Rising tide of cow vigilante violence

A wave of violent attacks and harassment against Muslims has unfolded across various Indian states. Cow vigilantes, under the banner of cow protection, have increasingly taken the law into their own hands, targeting Muslims accused of smuggling or slaughtering cows. These self-declared protectors of cattle have escalated their campaigns, often resorting to physical violence, harassment, and public humiliation to enforce their agenda. The perpetrators, including prominent groups like the Gau Raksha Dal and other cow-protection outfits of right-wing organizations, operate with little regard for legal processes. The victims, often Muslim individuals involved in transporting cattle or related products, face unwarranted assault and threats. These vigilantes, operating without any legal authority, frequently use firearms and engage in reckless pursuits, putting lives at risk. Their unchecked violence has become a growing concern, with reports of accidents and injuries resulting from their dangerous actions. 

Timeline of assaults and harassment from December 2024, to January, 2025: –

States

Madhya Pradesh

Location – Bhopal

Date: January 8, 2025

On January 8, 2025, cow vigilantes, accompanied by the police, apprehended a truck that was transporting cattle. The driver was immediately accused of being involved in cow smuggling, a common allegation that has led to numerous such incidents across the country. Despite no proper verification or legal process, the vigilantes physically assaulted the driver.

Haryana

Date: January 7, 2025

In a disturbing incident, members of the Gau Raksha Dal in Haryana used firearms to intercept a truck suspected of transporting cattle. They accused the drivers of smuggling cows and proceeded to seize the vehicle.

Location – Rohtak

Date: December 25

Two Muslim drivers transporting bulls in a pickup truck were accosted and harassed by cow vigilantes. The men were wrongfully accused of smuggling cattle for illegal slaughter, despite providing no evidence to support these claims. The drivers were subjected to verbal abuse, physical threats, and intimidation.

Location – Tauru, Nuh,

Date: December 18

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes in Tauru, Nuh, harassed a Muslim truck driver transporting cattle, accusing him of cow smuggling. The driver faced severe harassment and was forced to endure hostile questioning, which was rooted in religious bias rather than any evidence of illegal activity.

Location – KMP Expressway

Date: December 20

On December 20, another truck carrying cattle was stopped by cow vigilantes on the KMP Expressway. The driver was physically assaulted and accused of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter.

Assam

Location – Rangia

Date: January 9, 2025

In Rangia, Assam, members of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal physically harassed two Muslim drivers, accusing them of smuggling cow meat. Despite presenting the necessary documentation and repeatedly stating that the meat was buffalo, the vigilantes refused to listen and continued their assault.

Chhattisgarh

Location – Raipur

Date: January 8, 2025

A raid led by Bajrang Dal members, supported by the police, took place in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, where slaughtered cattle were discovered in a house. The butchers were harassed, publicly humiliated, and forced to chant slogans demanding the execution of those involved in cow slaughter. The police also paraded the accused through the streets, forcing them to chant that killing cows is a sin.

Location – Kumhari, Durg

Date: December 28, 2025

In Durg, Chhattisgarh, on December 28, cow vigilantes assaulted truck drivers transporting cowhide. The drivers were wrongfully accused of smuggling cows, and the vigilantes used physical intimidation to enforce their accusations.

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Durg, cow vigilantes on Dec 28, assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cowhide, alleging them to be cow smugglers. pic.twitter.com/LtQSGAhTPF

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 3, 2025

Maharashtra

Location – Chopda, Nandurbar

Date: December 6

On December 6, a dangerous situation unfolded in Nandurbar when cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation recklessly pursued three vehicles transporting cattle. The chase caused one vehicle to topple, while the vigilantes seized the other two vehicles and all the cattle

Location – Ahilyanagar

Date: November 30

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes intercepted trucks transporting cattle on November 30 in Ahilyanagar. They alleged that the cattle were being taken to illegal slaughterhouses, despite no legal confirmation of such claims. These vigilante groups are increasingly stopping vehicles and seizing cattle, often without evidence or legal authority to do so.

Location – Mirajgaon, Karjat, Ahmednagar

Date: November 8

A car chase by cow vigilantes on November 8 led to a car crash in Mirajgaon, Karjat, and Ahmednagar. Cow vigilantes cause a car crash by recklessly chasing it, followed by a team photo with local police reportedly assisting in the operation

Location – Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar

Date: October 20, 2024

In Ahmednagar, a group of vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders transporting cattle. The men were stripped, severely beaten, and then handed over to the police. The traders’ vehicle was vandalized, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local cow shelter. This brutal assault highlights the dangers faced by minority communities, particularly those involved in cattle trade, as they are often subjected to violence without evidence of wrongdoing.

Uttar Pradesh

Location – Mathura

Date: November 26

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by Sonu Hindu Palwal, seized a truck transporting cattle and assaulted the driver, accusing him of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter. They also alleged that someone fired a gun at them from another car, but managed to escape

Location – Ghaziabad

Date: November 22, 2024

Members of cow-vigilante group Mahadev Seva Sangh assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cattle on allegations of smuggling cows

Location – Chhutmalpur, Saharanpur

Date: November 19, 2024

Members of Gau Raksha Dal surround a Muslim woman and harass her after finding her with meat, which they claim is an illegally slaughtered cow

Punjab

Location – Rajpura, Patiala

Date: November 25, 2024

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by their national president Satish Kumar, harassed three men, accusing them of being cow thieves

Karnataka

Location – Dakshin Kannada

Date: November 8, 2024

Cow vigilante Puneet Kerehalli urges people to boycott Muslim businessmen and halal-certified products, and instead buy products marked with the Swastik symbol and from Hindu-owned businesses

Jammu & Kashmir

Location – Ramban

Date: October 21, 2024

Cow vigilantes assaulted a group of men for allegedly transporting cattle

Gujrat

Location – Agol Village, Mahesana

Three Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through Valavadi village with their cattle in Gujarat’s Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assaulted

Three #Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through #Valavadi village with their cattle in #Gujarat‘s #Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of #Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assualted. pic.twitter.com/CxGnfb6Www

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 24, 2024

Police complicity and the mockery of justice

In a deeply troubling development, law enforcement agencies have often been complicit in these violent incidents. In several cases, police have either supported the vigilante groups or turned a blind eye, allowing them to act with impunity. For instance, in Chhattisgarh, Bajrang Dal members, backed by the police, raided a house for slaughtered cattle, humiliating the accused. Similarly, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, police were present when cow vigilantes assaulted a truck driver accused of smuggling cattle. These incidents signal a disturbing trend where the state machinery fails to uphold the law, reinforcing the power of vigilantes.

Weaponising cow protection

The rise of cow vigilante violence reflects a broader ideological and political agenda that weaponises the issue of cow protection. What began as a means to protect cattle has now become a tool to target religious minorities, particularly Muslims, based on their involvement in the cattle trade. These attacks, which often occur with little to no legal repercussions, highlight the growing communal tensions in India. The increasing involvement of police in protecting or supporting these groups exacerbates the situation, further entrenching the sense of fear and insecurity among vulnerable communities.

Violence spreads from rural to urban areas

This trend is not confined to rural areas but has spread to urban centres, where vigilantes increasingly accuse individuals of smuggling cattle or engaging in illegal slaughter. In many cases, there is no credible evidence to support these claims. Instead, the accusations seem rooted in religious bias and have led to widespread intimidation and violence. As a result, Muslim communities, particularly those involved in the cattle trade, are being subjected to escalating threats and physical harm.

A map showing the cow vigilantism across India may be viewed here.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

The post Rampant cow vigilantism unleashes violence on Muslim truck drivers across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Take Fatima Sheikh, India’s first Muslim woman teacher. Her life and work alongside Savitribai and Jyotirao Phule embody the very essence of solidarity and resistance. Together, they challenged Brahmanical patriarchy and caste exclusion, striving for an inclusive education system that empowered the most marginalised. Yet there is an ongoing attempt to erase Fatima Sheikh from mainstream history, her legacy buried under layers of casteist and communal erasure. Her erasure is not a mere oversight but a calculated act, one that seeks to deny the very existence of intersectional struggles against oppression.

This politics of erasure is not isolated; it is part of a broader project to sanitise history, neutralise dissent, and normalise inequalities. By excluding figures like Fatima Sheikh, Dalits, Muslims, Adivasis, women, and persons with disabilities are systematically pushed to the margins of public memory and denied their rightful place in the nation’s narrative.

Historical Revisionism: Sanitising the Past for Oppression

The deliberate erasure of figures like Fatima Sheikh reveals a pattern of historical revisionism designed to sustain existing hierarchies. History is manipulated to present reform movements as caste-neutral, male-driven, and Hindu-led, obscuring the intersectional struggles that shaped them. By erasing Fatima Sheikh, the radical solidarity between Dalits, Muslims, and women is invisibilised, and the convenient, dominant narrative of typical prototype reformers as saviours is reinforced.

B.R. Ambedkar, for instance, is sanitised into a token figure, hailed as the architect of the Constitution but stripped of his scathing critique of caste and his revolutionary vision for an egalitarian society. His advocacy for reservations, a lifeline for educational equity, is sidelined even as these policies are viciously attacked today. Ambedkar’s fiery critique of Hinduism’s role in upholding caste oppression is deliberately erased from school curricula and public discourse, making it easier to appropriate him while gutting his radical ideas.

Similarly, the contributions of Muslim freedom fighters like Ashfaqulla Khan and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan are systematically downplayed to sustain communal stereotypes. Women like Jhalkaribai, the Dalit warrior who fought alongside Rani Lakshmibai, and Begum Rokeya, a Muslim reformer who championed women’s education, are excluded to uphold patriarchal and casteist narratives. Even Adivasi leaders like Birsa Munda, who fought against colonial exploitation and for Adivasi rights, are reduced to hollow symbols, their histories carefully erased to sustain their marginalisation.

But the silence is uneasy most of all when it comes to disabled individuals. Their absence from historical narratives is not just glaring but insidious. It reflects the deeply entrenched ableism in Indian society, which sees disability not as a social issue but as a private affliction to be ignored. This erasure denies disabled people even the most token representation, ensuring they remain outside the frameworks of education, policy, and society itself.

The Violent Silence of Ableism

The absence of discourse on disability in historical narratives is perhaps the most violent form of erasure. It is not just a denial of disabled lives but a refusal to even acknowledge their struggles and contributions. Ableist attitudes perpetuate the idea that disabled people are incapable of agency or participation in society, reinforcing their marginalisation.

Statements like “the deaf and blind do not go to school with others” go unchallenged, as though their exclusion is natural. This systematic exclusion reinforces invisibility of disabled, creating a narrative of othering and leaving a place only at the bottom of the social hierarchy, with no place in history and no claim to justice.

Ableism is a tool of domination, one that intersects with caste, gender, and religion to maintain systems of oppression. By refusing to document the lives and struggles of disabled people, society ensures an easy othering where disabled are invisible, unaccounted for, and unrepresented. This silence is not benign, it is violent.

Education: A Weapon of Exclusion

The erasure of marginalised voices from history is deeply tied to the politics of education. Education is not merely a tool for liberation; it has also been weaponised to exclude. By controlling whose stories are taught, dominant groups perpetuate the myth that Dalits, Muslims, Adivasis, women, and disabled people are undeserving of knowledge, power, or leadership.

This exclusion is evident in the privatisation of education, which transforms a fundamental right into an elitist privilege. Marginalised communities, already struggling under systemic oppression, are locked out of educational spaces, ensuring a continued cycle of poverty and exclusion. Reservation policies, which aim to provide equitable access, are constantly undermined. Their necessity is questioned as the struggles that birthed them are erased from public memory.

For disabled people, the exclusion is even starker. Accessible education systems and infrastructure are virtually non-existent, leaving them reliant on charity rather than rights-based systems. The very idea of education for the disabled is treated as an afterthought, ensuring they remain on the margins, locked out of opportunities for participation in society.

Reclaiming Radical Histories

To resist the politics of erasure, we must reclaim the radical histories of marginalised communities. Fatima Sheikh’s story must be restored not simply as a tribute to her legacy but as a weapon against the narratives that erase the struggles of Dalits, Muslims, Adivasis, women, and disabled people. The histories of Ambedkar, Jhalkaribai, Ashfaqulla Khan, Birsa Munda, and countless others must be told in their entirety, with their radical critiques and intersectional struggles at the forefront.

The absence of disability discourse must also be addressed. Disabled people’s lives and struggles must be documented, acknowledged, and integrated into mainstream narratives. This requires dismantling ableist attitudes and creating systems that recognise disability as a social and political issue, and not a personal battle.

The Politics of Memory and Justice

The politics of historical erasure is not just about the past, it is about controlling the present and foreclosing the future. By denying Fatima Sheikh and others like her their rightful place in history, the ruling elite seeks to sustain a system of exclusion that privileges dominant castes, religions, and abilities.

Fatima Sheikh’s legacy reminds us that education is not a privilege for the few but a right for all. Her work challenges the casteist, communal, patriarchal, and ableist narratives that underpin Indian society, offering a vision of education as a tool for liberation and solidarity. To honour her is to fight against the forces that erase her.

The fight against historical erasure is, ultimately, a fight for justice. It is a fight to ensure that history reflects the struggles and contributions of all communities, and that education becomes a tool to dismantle hierarchies rather than perpetuate them. This fight demands that we challenge the dominant narratives, expose their silences, and reclaim the radical potential of memory to inspire resistance and solidarity. Let us carry forward this fight, with the legacy of all those erased from history as our guide; while it remains important to ask ‘who benefits from these erasures?’

Shirin Akhter is Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Zakir Husain Delhi College, University of Delhi. Sharamisthaa Atreja is Assistant Professor at the Department of Philosophy, University of Delhi. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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The report becomes important with the news that the government of Arunachal Pradesh – once called NEFA [North East Frontier Agency] as it borders Bhutan, Myanmar and China through Tibet – will shortly enforce the anti-conversion law it passed in 1978 to stop the growth of Christianity in the state. Also likely to be raised is the political demand that those already converted to Christianity be stripped of all privileges given to the members of the scores of big and small tribes inhabiting this Himalayan redoubt.

Stripping tribals, also called Adivasis in North and Central India, of their scheduled status is an important national project of the BJP and the Sangh to contain the growth of Christianity among Tribals and Dalits. The Presidential Order of 1950 became the biggest anti-conversion law of the newly independent India, with converts penalised by being denied reservations in government, legislatures and education. Tribals, till now, can retain such rights even if they become Christians, and very rarely, Muslims.

These rights were the fuse that lit the conflagration in Kandhamal, Orissa which saw 56,000 people displaced from their homes and seeking safety, first in the nearby forests, and then in government refugee camos for up to a year. Many women, including a Catholic Nun, were raped, more than 400 churches and 4,000 houses burnt, while 400 villages were cleansed of Christian presence. The subtext was that converts to Christianity should not be given the Scheduled Tribe benefits.

This was also one of the subtexts of the violence in Manipur which began on 7 May 2023, and continues with the toll mounting every day. Over 70,000 people, mostly tribals of the Kuki-Zo group are homeless.

They have also forced Meitei Christians to return to the older Sanamahi faith by making them sign conversion affidavits and burning their bibles in what they described as acts of ghar wapsi, or homecoming – the preferred BJP term for the reconversion to Hinduism of Indian Christians and Muslims.

As in Kandhamal, over 400 churches are reported destroyed. The majority Meitei, who are not tribals, want the same scheduled status. This would in effect make everyone the state equal and give the Meitei egress into the hill districts which have mineral deposits, and allegedly now grow contraband poppy, from which many opiate derivatives find their way to the billion dollar international drug trade in which reportedly politicians are also complicit.

Arunachal Pradesh is home to 26 major tribes and over 100 sub-tribes, collectively 68.78% of the 1.3 million population [2011 census].

The first Church in Arunachal was set up in 1957 at Rayang village in the present-day district of East Siang, close to the Assam birder.

Christians now constitute just over 30 per cent, with Hindus close behind at 29.0% , the Donyi-Polo at 26.2% and Buddhism, both Theravada and Mahayana at 11.8%. The many indigenous tribal religions, many nature or ancestor worshipping, total some 3 per cent .

The strength of the Hindu population may be significantly more as the Donyi Polo often also so identify themselves. Many of their social, political and religious leaders are also members of the RSS

In such a mixed population, English is a link language, but also Hindi, which many people if the state speak fluently as it was taught in Vivekanand schools. Hindi also makes it easy for the Hindutva activists to emphasise its connectedness with the Hindu majority Indian mainland. The other tribal states of the North East use English as their link language.

Over the last three decades which saw Christian evangelisation, the RSS was working with equal zeal radicalising Hindu tribal groups, and ones following various indigenous faiths. the RSS and its affiliates, who view the state’s “indigenous faiths” as part of “Sanatana Dharma”. This has now effectively pitted them against the proselytised Christians.

The Sangh, not working exactly under the radar, set up an education network which parallels the one by Christian missionaries, quite matching it in expanse and facilities. These Ekal Vidyalaya are similar to the ones which impart Hindu nationalist philosophy to tribal children from Orissa in the south and Rajasthan in the west. Demonising Christians is part of the extra-curricular activity.

The Anti-conversion Act was not passed by a BJP government in the state or in the Centre. It was enacted in 1978 when Arunachal was not even a state but a Union Territory. It remained in cold storage till 2024 when a series of steps became harbingers f a toughening if stance against the Church.

As other similar laws in a dozen central and north Indian states, it too does not name Christianity or Islam, and prohibits conversion “by use of force or inducement or by fraudulent means”. Many states have now weaponised this law and punishment can range up to ten years for the pastor engaged in proselytising, or a Muslim man marrying a Hindu woman and making her a Muslim. Every act of conversion is to be reported to the Deputy Commissioner of the district concerned.

The Act was contested even before it received Presidential assent. The Christian community formed the Arunachal Christian Forum which has ensured that the law remained in abeyance all these decades. Forum president Tarh Miri says, to push for the repeal of the Act. It continues to lead the push against the Act” which Miri called an “anti-Christian law.” “If the bill is enforced, there are chances of it being misused by the district administration or police,” he said.

The number of Christians in the state has grown rapidly over the years, and in the last census of 2011, they were enumerated as 30.26% of the population, making Christianity the largest religion in the state, if by a whisker.

In 2018, Chief Minister Pema Khandu had told a meeting of the Arunachal Pradesh Catholic Association that the state government was considering to repeal of the Act.

But, as in Manipur in yet another parallel, the call to stop conversions was routed through a public interest litigation in 2022 by a lawyer, Mr. Tambo Tamin, in the Itanagar bench of the Guwahati High Court appealing for judicial intervention over the “failure” of the state government to frame rules for the Act.

On September 30, 2024, the State government told the court that draft rules had been framed and would be finalised in six months. That would mean March end or April may see the law operationalised.

Preparations apparently had begun last year when government strengthened the existing Inner Line Permit system that makes it mandatory non-residents including foreigners to apply for a permit to enter the state. Such permits are also required for some other North East states, including Manipur.

The entry permit system gives the state powers through its police to check any evangelist to enter the state.

The church in Arunachal no longer really needs people from outer areas to reach out to various remote areas to preach. Unlike in North Indian states, or even in. Rajasthan and Gujarat in the west of the country where the Christian population is small, Arunachal now has a sizeable community which can take of itself if the state itself does not turn on the people.

The Sangh may possibly have met its match in this state.

Courtesy: Mainstream Weekly

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In recent years, since 2014, cow vigilantism has become the primary cause of violence against Muslims by extremist Hindutva Vadi groups. Recently, a 37 year old Muslim man named Mohammad Shahideen Qureshi, from Moradabad became a victim of the same. On the 30th of December, 2024, Qureshi and his friend Mohammad Adnan were attacked by an aggressive Hindutva mob shouting the slogans of “Jai Shree Ram” alleging that Qureshi and Adnan had slaughtered a cow. Meanwhile Adnan escaped, Qureshi, who suffered serious injuries after the attack and was admitted in the Moradabad district hospital, succumbed to those injuries.

A report in the Indian Express quotes the Station House Officer where he states, “We took suo moto cognizance and registered an FIR against Qureshi and Mohammad Adnan (29) for cow slaughter,” said the Majhola Station House Officer Mohit Chaudhary. Another FIR has been registered by Mohammad Shahjad (the brother of the deceased) against unidentified individuals under Section 103(1) (murder) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) as per a report in the Hindustan Times.

Police has arrested the accomplice of the deceased who was allegedly with him at the time of the assault for cow slaughter. SHO Mohit Chaudhary said that Adnan fled the spot after locals found him and Qureshi slaughtering an ox in the early hours of December 30, 2024. However, it must be noted that so far, the Police has not been able to make any arrests in the murder case. The Additional Superintendent of Police (City) Kumar Ran Vijay Singh said investigations are ongoing, however “We have not been able to arrest anybody in connection with the killing of Qureshi so far.”

Qureshi transported goods on rented hand carts for a living. His sister-in-law Masooma jamal said “This was no age to die. Is the value of human life so less today? Even if he killed an animal, they could have called the police. He could have been in jail, but why did people beat him up so badly that he died.” This question of Jamal raises the fundamental concern of how cow vigilantism has increased in the recent years becoming a primary reason for violence against Muslims.

This incident brings the dire state of law-and-order enforcement into focus. According to a research conducted by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data reported by Statista, the primary cause for violence against Muslim civilians between, June 2019 to March 2024, has been cow vigilante actions by Hindus. Further, according to a Reuters report, between the year 2010 and mid-2017, a total of 63 cow vigilante attacks have occurred in India, most after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came into power in the year 2014. In these attacks, 28 individuals were killed, of which 24 were Muslims, and 124 were injured. Furthermore, the Human Rights Watch has observed that there has been a surge in cow vigilante violence in India since the year 2015 and the same is attributed to the recent rise in Hindu nationalism in India. As per an analysis by the Observer Research Foundation, cow related violence has spiked up drastically from 5 percent of the total incident of lynching or public disorder in the year 2011, to 20 percent in the year 2017. Cow vigilantism can be perceived as an expression of latent communal prejudice born out of palpable remains of the India-Pakistan partition memories. It is also a result of the strategy of communal-polarisation adopted by the Hindu-right-wing creating a false sense of fear and threat to the Hindu community.

The action of Moradabad police of filing an FIR against the deceased reflects the deep-rooted bias and extreme Hindu nationalist ideology that has become deeply ingrained even in the law-enforcement machinery of India. It is pertinent to note and understand that anarchy, chaos and disorder ensue when any group of people under the garb of self-assumed and self-appointed protectors of law take the law into their own hands, which would then lead to the emergence of a violent society.

The Supreme Court in the case of Tehseen S. Poonawalla vs. Union of India [(2018) 9 SCC 501] and Ors. has expressed its concerns over the rising number of cases of what can be categorized as “cow vigilantism”. The apex court in this case observed that “Lynching and mob violence are creeping threats that may gradually take the shape of a Typhon-like monster as evidenced in the wake of the rising wave of incidents of recurring patterns by frenzied mobs across the country instigated by intolerance and misinformed by circulation of fake news and false stories. There has been an unfortunate litany of spiralling mob violence and agonised horror presenting a grim and gruesome picture that compels us to reflect whether the populace of a great Republic like ours has lost the values of tolerance to sustain a diverse culture.”

Further, in the case of Shubham Singh Baghel vs. State of Madhya Pradesh and Ors. [MANU/MP/1610/2020], the Madhya Pradesh High Court has held that “the acts of vigilantism may be construed by the State as acts threatening the stability of Public Order”.

While the Judiciary has time and again highlighted the dangers of mob violence and how the same affects the secular fabric of India, there has been little to no action taken by the law enforcement bodies to ensure public order and peace.

It also becomes pertinent to understand the response of the government machinery towards cow vigilantism. In the infamous Dadri case, which has been deeply covered by CJP, where a Muslim man was murdered by a Hindutva mob after entering his house on the allegations of possession of beef, as per a report by Newslaundry, the then Tourism Minister Mahesh Sharma belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said, “(the murder) took place as a reaction to that incident (cow slaughter). You must also consider that there was also a 17-year-old daughter in that home. Kisi ne usey ungli nahin lagaayi (nobody touched her).”

The then Chief Minister of Haryana, Manohar Lal Khattar called the lynching a misunderstanding and reinstated sectarianism by claiming, “They can be Muslim even after they stop eating beef, can’t they? It is written nowhere that Muslims have to eat beef, nor is it written anywhere in Christianity that they have to eat beef.”

While the acts of cow vigilantism have instilled a fear, the inappropriate and inadequate response of the government and law-enforcement machineries have perpetuated the belief that such fanaticism is beyond the reach of law.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Muslims in the new India: How one week showcases their escalating persecution

2024: July and August see surge in cow vigilantism with brutal assaults, raids based on rumours and targeting of Muslims while legal consequences for perpetrators missing

The post Rise in Cow Vigilantism: A leading driver of discrimination against India’s Muslim minority appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On 25^th December 2024 in Mahuva, Gujarat, members of VHP and Bajrang Dal disrupted the Christmas prayers by halting the service, chanting “Jai Shri Ram” and reciting the Hanuman Chalisa also alleging that they have not got required permission for conducting prayers, as per a report in the Times of India.

A day after Christmas (26^th December) in Odisha, two tribal women (in their forties) named Subhasini Singh and Sukanti Singh were beaten up and the mob smeared the cake which the women have alleged to have bought for celebrating the conversion of Gobind Singh onto one of the women’s face and raised slogans such as “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” and “Jai Shri Ram”

The NCW has taken suo motu cognisance of a shocking media report from Balasore, Odisha, where two tribal women were tied to a tree and assaulted on suspicion of religious conversion. FIRs have reportedly been registered against both the women and their assaulters.

The Commission…

— NCW (@NCWIndia) December 30, 2024

VIDEO | Odisha: Here’s what Balasore SP Raj Prasad said on two women being beaten up by a mob over the allegation that they were attempting religious conversion of some tribal families.

“A counter case has been filed, there was an allegation of forced conversion. A senior level… pic.twitter.com/Ym3dK6tF9C

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) December 30, 2024

Odisha Congress spokesperson Amiya Pandab reacted to it by describing the incident as shameful and it’s the testimony to the deteriorating law and order situation in state. “What is even more shameful is that such atrocities are being committed against women, that too, tribal women who are among the most vulnerable. Remember the chief minister himself hails from the tribal community and so does the president of our country who comes from Mayurbhanj district”

The Wire reported that Latika Pradhan, a former MLA for the Biju Janata Dal (BJD), said that the state’s BJP-led government was posing a greater threat to women and minorities, among other vulnerable groups. “Everywhere, they are constantly in danger. There is a statute in place to deal with individuals who engage in unlawful conversions. However, criminals shouldn’t be permitted to enforce the law on their own. Pradhan said that previous chief minister and current opposition leader Naveen Patnaik always supported secular ideals and went out of his way to safeguard minorities, saying, “This is vigilante justice, which is just not acceptable.”

As per a report in the New Indian Express, the National commission on women has taken suo moto cognizance of the incident. It has directed the DGP of the state to ensure fair investigation and to restore law and order in the state.

On December 27, in Uttar Pradesh, which has often been described as a hotspot for fascist and communal forces, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal allegedly tonsured a Christian Dalit man, forcibly applied sandalwood paste and vermillion to his forehead, and paraded him through the village. They accused him of engaging in religious conversions, forcibly reconverted him to Hinduism, and raised slogans such as “Jesus Murdabad”.

On December 27, in Fatehpur, Uttar Pradesh, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal forcibly shaved the head of a Christian Dalit man and paraded him through the village, accusing him of promoting religious conversions. They later forcibly converted him back to Hinduism at a temple,… pic.twitter.com/e8IFF7Ehr9

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) December 29, 2024

Apart from these prominent incidences, one Mr. Afroz Alam Sahil in an article dated 28-12-2024 “Weaponization of Festivals in India: Attacks on Rise During Christmas” in Beyond Headlines captures the hate crimes against Christians happened during this Christmas season in almost 10 states: Ahmedabad (Gujarat), Burhanpur (Madya Pradesh), Etah (Uttar Pradesh), Fatehpur (Uttar Pradesh), Hydrabad (Telungana), Indore (Madhya Pradesh), Jabalpur (Madhya Pradesh), Jaisalmer (Rajasthan), Jaunpur (Rajasthan), Khasi Hills (Meghalaya), Lucknow (Uttar Pradesh), Manipur, Mumbai (Maharashtra), Palakkad (Kerala), Pathanamthitta (Kerala), Rohtak (Haryana), Siddharthnagar (Uttar Pradesh), Sitapur (Uttar Pradesh), Surat (Gujarat), Tapi (Gujarat), Telungana, Thrissur (Kerala), Unnao (Uttar Pradesh)

Above incidents show that Muslims are not the only minority community facing persecution in India. Christians, who form 2.4% of the total population, are also caught in the venomous tentacles of Hindu extremists. On October 2, 2024, just two months prior to these mischiefs, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) released a report containing shocking revelations about religious freedom in India. In 2024 alone, there were 161 reported attacks on Christians, including assaults on churches and prayer meetings.

As per the USCIRF report, Hindu militants in Assam, targeted Catholic schools, demanding the removal of Christian symbols, such as the cross. The Modi government has also wielded draconian laws, like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), to target civil society organizations. Since 2012, over 20,000 NGOs—many of them religious—have had their licenses revoked under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). This law has been used as another instrument of repression. In 2024 alone, five significant Christian charities, including the Church of North India and the Evangelical Fellowship of India, saw their work drastically curtailed after losing their licenses. The USCIRF has urged the U.S. government to declare India a “country of particular concern” due to its persistent abuses of religious freedom. Such a designation would place India alongside nations like China and North Korea, potentially exposing it to sanctions.

Indian judiciary too at times encouraged these hate mongers thereby contributing to the unabated rise religious intolerance in India. One of such infamous attempts includes the quashing of criminal case against two individuals accused of shouting “Jai Shree Ram” slogans inside mosque, Karnataka High Court while dismissing the case recorded that mere chanting of “Jai Shree Ram” inside a mosque doesn’t outrage the religious feelings of that community, as reported in LiveLaw.

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The video of the incident may be viewed here:

As provided by a report of the Observer Post, Abu Bakr claimed that he was stopped outside the examination hall and told to shave off his beard before being allowed to proceed. A video of the incident, which went viral on social media, shows the examiner stating, “If a student maintains a beard, I believe we should conduct an examination or ask them a question.” This discriminatory statement raises serious concerns about the lack of professionalism and the infringement on personal rights in educational institutions.

There is no official rule that mandates the removal of a beard for examinations, yet the examiner’s actions suggest a deeply ingrained bias against religious expression, particularly against Muslim students. As per the report, the individual who filmed the incident highlighted the absurdity of the demand, stating, “There are no rules as such to ask someone to shave their beard in a classroom; it is only permitted to ask if you are in a position to offer a job or in a job interview.” Abu Bakr also recounted an additional humiliating interaction, where the examiner questioned whether he had completed the Hajj pilgrimage. Upon Abu Bakr’s response that he had performed Umrah, the examiner reportedly accused him of lying and insisted that he shave his beard completely, implying that his religious identity was subject to interrogation.

In an attempt to defend her actions, the examiner claimed that no discrimination based on religion took place and that examinations are conducted fairly for all students. However, the absurdity of the demand—especially considering the complete lack of any formal rule requiring a shaved face—demonstrates a deeper problem of cultural and religious intolerance masquerading as routine procedure. The individual who recorded the video rightly pointed out that simply conducting exams for everyone does not give anyone the right to impose such personal and religious demands on a student.

The incident has drawn condemnation from various quarters, including Shazad Khan Patan, an AMC leader, who expressed his concern over the growing religious intolerance in Gujarat. He stated, “I learned about the incident from the media. A Muslim student’s exam had been denied because he had a beard. In this nation, fanaticism has reached such a high level that students have to deal with it. It’s a pretty embarrassing situation.” Patan further accused the state of Gujarat of becoming a hub for religious extremism, where such discriminatory practices are becoming increasingly normalised. He emphasised that the Indian Constitution guarantees the right to religious freedom, including the right to express one’s faith through visible markers such as a beard or a hijab.

This incident is a glaring example of the growing religious intolerance in India, where actions rooted in personal beliefs and cultural biases are increasingly encroaching upon the rights of individuals. What is even more disturbing is that such discriminatory actions are often justified by authorities as a part of regular procedures, further normalizing the marginalization of religious minorities. In a secular country like India, where the Constitution protects the rights of individuals to practice their religion freely, incidents like these are not just shameful—they represent a dangerous erosion of the inclusive, pluralistic values that the nation was built upon. The incident serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing struggles that religious minorities, particularly Muslims, face in India today, and the urgent need to challenge such discriminatory practices at every level of society.

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The post Muslim student denied exam for wearing beard in Ahmedabad: A disturbing reflection of rising intolerance appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Mumbai, Bajrang Dal members disrupted a children’s event, compelling kids to recite the Hanuman Chalisa instead of celebrating Christmas. Similarly, in Lucknow, a group led by ISKCON chanted “Hare Krishna” outside a church during Christmas celebrations, provoking tension. In Rohtak, VHP and Bajrang Dal stormed a Christmas event, accusing organizers of religious conversion, while in Dehradun, Bajrang Dal leaders spread baseless accusations of Christian conversion efforts. Moreover, in Bapunagar, VHP halted a school program, criticizing children’s involvement in Christmas celebrations.

Hindutva group forces Zomato delivery boy to strip Santa attire: Indore

A Zomato rider in Indore was forced by members of the right-wing Hindu Jagran Manch to remove his Santa Claus costume on Christmas Day. The incident, which has since gone viral, shows the rider being questioned by an off-camera individual. The rider, identified as Arjun, explains that Zomato provided the Santa costumes to some delivery agents for the occasion.

 

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The person off-camera criticizes the rider, asking why Zomato does not ask riders to wear costumes representing Hindu festivals, such as Lord Ram’s attire or saffron clothes. Despite the rider’s pleas of ignorance, he is told to remove the costume immediately. The individual insists, “Arjun bhai, we are Hindus. What message are you sending with this Santa costume?” as Hindustan Times reported

The rider’s concerns that his company ID could be blocked are ignored as he is ordered to take off the red jacket and trousers. The video has sparked widespread outrage, with critics questioning the growing intolerance and politicization of festive celebrations.

Bajrang Dal stopped Christmas event and recite “Hanuman Chalisa”: Mumbai

On December 22, in Kashimira, Mumbai, Maharashtra, members of the Bajrang Dal disrupted a Christmas celebration. The incident occurred when the group intervened during a children’s event, forcing the children to recite the Hanuman Chalisa and chant “Jai Shree Ram.” The Bajrang Dal members reportedly criticized the event organizers, accusing them of attempting to make the children pray during a Christmas celebration. They insisted that the children must remain “kattar” (staunch) Hindus and disapproved of any religious activities they viewed as conflicting with their beliefs.

The incident has drawn attention to the increasing polarization in some areas of the country, where religious celebrations are continuously targeted by right-wing outfits.

ISKCON people raised “Hare Krishna Hare Ram” during Christmas event: Lucknow

On December 25, a controversial incident unfolded outside St. Joseph Cathedral in Hazratganj, Lucknow, during Christmas celebrations. A group of right-wing individuals, including members of the ISKCON, began reciting “Hare Ram, Hare Krishna” while performing a devotional ‘keertan’ outside the church. A video of the event quickly spread on social media, showing the participants raising chants like “Har Har Mahadev” and “Jai Shri Krishna.” The group also declared, “We are Sanatanis, we will not say Merry Christmas, but Hare Krishna Hare Ram,”

In #UttarPradesh‘s #Lucknow, a group of #Hindus raised chants of “Hare Krishna Hare Ram” near #HazratGanjCathedral during #Christmas celebrations on December 25.

The group chanted, “We are #Sanatanis; We will not say #MerryChristmas, but ‘#HareKrishnaHareRam.'” pic.twitter.com/DI2TjL6sk2

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) December 26, 2024

The incident has ignited a fierce debate online, with supporters of the right-wing group defending their actions as a display of religious pride and an expression of their beliefs. Critics, however, view this act as an unnecessary provocation, arguing that it affects the spirit of communal harmony and disrupts peaceful religious observances.

Right-wing outfits disrupted Christmas celebration, recite Hanuman Chalisa: Rohtak

On December 25, in a Christmas celebration organized at a Dharamshala in Rohtak, Haryana, turned chaotic even before it could start on Wednesday when members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal stormed the venue, alleging that the event was a guise for religious conversion. The protestors climbed onto the stage and began reciting the ‘Hanuman Chalisa,’ disrupting the event. WWE wrestler ‘The Great Khali,’ who had been invited as the chief guest, left the hotel where he was staying and did not attend the event, even as police intervened to disperse the protestors. Authorities also instructed the organizers to call off the event to maintain peace. The VHP and Bajrang Dal activists demanded that Christmas celebrations be confined strictly to churches. As Times of India reported

Mahant Swami Anubhoot Suryavanshi of Bajrang Dal, who led the protest, claimed that while everyone has the right to celebrate their faith, the organizers of the Rohtak event allegedly promised money and healing from illnesses in an attempt to “convert attendees.” However, Rakesh, a person linked to the organizers, refuted the allegations. According to Times of India, he clarified that the event was purely a Christmas celebration, focused on spreading hope and sharing the word of God with those in distress. “We were not converting anyone,” he said.

Bajrang Dal accused Christians of luring Hindus into conversion with money, food, and clothes: Dehradun

On December 24, Vikas Verma, a Bajrang Dal leader, made controversial remarks during a Hanuman Chalisa gathering in Dehradun, Uttarakhand. He targeted Christians with baseless accusations, questioning Christmas celebrations at the Clock Tower and labeling families allowing children to wear Santa hats as “already converted.” Verma further claimed that Christians were enticing Hindus into conversion with financial incentives, food, and clothing.

He also criticized convent schools and wrongly asserted that Hindus have no rights in Christian-majority countries. His statements stirred tension, promoting religious divisions and spreading misinformation

Vishwa Hindu Parishad halted Christmas celebrations: Bapunagar

In a similar incident, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal intervened during a school program in the Nawa Naroda block of the Bapunagar district, halting the event. They argued that children are embodiments of God, not clowns, and insisted that children should be raised as “Sanatani” (followers of Hinduism) rather than adopting Western influence, symbolized by the term “English.”

विश्व हिंदू परिषद बजरंग दल बापूनगर जिला के नवा नरोड़ा प्रखंड में स्कूल जाकर चल रहे प्रोग्राम को बंद कराया

सभी को बताया बच्चे भगवान का रुप होते जोकर का नहीं

बच्चों को अंग्रेज नहीं सनातनी बनाओ

देश का दल बजरंग दल pic.twitter.com/NgrPM53g6S

— Tiger Raja Satire (@TigerRajaSinggh) December 25, 2024

The group also raised slogans such as “Bharat ka Dal Bajrang Dal,” advancing their communal agenda and promoting hate against the diversity of festivals.

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The post Right-wing outfits disrupt Christmas across the country, alleged religious conversion through events appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Vivekananda also emphasised that the message of Jesus of Nazareth was meant for all of humanity, showing us the path of truth. As he put it, “In him is embodied all that is the best and greatest in his own race, the meaning, the life, for which that race has struggled for ages; and he himself is the impetus for the future, not only to his own race but to unnumbered other races of the world.”

While Swamiji was deeply respectful of Jesus Christ and acknowledged that His message was universal, he did not fully engage with the core aspects of Jesus’ teachings, particularly His focus on addressing the profound inequalities of the material world and His sacrifice for the downtrodden.

Rather than confronting these real-world issues, Swamiji sought to place Christ in the framework of a “Great Soul,” interpreting His life and teachings through the lens of his own Vedantic philosophy. In simpler terms, Swamiji seemed to suggest that the message of Jesus was essentially an articulation of the non-dualist Vedantic thought that he himself espoused.

Although Swamiji praised Jesus extensively in his lecture, a significant part of his effort was spent creating an artificial binary between the East and the West. Influenced by Orientalist writings, Vivekananda appeared to present an East-versus-West dichotomy to a Western audience in the early twentieth century. During this time, rapid industrialization had unsettled many Europeans, prompting some to seek solace in the “spiritual” East. The Western fascination with Swamiji’s words should be understood within this historical context.

In his lecture, Vivekananda strongly argued that Jesus belonged to the Eastern world (Asia). He went even further, boldly claiming that all great souls and incarnations originated in the Orient. As he stated, “No wonder, the oriental mind looks with contempt upon the things of this world and naturally wants to see something that changeth not, something which dieth not, something which in the midst of this world of misery and death is eternal, blissful, undying. An oriental Prophet never tires of insisting upon these ideals; and, as for Prophets, you may also remember that without one exception, all the Messengers were Orientals.”

However, Vivekananda failed to recognise that human races, religions, and spiritual practices are not confined to a specific region. People live beyond the Oriental world, practicing a wide range of faiths and relating to God in diverse ways. Even the concept of God is not central to some religions. Some faiths possess sacred texts while others have no history of revealed scriptures. These complex sociological and theological practices were overlooked by Vivekananda in his effort to create a sharp distinction between the Oriental and Occidental worlds.

Vivekananda extended this argument further, making the unsubstantiated claim that European society is primarily “political,” while the Eastern world is “religious.” According to him, “‌The voice of Asia has been the voice of religion. The voice of Europe is the voice of politics.” To support this view, he asserted that “the voice of Europe is the voice of ancient Greece.” He also suggested that because the ancient Greek civilization was primarily focused on the material world, its profound influence on Europe led the continent away from religion.

As he explained, “The Greek lives entirely in this world. He does not care to dream. Even his poetry is practical. His gods and goddesses are not only human beings, but intensely human, with all human passions and feelings almost the same as with any of us. He loves what is beautiful, but, mind you, it is always external nature; the beauty of the hills, of the snows, of the flowers, the beauty of forms and of figures, the beauty in the human face, and, more often, in the human form—that is what the Greeks liked. And the Greeks being the teachers of all subsequent Europeanism, the voice of Europe is Greek.”

Vivekananda largely overlooked that an influential segment of the Western world had claimed the Greek tradition as part of its own cultural heritage. However, the image of Greece has shifted throughout history; some scholars argue that Greece was once viewed as a part of African civilization. Moreover, the dominant discourse in post-Enlightenment Western civilization has often failed to acknowledge adequately the influence of Islam and other non-Western traditions on the rise of Europe.

It appears that Swami Vivekananda spoke within the framework of the dominant European narrative, which positioned Greek culture as the foundational heritage of post-Enlightenment European civilization. However, he gave this argument an intriguing twist by attributing Europe’s secular outlook to the ancient Greeks, claiming this to be the primary cause of Europe’s distance from religion.

The binary opposition that Swamiji established between the religious East and the materialistic/secular West profoundly influenced India’s nationalist movements and post-independence politics. Decades later, when Rabindranath Tagore delivered his lectures on nationalism, he appeared to draw on a similar logic, explaining societal phenomena through binary oppositions. In his lectures, Tagore framed a dichotomy between the social and the political, famously stating, “Our real problem in India is not political. It is social.”

While Swamiji rejected both Greek and European modes of thought, he crafted his own version of religion, which he saw as complementary to the teachings of Jesus. For Vivekananda, religion was crucial in Asia, uniting people despite their differences. Although the unifying role of religion cannot be denied, Swamiji’s lecture overlooked that this so-called religious solidarity is often fractured along caste, class, and gender lines. In other words, divisions by caste, class, and gender are frequently obscured by ruling elites who use religion as a tool to artificially forge unity.

Claiming that people in Asia are inherently religious, Swamiji argued that, unlike the Greeks, Asians are not confined to the material world but instead seek to transcend it, looking for something immutable and indestructible. Drawing on Vedantic philosophy, he suggested that religious individuals in the East go beyond the empirical world in search of “the changeless.”

In his depiction of the religious individual, Vivekananda presented a figure who disregards the material world, focusing instead on what is eternal and imperishable. In contrast, materialist and Buddhist philosophies critique this denial of the material world, emphasizing the dynamic nature of existence. Interestingly, even Jesus Christ—who fought for the rights of the poor and challenged social injustices—is appropriated within the broader Vedantic framework.

In my reading of Vedantic philosophy, I find that it contains some elements of equality, particularly in its belief that God resides within all beings. Since it claims that every individual embodies God, Vedanta has the potential to broaden the social foundation of Hinduism.

Vivekananda expanded on this concept in his lecture, emphasizing that God resides within the soul of every person. This aligns with the message that all are children of God. He expressed it as follows: “As man advanced spiritually, he began to feel that God was omnipresent, that He must be in him, that He must be everywhere, that He was not a distant God, but clearly the Soul of all souls. As my soul moves my body, even so is God the mover of my soul. Soul within soul. And a few individuals who had developed enough and were pure enough, went still further, and at last found God.”

However, the limitation of this perspective is its failure to address social inequality. If all are embodiments of God, then how do we define the oppressed and the oppressors? In other words, Vivekananda’s religious theory acknowledges the existence of sorrow but does not consider the causes of sorrow in the world. To escape from sorrow, Vedantic philosophy suggests transcending the material world. Yet, the philosophers of oppressed communities urge people not only to examine the roots of inequality but also to actively work toward eliminating them. The life of Jesus, as the Messiah of the downtrodden, offers numerous examples of the fight for an egalitarian world—an aspect that Vivekananda overlooked in his Los Angeles lecture.

[The author holds a PhD in Modern History from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His research focuses on minority rights and social justice. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com]

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The post How has Swami Vivekananda looked at Jesus Christ? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Similarly, in Ludhiana, Punjab, local political leader Sonu Singh Rajput confronted a Christian pastor conducting prayers in a private home, accusing him of religious conversion. This attack, under the guise of “protecting traditions,” highlights a troubling trend of using the holiday season to harass religious minorities.

In Rajasthan, protests have erupted in Jaisalmer and Jodhpur, where VHP leaders and Bajrang Dal activists have targeted schools for celebrating Christmas. They accuse the institutions of promoting religious conversions, with protests escalating to the destruction of event posters and public displays of hostility. Meanwhile, in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, a controversy has unfolded over dressing the idol of Lord Laddu Gopal in a Christmas outfit, with right-wing groups condemning it as an attack on Hindu traditions.

These incidents reflect a growing wave of religious intolerance, where Christmas celebrations are increasingly seen not as a cultural or religious event, but as a battleground for wider political and communal struggles.

Palakkad, Kerala: two VHP leader arrested

On December 22, 2024, in Palakkad, Kerala, the peaceful celebration of Christmas at a government school was marred by the actions of three local activists from the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal. A group of activists, led by Vadakkumthara K Anilkumar, Manamkuzhi Sushasanan, and Thekkumuri Velayudhan, stormed the Government Upper Primary School in Nallepilly. They verbally abused the headmistress and teachers, questioning the celebration of Christmas while insisting that other religious festivals like Sri Krishna Jayanthi should also be given equal importance.

According to Indian Express, VHP leaders accused the school of promoting one religion over others and disrupted the Christmas carols, questioning why the children and teachers were dressed in Christmas attire. The situation escalated as the trio intimidated the staff and students with aggressive language, creating a tense and hostile atmosphere. The police quickly intervened, and the three activists were arrested, charged with disrupting public duties and making threats. The accused VHP leaders were booked under BNS sections 329 (3), 296 (b) and 351 (2) and 132, said police. The school’s PTA president K Muraleedharan said such an incident should not have happened at a school in Kerala.

The state BJP leadership, while attempting to court the Christian vote ahead of elections, remained conspicuously silent about the incident, leaving many to question their stance on religious tolerance.

Ludhiana, Punjab: political leader harasses Christian pastor

In Punjab’s Ludhiana, Christmas celebrations also faced opposition, not from religious extremists but from political figures. On December 20, 2024, Sonu Singh Rajput, a local Congress leader, confronted a Christian pastor who was conducting prayers at a family’s home. Rajput accused the pastor of attempting religious conversion and insisted that such prayers would not be permitted in the area.

 

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This confrontation highlights a worrying trend where the festive season is being used as an opportunity to attack religious minorities under the guise of ‘protecting’ traditions. While the harassment of a pastor praying in a private home may seem trivial to some, it represents a broader issue of how the public space is increasingly becoming unsafe for people to freely practice their religion, even in the privacy of their homes. Rajput’s actions reveal an atmosphere of fear and suspicion surrounding minority religious practices in regions where political leaders fuel communal discord for personal gain.

Jaisalmer, Rajasthan: opposition to Christmas celebrations in Schools

On December 23, 2024, a delegation of VHP functionaries met with the Jaisalmer district collector, registering their protest against what they deemed “conversion attempts and religious disrespect” by missionary schools. The delegation expressed concern over schools organizing Christmas programs and dressing students as Santa Claus, arguing that such practices promoted religious conversion.

Lalu Singh Sodha, the VHP’s district secretary, accused the schools of indoctrinating students with Christian ideologies and using the festive occasion to push religious conversions. The VHP’s opposition to Christmas festivities is not just about the religious aspect but also the cultural significance it holds in schools across India. He said that “Despite the schools here having 98% Hindu students, festivals such as Ram Navami, Krishna Janmashtami, Diwali, Holi and Raksha Bandhan are not observed,” as Times of India reported.

Mathura, Uttar Pradesh: anger over Laddu Gopal’s Christmas outfit

In the holy city of Mathura, the birthplace of Lord Krishna, right-wing leaders have raised a storm over a seemingly harmless act: dressing the idol of Lord Laddu Gopal in a Christmas outfit. Kanhaiya Agarwal, the president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad in Mathura, has publicly condemned the practice, calling it an attack on Hindu traditions. According to Agarwal, dressing Lord Krishna’s idol in Christmas attire was an attempt at religious conversion and an insult to Sanatan Dharma.

Mathura-Vrindavan is a sacred site for millions of Hindus who visit to worship Lord Krishna and Radha Rani. The dressing of the Laddu Gopal idol in Santa Claus outfits, some argue, symbolizes a broader attempt by missionary groups to merge Hindu and Christian symbols, which they see as undermining the purity of their traditions. While others see this as a harmless cultural exchange, it has ignited deep anger and division among the locals.

The Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal have called for an immediate halt to the sale of such outfits and warned that their activists would take action to prevent the further “desecration” of Hindu deities.

Jodhpur, Rajasthan: Bajrang Dal protest against Christmas celebration in School

In Jodhpur, Rajasthan, a Bajrang Dal protest on December 23, 2024, turned into an act of aggression against a Christmas program in a private school. Protesters tore down and burned posters advertising the event, citing concerns over religious conversions being promoted under the guise of Christmas celebrations. The Bajrang Dal activists gathered outside the Siwanchi Gate school, demanding an end to what they called the “conversion agenda” of Christian schools.

 

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The incident reflects an increasing suspicion among certain groups towards the Christian community’s motives during the holiday season. The burning of posters, the disruption of school events, and the fear of conversion are all tactics being used to enforce a strict divide between religious communities.

However, the increasing wave of opposition to Christmas celebrations across India is a deeply concerning development that threatens the communal harmony and mutual understanding that have long defined the country’s diverse cultural fabric. From Kerala to Punjab, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, right-wing groups have targeted the festive season, disrupting school events, harassing religious figures, and spreading unfounded accusations of religious conversion.

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The post Christmas under siege: right-wing target Christmas celebrations across states, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala appeared first on SabrangIndia.

THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT HAS BEEN SIGNED BY CLOSE TO 200 PEOPLE INCLUDING : Tushar Gandhi, Annie Raja, Father Cedric Prakash, John Dayal, Prakash Louis, Pamela Philipose, Brinelle D’souza, Aloysius Irudayam, Shabnam Hashmi, Lisa Pires, Minakshi Singh , Abha Bhaiya, and Vinod Pande.

The persecution of Christians in India has been a growing concern over the past few years. According to various reports, there has been a significant increase in violence and harassment against Christians, particularly in rural areas.

One of the main reasons attributed to this alarming rise in persecution is the resurgence of Hindutva nationalism, which has led to an increase in anti-minorities sentiment, specially targeting Christians and Muslims. Many religious nationalist groups, such as the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), have been accused of inciting violence against Christians across many states.

According to the Evangelical Fellowship of India (EFI), there were 327 incidents of violence against Christians in 2021 alone.

In 2022, over 300 attacks against Christians were reported across the country, with many incidents going unreported . The United Christian Forum (UCF) reported 486 incidents of anti-Christian violence in 2022, including 115 incidents of physical violence and 357 incidents of intimidation and harassment. The UCF monitored trend listed 127 incidents in the year 2014, when the Modi government took over power.

Presently, January 2024 to November 2024, India has recorded 745 incidents of Christian citizens being attacked for their faith.

Churches and Christian institutions have been specifically targeted in many incidents. In 2021, at least 15 churches were vandalized or set on fire across India . In 2022, several churches were attacked, including a church in Delhi that was vandalized by a group of Hindu extremists. The May 3rd Manipur riots witnessed the destruction of over 200 churches and countless lives lost.

These incidents of anti-Christian violence have been linked to Hindu nationalist groups, which have been accused of receiving support from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ¹. The Indian government has been criticized for not doing enough to protect the rights of Christians and other minority groups.

The persecution of Christians in India has raised concerns internationally. In 2021, at least 17 human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, cosponsored a Congressional briefing to request the US Government to take action against the growing persecution of Christians in India .

In 2021, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) placed India on its “Countries of Particular Concern” list, citing the country’s “systematic, ongoing, and egregious” persecution of religious minorities .

Simultaneously, 13 state governments have now enacted anti-conversion bills, which are being blatantly abused to wreak havoc on the lives of Christian citizens.

It’s surprising that despite the growing persecution of Christians, prominent members of the Christian hierarchy have chosen to engage with Prime Minister Modi, who has been criticized for his inaction in protecting the rights of Christians. Mr Modi has been seen in recent days with members of the hierarchy at Christmas programmes. He is being invited on 23 December 2024 by the CBCI at a Christmas celebration in New Delhi.

We see this as an attempt by senior institutional leaders of the Christian community to legitimise the government’s inaction on Christian persecution.

We call upon the Christian leadership to voice these concerns and hold the prime minister as head of the government  accountable for the protection of Christians in India. Symbolic gestures do little to address the issue hatred generated against the community, and the resultant targeted violence, harassment,  arrests, and incidents of ostracization in several parts of the country.

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