without any due process.

December 17: “Illegal Aadhaar” and national security paranoia

Barely eleven days later, on December 17, 2025, the same individual returned to Malabar Hill to once again target Muslim vendors — this time alleging, without evidence, that they possessed “illegal Aadhaar cards” and posed a threat to national security. He openly declared his intent to emulate extremist campaigns against so-called “illegal Muslim immigration.”

Once again, these statements were followed by the removal of Muslim vendors’ stalls.

CJP highlights the gravity of such allegations: claims of “illegal Aadhaar” directly impute fraud, foreignness, and criminality, placing individuals at immediate risk of detention, harassment, and vigilante violence — particularly when made by politically connected actors in public spaces.

Vigilantism enabled by silence

The follow-up complaint raises serious questions about preventive policing and institutional accountability. When a private individual can repeatedly:

• Declare members of a religious community “illegal” or “anti-national”
• Publicly demand police action
• Successfully trigger eviction, detention, or livelihood loss

— without restraint or prosecution, it signals the emergence of a parallel system of authority, where hate speech substitutes for lawful governance. This silence, the complaint warns, does not merely fail victims; it actively legitimises communal intimidation and encourages imitation — both within Mumbai and beyond.

Markets as sites of exclusion

Street vendors are among the most economically vulnerable groups in urban India. Repeated eviction and public humiliation based on religious suspicion strike directly at the right to livelihood and dignity protected under Article 21 of the Constitution.

CJP’s complaint powerfully situates these incidents within Mumbai’s fraught communal history, warning that branding Muslims as “security threats” in crowded urban markets risks triggering panic, retaliation, and public disorder. When shared civic spaces are transformed into zones of surveillance and exclusion, they cease to be neutral — becoming theatres of majoritarian dominance.

Economic punishment as communal control

What emerges from the Malabar Hill incidents is a form of targeted economic punishment — where Muslim citizens are made to understand that their right to earn a living is contingent on communal acceptability. Such practices amount to collective penalty based purely on religious identity, enforced not through law, but through intimidation, spectacle, and administrative complicity.

The complaint identifies a range of serious offences under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, including promoting enmity between groups, imputations prejudicial to national integration, criminal intimidation, public mischief, and unlawful assumption of public authority. The repetition and continuity of acts, CJP notes, satisfy the threshold for continuing offences.

Constitutionally, the incidents amount to serial violations of Articles 14, 15(1), 19(1)(g), 21, and 25 — eroding secularism, equality, and fraternity as lived principles.

A call for urgent intervention

Through this follow-up complaint, CJP has urged:

• Immediate registration of a comprehensive FIR covering all incidents
• Accountability for any police or civic officials who acted on unlawful verbal directions
• Clear prohibitory orders against private identity checks and religious profiling
• Restoration of livelihood and protection for affected vendors
• Robust intervention by the National Commission for Minorities, including summoning the accused and issuing national advisories

At stake, CJP warns, is not merely the fate of a few vendors — but the integrity of constitutional governance in everyday life. Allowing hate speech to translate into state action normalises religious vigilantism as governance, hollowing out citizenship from the ground up.

Unchecked, such practices threaten to make exclusion ordinary — and injustice routine.

The complete complaint may be read here.

Image: jernih.co

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The post Unchecked Vigilantism, Repeated Harm: Why CJP has filed a fresh complaint on Malabar Hill incident appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Why the agitation at all? Because. Because. How can Muslim students –that too 42 of the 50 admissions!–study in a college bearing this name! On streets, within official corridors, the voices were shrill and focussed, cancel these admissions, No Muslims in this “Holy Medical College!” they said.

A strident and crude local unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) joined in as part of a neatly scripted plan, visible, vocal and crass pitching its demand to snatch away legitimately procured admission and ensure that ‘only Hindus’ study in that medical college since the Jammu-based medical institute funded by Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board! The BJP also sought the L-G’s intervention to reserve all the seats at the varsity for Hindus because “it has come up over donations of Hindu devotees”. Only seven Hindus had made it past the test in a batch of 50. The fact that this august institution, had also been funded by public money from the state exchequer, Rs 24 crores last year and Rs 28 crores this year was immaterial to the protestors drunk on prejudice and power.

The agitation that had been launched in late November 2025–as visible on the streets as on social media was backed by the Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha— who responded, we are reportedly told—and ensured that the “National Medical Commission” issued a saffron fatwa to the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Institute of Medical Excellence (SMVDIME). Following a hasty inspection carried out on site four days prior (around January 4), orders were given to “shut down” the MBBS Course for which, after due process, permission had been granted four months ago.On January 6, 2026, the NMC’s Medical Assessment and Rating Board withdrew the Letter of Permission granted to the varsity for running the MBBS course with 50 seats for the academic year 2025-26. No show-cause notice was given to the college, there is no room for appeal or due process.

Do we not believe in instant (in) justice in this version of a Hindu rashtra?

The turnaround intervention by the NMC, guided, is not only a tale of gross violation of fundamental rights of equality and non-discrimination enshrined in the Constitution. Worse or as bad is how openly credits were distributed by the victorious. The Hindu reported on January 7, how members of the Sangarsh Samiti in Jammu distributed sweets and played loud music to celebrate the “victory” of their agitation, which began on November 22, 2025 precisely.  These images were played out on the ever visible and intrusive social media too. “We have come to celebrate the victory of our agitation. We especially thank the Union Home Minister and Health Minister for respecting our sentiments. We believe the decision took longer because of the legal process. We also thank the prominent personalities who joined us in our protests,” convener of the Sangarsh Samiti Sukhvir Mankotia is reported to have said.

Moreover, what does this means for the region? Kashmir, Ladhakh and Jammu have seen and witnessed multiple levels and layers of betrayals by the Indian state and officialdom. This latest is, above all else, an abdication of this government’s own hollow promises and rhetoric that it has used since the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019. Any efforts at return to participative, representative rights-based citizenship by Kashmiris is thwarted by a prejudiced and exclusivist governance by the centre’s representatives and other institutions influenced by the Centre. This augurs ill on principle and also in terms of the social peace of the state and region given the overall fragility of the Valley and Jammu.

Alienation has been the tale that most Kashmiris grow up with, real, not imagined. When 42 students pass a gruelling NEET test for the MBBS Course and are told –after they are horrifyingly witness to crude slogans of protests and shoddy dances of victory in the streets–that they cannot exercise their Right to Education (now a fundamental right under article 21a of the Constitution) because of the colour of their faith, and because they are Kashmiris, it is not only alienation that they will once again have been forced to feel. There will be anger too.

Today the NMC justifies its unjustifiable step citing ‘shortage of teachers/tutors, lecture theatres and library resources’, unconvincing as an argument as all these facilities had been scrutinized and passed when permission was obtained four months ago. Key to the inevitable fallout out is whether out of any last grain of shame, the SMVDIME will appeal the NMC’s unjust scrapping of its MBBS permission in court and fight on constitutional principle. If this college succumbs, as have others to the might of a majoritarian agenda, we can again say with bitter conviction that India is now almost completely deep down into an abyss of its own making!

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The post Partitioned minds, a Saffron Fatwa & Denial of Fair Opportunity: Mata Vaishno Devi University, Jammu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The heightened security followed a violent confrontation during a court-mandated anti-encroachment drive conducted by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) on land adjoining the Faiz-e-Ilahi Masjid, located near Ramlila Maidan.

Legal Origins of the Demolition: From survey to High Court direction

The demolition drive was the culmination of a legal process initiated months earlier. One Preet Sirohi had approached the Delhi High Court seeking removal of alleged encroachments at the mosque complex. In response, a joint survey was conducted by the MCD, the Delhi Development Authority (DDA), and the Land & Development Office (L&DO) under the Ministry of Urban Development.

According to the Joint Survey Report (JSR), authorities identified:

• 2,512 square feet of encroachment on a road belonging to the Public Works Department (PWD), and
• 36,428 square feet of MCD land encroached upon for non-religious, commercial uses, including a baraat ghar (wedding hall), parking facilities, and a private diagnostic centre (ThePrint).

Relying on these findings, the Delhi High Court, in its November 12, 2025 order, directed the PWD and the MCD to remove the encroachments. However, the court also directed that the mosque management committee must be granted a hearing before any coercive action was taken. This order formed the legal foundation for all subsequent administrative and enforcement actions. (The Times of India)

Administrative hearings and the MCD’s December 22 order

In compliance with the court’s direction, the MCD held two hearings on November 24 and December 16, attended by representatives of the mosque management committee, DDA officials, and L&DO officers (The Indian Express).

During these proceedings:

• Hafiz Matloob Karim, general secretary of the mosque committee, denied the existence of a wedding hall, stating instead that a vacant portion of the premises was used “occasionally” for marriage functions.
• the mosque predated Independence;
• it was adjoined by a graveyard with no clear demarcation;
• He submitted that a charitable clinic was being run for the needy at marginal charges.
• The committee asserted that the mosque was a “waqf by user” property, arguing that no title deed was required under waqf law.

A representative of the Delhi Waqf Board referred to a February 1940 agreement under which 0.195 acres of land had been leased to the mosque.

In its order dated December 22, the MCD rejected these submissions, stating that:

• No documentary evidence had been placed on record to establish lawful possession or ownership of the land beyond the 0.195 acres the mosque management committee, or the Delhi Waqf Boar;
• Religious structures such as a masjid, dargah, or graveyard could not be used for commercial activities like marriage functions or diagnostic services;
• Any structure beyond the 0.195-acre tract constituted encroachment and misuse of public land.

The order explicitly held that such use was a “blatant misuse of public land” and directed removal of all structures beyond the demarcated area (Hindustan Times).

Mosque committee moves the High Court again

Challenging the MCD’s decision, the mosque management committee filed a fresh writ petition before the Delhi High Court, seeking to set aside the December 22 order. The petition emphasised that:

• The mosque predated Independence;
• It was adjoined by a graveyard with no clear demarcation;
• the wedding hall and diagnostic centre had already ceased operations;
• The committee had no objection to removal of commercial encroachments but sought protection for the graveyard. (The Hindu)

On Tuesday (January 6), a day before the demolition, Justice Amit Bansal heard the plea. The court recorded that the petitioner’s counsel stated there was no grievance regarding removal of the wedding hall or diagnostic centre, both of which had ceased operations.

The judge also noted:

• The MCD’s assurance that no action was proposed on the 0.195 acres containing the mosque and graveyard;
• The absence of any argument that the graveyard extended beyond this leased land.

While issuing notices to the MCD, DDA, and other authorities and seeking counter-affidavits within four weeks, the court declined to grant an interim stay, clarifying that any action taken would be subject to the final outcome of the writ petition (ThePrint).

The Demolition Begins Before Dawn

Although the demolition was scheduled to begin at 8 am on January 7, MCD teams arrived at the site around 1 am, accompanied by extensive police deployment. According to police officials cited by PTI and ANI, nearly 30 bulldozers and 50 dump trucks were mobilised. Heavy police deployment, including riot-control units, were present for the operation.

The Clash: What happened between 12:40 am and 1:30 am

At approximately 12:40 am, shortly after the MCD teams and police reached the area, a crowd gathered near the police barricades at Turkman Gate. Despite prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) — which restricts unlawful assembly — the group allegedly refused to disperse.

According to the FIR lodged at Chandni Mahal Police Station, based on a complaint by Constable Sandeep:

• Around 30–35 people raised slogans against the police administration;
• Several individuals attempted to breach barricades;
• Repeated announcements were made through a loud-hailer directing the crowd to disperse;
• The crowd refused to comply, attempted to break barricades, and began pelting stones;
• One individual allegedly snatched and damaged a police loud-hailer.

The FIR, which contains the version of the police, further states that five police personnel, including the Station House Officer (SHO), sustained injuries during the clash. The injured officers — including Head Constable Jal Singh and Constable Vikram — were taken to Lok Nayak Jai Prakash Hospital, treated, and later discharged (ThePrint, The Hindu).

Police Response: Tear gas and crowd dispersal

Senior police officers told ThePrint that tear gas shells were fired from one side of the mosque complex where stone-pelting was concentrated. The crowd was dispersed within about 30 minutes, after which the demolition commenced around 1:30 am.

Joint Commissioner of Police Madhur Verma stated that minimal force was used and that normalcy was restored shortly thereafter (ANI).

Arrests, FIR sections, and ongoing investigation

Police detained five individuals, including a juvenile. Four adults — Mohd Arib (25), Mohd Kaif (23), Mohd Kashif (25), and Mohd Hamid (30) — were arrested, while a 17-year-old was apprehended (PTI, The Hindu). Additionally, 10–15 individuals were detained for questioning (PTI).

The FIR invokes multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, including:

• Section 221 (obstructing a public servant),
• Section 132 (assault or criminal force to deter a public servant),
• Section 121 (voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servant),
• Section 191 (rioting),
• Section 223(A) (disobedience of a lawful order),
• Section 3(5) (joint liability), along with provisions of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984.

Police said CCTV footage, body-worn camera recordings, and social media videos are being examined to identify additional suspects and possible instigators (ANI).

Conflicting Accounts: Locals vs police

Members of the local Aman Committee insisted that residents had cooperated with authorities. Mohammed Shehzad, a committee member, told ThePrint that nearly 150–200 locals had met police and MCD officials in advance, assuring cooperation. “It must have been outsiders,” Shehzad said, arguing that residents would not risk administrative backlash.

However, the FIR contradicts this narrative. Constable Sandeep stated that he recognised at least five local residents among those involved in the violence and claimed he could identify more if produced before him (ThePrint).

Political and public reactions

The incident triggered political reactions across party lines. Congress leader Salman Khurshid said the situation “could have been handled differently” but added that since the court had found the action valid, “nothing else can be said” (ANI).

The BJP accused opposition leaders of justifying violence. Party spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla criticised remarks by Samajwadi Party leaders who described the stone-pelting as an “action-reaction” (PTI).

Delhi Home Minister Ashish Sood stated that the mosque was untouched and the action was strictly in accordance with court orders (ANI).

Meanwhile, Samajwadi Party MP Mohibbullah Nadvi, who was present in the area prior to the violence, is under investigation. Police said he left before the demolition began but will be summoned to join the probe (ANI).

The larger context and present status

The Faiz-e-Ilahi Masjid had previously drawn attention after CCTV footage showed Dr Umar un-Nabi, accused of being involved in the Red Fort suicide bombing on November 10, 2025, offering prayers there hours before the attack. Authorities, however, have consistently stated that the demolition drive was entirely unrelated to that incident (ThePrint).

As of now:

• The mosque and graveyard remain intact;
• The commercial structures have been demolished;
• Five arrests have been made;
• The High Court has sought replies from authorities, with the matter listed for further hearing in April.

Delhi Police and the MCD maintain that the action was lawful, proportionate, and undertaken strictly under judicial directions, while urging the public not to be misled by misinformation circulating online. Police sources stated that social media posts falsely claiming the mosque itself was being demolished circulated shortly before the violence; and that these posts contributed to people gathering at the site (The Hindu, PTI).

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The post Faiz-e-Ilahi Masjid, Turkman Gate: A court-ordered demolition, midnight policing, stone-pelting, arrests, and the ongoing legal battle appeared first on SabrangIndia.