On January 26, 2026, Deepak Kumar stepped in when a group of men, allegedly affiliated with the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad, confronted 70-year-old Muslim shopkeeper Vakeel Ahmed over the use of the word “Baba” in the name of his decades-old shop. Within days, the episode spiralled far beyond the narrow dispute at its origin — triggering multiple FIRs, large-scale mobilisation by right-wing groups, a blockade of a national highway, and the registration of criminal cases not only against alleged intimidators and protestors, but also against those who intervened to defend the elderly shopkeeper.

Extensively reported by national media, the Kotdwar incident has now emerged as a test case for how the state polices communal vigilantism, protects freedom of expression and conscience, and balances claims of law and order against the constitutional obligation to safeguard equality before the law. As investigations continue and police deployment remains heightened, the episode raises an unsettling question: when ordinary citizens resist religious intimidation, does the legal system shield them — or subject them to prosecution.

The spark: January 26 and the dispute over “Baba”

According to The Indian Express, 46-year-old Deepak Kumar, who runs a gym in Kotdwar, was present at a friend’s shop on January 26 when he overheard a group of men confronting 70-year-old Vakeel Ahmed (also reported as Ahmed Wakil), a Muslim shopkeeper whose store — Baba School Dress — has existed on Patel Marg for nearly 30 years.

The men, allegedly identifying themselves as members of the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), reportedly objected to Ahmed’s use of the word “Baba” in his shop’s name. They allegedly demanded that the name be changed, claiming the term was exclusive to Hindu religious figures.

When Kumar intervened and asked why an elderly man was being threatened, he was reportedly told not to interfere.

The viral moment: “My name is Mohammad Deepak”

A video of the confrontation — later widely circulated across social media platforms — shows Kumar directly questioning the mob’s logic. He is heard asking why other shops are allowed to use the word “Baba” but Ahmed’s shop is not, and whether a three-decade-old establishment should now be forced to change its identity.

When members of the group ask Kumar his name, he responds: “My name is Mohammad Deepak.”

Speaking later to The Indian Express, Kumar clarified that the statement was deliberate and symbolic. “I intended to convey that I was an Indian and that everyone is equal before the law,” he said.

The phrase quickly went viral, earning praise across social media — but also, according to Kumar, triggering threats against him and his family.

“My Name is Mohammed Deepak”- How this Hindu man stood between a Bajrang Dal-linked mob and ‘Baba’ an elderly Muslim Shopkeeper in Kotdwar, Uttarakhand. The Mob was demanding the shopkeeper change his shop name. Full report @themojostory pic.twitter.com/uXLTh4TJEF

— barkha dutt (@BDUTT) January 31, 2026

The shopkeeper’s complaint and the first FIR

Following the January 26 incident, Vakeel Ahmed filed a police complaint, stating that three to four men claiming to be Bajrang Dal members had entered his shop, threatened him, and warned of “serious consequences” if he did not change the shop’s name.

Based on this complaint, police registered an FIR at Kotdwar police station under multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), including:

• Section 115(2) – voluntarily causing hurt
• Section 333 – house-trespass after preparation for hurt, assault or wrongful restraint
• Section 351(2) – criminal intimidation
• Section 352 – intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of public peace

The FIR names two individuals and includes unnamed persons, as per The Hindu.

Mobilisation and backlash: Protests against Deepak Kumar

While the initial confrontation ended on January 26, the situation escalated sharply days later.

On January 31, intelligence inputs indicated that people were assembling to confront Kumar at his gym and near Ahmed’s shop. According to a complaint later filed by Sub-Inspector Vinod Kumar, around 30–40 people, arriving in 12–15 vehicles, gathered in Kotdwar.

Many were reportedly from Dehradun and Haridwar and identified themselves as members of the Bajrang Dal, according to Hindustan Times.

Highway blockade, sloganeering, and police confrontation

As per the FIR registered on the sub-inspector’s complaint, the group:

• Raised slogans near Kumar’s gym
• Obstructed police personnel deployed at a barrier
• Removed police barricades
• Parked vehicles across the road, creating a traffic jam
• Blocked the National Highway for nearly an hour, affecting civilian traffic and ambulances
• Marched toward Kotdwar market and Baba School Dress, raising religious slogans and using abusive language

Deepak stood up against the Bajrang Dal activists in Uttarakhand who were harassing a muslim shopkeeper-

His house is now being attacked by Bajrang Dal members.

This is total GundaGardi.

Police must protect him.pic.twitter.com/tRZyaEy7Qz

— Arpit Sharma (@iArpitSpeaks) January 31, 2026

After being dispersed once, the group regrouped near Malviya Udyan, in front of the Municipal Council on the National Highway, where they again sat on the road and blocked traffic. The FIR records that the actions created “fear and panic” among passers-by and were aimed at disturbing communal harmony. Based on these events, according to IE, police registered an FIR against unknown persons under sections relating to:

• Unlawful assembly
• Obstruction of public servants
• Breach of peace
• Promoting enmity between groups

A parallel FIR — this time against the interveners

In a development that drew widespread criticism, Uttarakhand Police also registered an FIR against Deepak Kumar and Vijay Rawat, another local resident who had supported Ahmed on January 26.

According to The Hindu, this FIR was filed following complaints by Gaurav Kashyap, reportedly a VHP member, and Kamal Pal, identified as a Bajrang Dal member.

The complainants alleged that Kumar and Rawat:

• Assaulted them
• Snatched money, watches, and mobile phones
• Hurled caste-based slurs
• Acted as part of a violent mob

The police booked Kumar and Rawat on charges including criminal intimidation, voluntarily causing hurt, rioting, and breach of peace.

Superintendent of Police Sarvesh Panwar told The Hindu that the complainants claimed to have been conducting a “door-to-door outreach initiative” at the time of the incident.

Deepak Kumar’s response: “Why am I booked, not the harassers?”

Kumar has denied the allegations and questioned the police’s approach. Speaking to the media, he said that his life and his family’s safety were under threat and asked why action had been taken against him while those accused of harassing a 70-year-old shopkeeper remained at large.

In a subsequent Instagram video, Kumar said: “I am not Hindu, not Muslim, not Sikh, not Christian. First and foremost, I am a human being… No one should be targeted for their religion.”

He added that while hatred spreads easily, standing up for love and humanity requires courage.

Deepak Kumar, the man who confronted right wing groups harassing a Muslim shopkeeper, is getting death threats. The local administration in Kotdwar town of Uttarakhand is hands in glove with the mob, says Deepak https://t.co/bch32S1JBP pic.twitter.com/6xYbL7yKHh

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) February 1, 2026

Police position: “Law and order first”

Addressing the controversy, SSP Sarvesh Panwar stated that all FIRs were registered to prevent escalation and maintain law and order. He confirmed that police personnel were present during the protests and had directly witnessed the blockade and sloganeering.

Police said:

• Video footage is being examined to identify participants
• Statements of all involved parties are being recorded
• Additional forces have been deployed in Kotdwar following intelligence inputs about possible fresh mobilisation

A senior officer quoted by The Hindu said investigations would proceed strictly on legal grounds and that “no one found guilty will be spared.”

Political and civil society reaction

The FIR against Kumar and Rawat triggered sharp criticism from civil rights activists, lawyers, and social media users, many of whom argued that the state appeared to be penalising those who intervened against intimidation rather than those who initiated it.

Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi publicly backed Kumar, calling him a “living symbol of love in the marketplace of hate.” In a post on X, Gandhi accused the Sangh Parivar of deliberately fostering division and alleged that the Uttarakhand government was siding with “anti-social forces.”

“We need more Deepaks — those who do not bow, who do not fear, and who stand firmly with the Constitution,” Gandhi wrote.

उत्तराखंड के दीपक भारत के हीरो हैं।

दीपक संविधान और इंसानियत के लिए लड़ रहे हैं – उस संविधान के लिए जिसे BJP और संघ परिवार रोज़ रौंदने की साज़िश कर रहे हैं।

वे नफ़रत के बाज़ार में मोहब्बत की दुकान का जीवित प्रतीक हैं और यही बात सत्ता को सबसे ज़्यादा चुभती है।

संघ परिवार… pic.twitter.com/c1D4VHV5XO

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) February 1, 2026

Senior Congress leader Suryakant Dhasmana said that the Kotdwar incident, along with other recent communal and targeted attacks in Uttarakhand, had seriously damaged the state’s social fabric.

An unresolved moment

As of now, three separate FIRs remain under investigation:

1. The shopkeeper’s complaint against alleged Bajrang Dal members
2. The police FIR against unidentified protestors for highway blockade and disorder
3. The FIR against Deepak Kumar and Vijay Rawat based on right-wing complaints

Police deployment remains heightened in Kotdwar, and authorities have appealed for calm while warning against the spread of unverified information online. What began as a neighbourhood dispute over a shop name has now become a test case for how the state responds when ordinary citizens intervene against communal intimidation — and whether standing up for constitutional equality comes at a legal cost.

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The post How defending a 70-year-old Muslim shopkeeper triggered FIRs, highway blockades, and a law-and-order crisis in Uttarakhand appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Unlike 12 other states and Union Territories where the Election Commission of India (ECI) is conducting Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercises, Assam is undergoing a Special Revision, as directed by the ECI on November 17, 2025, to the State’s Chief Electoral Officer.

As part of this exercise, door-to-door verification was conducted across Assam between November 22 and December 20, 2025. Crucially, unlike SIR, this process did not involve document verification.

According to ECI Letter No. 23/2025-ERS (Vol. II), the timeline for the revision is as follows:

• December 27, 2025: Publication of the integrated draft electoral rolls
• December 27, 2025 – January 22, 2026: Period for filing claims and objections
• By February 2, 2026: Disposal of claims and objections
• February 10, 2026: Final publication of electoral rolls

While officially framed as a routine electoral exercise, the SR has become deeply controversial due to the scale and nature of objections filed under Form-7, particularly against Bengali-speaking Muslims.

Allegations of targeting Bengali-speaking Muslims

Civil society groups including Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), Banchana Birodhi Mancha, Forum for Social Harmony, Asom Mojuri Sramik Union, and the All Assam Minority Students Union, along with several opposition parties, have alleged that the SR is being misused to harass genuine Indian citizens, primarily Bengali-speaking Muslims, through mass and often false objections filed under Form-7.

Although the Assam Election Department issued a public advisory clarifying that filing a Form-7 objection does not automatically result in deletion of a voter’s name, and that every objection must go through field verification, notice to the voter, and an opportunity of hearing, organisations working on the ground insist that the process itself has become a tool of intimidation.

Despite procedural safeguards on paper, citizens report being summoned, questioned, and threatened with exclusion, leading to widespread fear and uncertainty.

Chief Minister’s remarks deepen the controversy

The situation escalated further after Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma made remarks that were widely criticised as communal and inflammatory.

Referring to the SR process, the Chief Minister stated:

“There is no debate over SR. Which Hindu family has received a notice? Which Assamese Muslim household has seen a notice? We have to issue notices to ‘Miyas’ living here. There is nothing to hide. I am troubling them.”

He further remarked:

“We will do some disturbance, but within the ambit of law. We are with the poor and downtrodden, but not those who want to destroy our community.”

Adding to this, he said:

“They have to understand that at some level, people of Assam are resisting them. Otherwise, they will get a walkover. That’s why some will get notices during SR, some for eviction, some from border police.”

These statements were seen by opposition leaders and rights groups as a direct admission that the SR process is being used to target Bengali-speaking Muslims under the guise of legality.

(Translation of headline: “If SR comes to Assam, I will cut off the names of 4.5 lakh Mia. My job is to hurt the Mia. ‘The Chief Minister’s public announcement’

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Assam Talks (@assamtalksofficial)

(Translation: We want to steal a little Mia vote. ‘According to the rules, Mia should not vote in Assam, they should vote in Bangladesh. ‘My job is to hurt the Mia’: CM.)

Misuse of Form-7 and questions over impartiality

At the heart of the controversy is the large-scale filing of allegedly false objections using Form-7, raising serious questions about the impartiality of the Election Commission during the revision process.

Concerns intensified following allegations of interference by BJP workers in the Boko-Chhaygaon area, purported instructions issued by BJP Assam president Dilip Saikia, and the Chief Minister’s public endorsement of “disturbance” through administrative means.

While instances of false objections have been reported from several districts, the issue has drawn particular attention in Sribhumi district (formerly Karimganj) in the Barak Valley.

Sribhumi district: Objections against 133 voters

On January 19, 2026, fifteen Booth Level Officers (BLOs) from Sribhumi district were called for a training session as part of the SR process. Among them was Sumana Choudhury, a young schoolteacher from Karimganj serving as a BLO.

During the session, district officials handed her several objection forms challenging the inclusion of 133 voters from her booth in Srimanta Kanishail village, under the Karimganj North Assembly segment.

According to Sumana Choudhury, the objection forms were partly printed and partly handwritten, and all objections had been filed by a single individual, alleging that the voters had either permanently shifted or were enrolled twice. All 133 voters, she stated, were Bengali-speaking Muslims.

She said:

“During the house-to-house enumeration, I found them at their residences and collected their signatures. They have not shifted. They are genuine voters. The Election Commission documents they signed are proof.”

She further noted that the list included people personally known to her:

“Among the names was the headmaster of my school. Some are parents of my students. How could I ask them to come to a hearing to prove they are genuine voters? Who filed the objections?”

In a startling revelation, the list of objected names included the complainant Salim Ahmed himself and his relatives, effectively meaning the complainant had objected to his own name. When contacted by Sumana Choudhury, Salim Ahmed reportedly denied filing any such objections.

Following the circulation of her statements on social media, Sumana Choudhury was served a show-cause notice by departmental authorities, drawing sharp criticism from opposition leaders and rights groups.

Legal opinion: False objections are punishable

Prominent Sribhumi-based lawyer Shishir Dey stated that filing Form-7 objections on false grounds is illegal and punishable.

He explained that under the Representation of the People Act, 1951 and associated electoral rules, deletion of a voter’s name requires specific, evidence-based reasons.

“If a voter’s name is removed based on false allegations, that voter has the full right to seek legal redress,” Dey said.

He further warned that liability does not stop with the complainant:

“Election officials, including BLOs and EROs, can also face legal action if they accept false complaints without proper verification and exclude names from the voter list.”

Legal notices by affected voters

Another instance of alleged misuse of Form-7 was reported from polling stations 24 and 26 of the Achimganj area under the Patharkandi Assembly constituency in Sribhumi district, where objections were filed against thirty genuine voters.

These voters issued legal notices through senior Karimganj lawyer Subrata Kumar Pal to the District Administrator of Sribhumi, the Sub-Divisional Administrator of Patharkandi, the Election Officer, the concerned BLOs, and eight complainants, alleging a conspiracy to remove their names from the electoral rolls.

Ration dealers, verbal verification, and CJP’s intervention

Separately, reports emerged from districts including Chirang, Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Darrang, and Goalpara, where ration dealers allegedly began verbally summoning voters for verification.

In response, CJP teams visited local election offices, intervening to ensure that citizens are not compelled to show documents unless served with formal written notices.

CJP teams continue to assist affected voters through hearings, documentation, and coordination with BLOs on the ground.

CJP Assam legal team member Abhijeet Choudhury stated: “We will provide legal support to voters who wish to take action against those filing false complaints.”

“A repeat of NRC-style harassment”

CJP team has warned that the SR process mirrors the harassment experienced during the NRC exercise.

The organisation noted that:

• Most Form-7 complaints are false
• Many targeted voters are migrant labourers working outside Assam
• BLOs had already verified households before inclusion

CJP asserted that objections filed by outsiders without evidence should be rejected outright.

Opposition parties react

Opposition parties urged the Election Commission to ensure that no eligible voter is disenfranchised during the revision.

• The Indian National Congress (INC) lodged a police complaint in Boko-Chhaygaon against local BJP leaders and officials.
• Left parties—CPI(M), CPI(ML), CPI, SUCI, and Forward Bloc—issued a joint statement alleging that Form-7 is being used to target minorities.
• Raijor Dal leader and Sivasagar MLA Akhil Gogoi filed an FIR, citing video footage allegedly showing four individuals unlawfully operating inside the Boko co-district election office.

Earlier, opposition parties also lodged an FIR against BJP Assam president Dilip Saikia, alleging instructions to delete anti-BJP votes.

Sushmita Dev’s intervention

On January 25, 2026, TMC MP Sushmita Dev announced at a press conference: “We will file FIRs against those harassing people by misusing Form-7 and send them to jail.”

Condemning the Chief Minister’s remarks, she said: “Such comments from someone holding a constitutional position are very unfortunate.”

She further alleged that Bengali-speaking Hindus were also being misled, stating: “Like NRC, SR and later SIR will exclude more of their names.”

Claiming that 60 per cent of names in the deletion list in the Kathigara constituency are Bengali-speaking Hindus, she also criticised the show-cause notice issued to Sumana Choudhury, stating that it demonstrated the Election Commission’s political subservience.

Joint opposition press conference

On the same day, opposition leaders—including Debabrata Saikia (INC), Manoranjan Talukder (CPI-M), Akhil Gogoi (Raijor Dal), and Lurinjyoti Gogoi (Axom Jatiya Parishad)—held a joint press conference condemning communal polarisation and the conduct of the SR.

They demanded an extension of the February 2 deadline for disposal of claims and objections and accused the BJP government and the Election Commission of undermining democratic processes.

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The post Form-7 and the Politics of Exclusion: How Assam’s voter revision has become a battleground appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The report, titled “Excluded, Targeted, & Displaced: Communal Narratives and Violence in Uttarakhand,” is based on field investigations, victim testimonies, police records, court documents, official notices, and media reports. It records incidents from districts including Uttarkashi, Tehri, Chamoli, Nainital, Dehradun, Haridwar, and Haldwani, and examines how criminal allegations, administrative actions, religious mobilisation, and government policies intersected with communal narratives on the ground.

According to APCR, the report traces how these incidents unfolded over time, the nature of violence and displacement experienced by affected families, and the responses of the police and state authorities in each case.

Details of the Report: A pattern takes shape

According to APCR, communal violence in Uttarakhand cannot be understood as a series of isolated incidents. From 2021 onwards, Muslims across districts have faced targeted violence, economic boycotts, evictions, intimidation, and attacks on religious spaces, often following rumours, allegations, or political mobilisation by Hindutva groups. These incidents occurred across Uttarkashi, Tehri, Chamoli, Nainital, Dehradun, Haridwar, and surrounding regions, affecting shopkeepers, migrant workers, religious institutions, and long-settled families—many of whom had lived in Uttarakhand for decades.

The report notes that many affected Muslim families trace their migration to Najibabad, Uttar Pradesh, dating back to the 1970s and 1980s, well before Uttarakhand became a separate state in 2000. Despite this, they are repeatedly branded as “outsiders.”

The Haridwar Dharm Sansad, 2021: APCR identifies the December 2021 Haridwar Dharm Sansad as a critical flashpoint. At this three-day conclave, multiple Hindutva religious leaders delivered speeches calling for violence against Muslims, the establishment of a Hindutva rashtra, and the suppression of Islam and Christianity. Speakers named in the report include Yati Narasinghanand, Prabodhanand Giri, Yatindranand Giri, Sadhvi Annapurna, Swami Anand Swaroop, and Kalicharan Maharaj.

Police complaints were filed following public outrage, but the report notes that the event contributed to the normalisation of openly violent anti-Muslim rhetoric in the state.

Administrative drives and communal framing: In 2023, the Uttarakhand government initiated a statewide drive to identify and remove “illegal structures” on government land. Right-wing groups framed this as action against “land jihad” and “mazar jihad.” By May 2024, Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami claimed that 5,000 acres had been recovered.

APCR records that mosques and mazars were disproportionately targeted, while comparable scrutiny was not applied to religious structures of other communities. This framing, the report states, created public legitimacy for demolitions and heightened communal tensions.

Purola, 2023- allegations and aftermath: In Purola, Uttarkashi district, a case alleging the kidnapping of a minor Hindu girl by Ubaid Khan and Jitendra Saini triggered widespread unrest. In court, the girl later stated that she had not been abducted and that the police had coerced her statement. Despite the acquittal, right-wing protests escalated.

Muslim families were forced to flee or sell properties. A Hindutva Maha Panchayat was organised, prompting intervention by the Uttarakhand High Court, which reminded the state of its duty to maintain law and order. Following the incident, the Chief Minister announced background verification measures, stating that people would be able to live in Uttarakhand only after verification.

Uttarkashi, 2024- mosque targeting and mob violence: On October 24, 2024, a rally led by Swami Darshan Bharti demanded demolition of the Uttarkashi mosque. The rally turned violent: five police personnel and over 30 civilians were injured, and Muslim shops were vandalised and looted.

Despite assurances to the High Court, a Hindutva Mahapanchayat was allowed on 1 December 2024, where speakers—including BJP MLA T Raja—issued threats involving bulldozers. APCR records that this directly violated the spirit of the High Court’s directions.

Testimonies document shopkeepers suffering losses of ₹50,000 to ₹1 lakh, broken shutters, looted goods, and lasting fear.

Tehri region- Srinagar, Chauras, Kirti Nagar: In Srinagar, Muslims reported being pushed out from Kirti Nagar and Chauras, following “love jihad” allegations. At least 15 shopkeepers were evicted and forced to return to Najibabad.

APCR records how communal narratives entered schools, with teachers recounting speeches about “love jihad” and “land jihad” at official functions. Muslim government employees reported being labelled outsiders and accused of occupying land or jobs.

In Chauras, after allegations about a relationship between a Hindu woman and a Muslim man, at least five Muslim shopkeepers fled, despite no complaint from the woman’s family.

Gauchar, Chamoli- Escalation from a minor dispute: On October 15, 2024, a parking dispute between two men—one Hindu, one Muslim—escalated into communal mobilisation. Right-wing groups intervened, leading to the eviction of at least 10 Muslim shopkeepers.

Families who had lived in Gauchar for 45 years fled overnight. APCR documents mob intimidation at hospitals, vandalism of shops, and police-escorted evacuations.

Nanda Ghat- Forced overnight displacement: Nanda Ghat witnessed one of the most severe incidents. Following an eve-teasing allegation against a Muslim barber, a sequence of protests culminated in large-scale vandalism on September 2–3, 2024. Shops were looted, ₹4 lakh in cash stolen, vehicles thrown into rivers, and a makeshift mosque destroyed.

Police advised Muslims to leave for their own safety. Thirty to thirty-five people were escorted out in police vehicles, effectively evacuating the community. Despite High Court directions later ensuring protection, most families did not return.

Nainital, 2024- Violence following a criminal allegation: In April 2024, after the arrest of Mohammad Usman under POCSO and BNS provisions, protests turned violent. APCR documents stone-pelting, vandalism of Muslim shops, attacks on eateries, and an assault on Nainital Jama Masjid, which is located next to the police station.

Despite repeated requests, additional forces were not deployed for hours. No FIR was registered for damage to the mosque, even after multiple hearings.

Expansion to Haldwani: Following Nainital, right-wing groups moved into Haldwani, pressuring Muslim shopkeepers to change names or shut businesses. Long-standing establishments reported threats after their religious identity became known.

Legislative changes and institutional targeting: APCR documents the passage of the Uniform Civil Code (2024) and subsequent 2025 amendments, along with changes to anti-conversion laws and minority education governance. These laws increased penalties, expanded definitions of unlawful conversion, and altered the structure of madrasa regulation, raising concerns among Muslim communities about loss of autonomy.

The UMMEED portal and demolitions: The report records that the UMMEED portal digitisation drive required all waqf properties to register within a short deadline. Due to technical failures and documentation requirements, 75% of waqf properties remained unregistered. These were automatically classified as “disputed.”

Between June and November 2025, APCR records the demolition of over 300 Muslim shrines and dargahs, including registered properties such as Hazrat Kamal Shah Dargah in Dehradun. The Supreme Court later issued contempt notices in some cases.

Conclusion drawn by the report

The APCR fact-finding report concludes that the incidents documented across Uttarakhand between 2021 and 2025 cannot be viewed in isolation. Based on field investigations and verified records, the report finds that Muslim individuals and families were repeatedly subjected to violence, threats, vandalism, economic exclusion, evictions, and displacement following communal mobilisation, allegations, or administrative action.

The report records that in several locations, police protection was either delayed or inadequate, FIRs relating to attacks on Muslim property and religious places were not consistently registered, and affected families were advised to leave areas “for their own safety.” Many of those who fled had lived in these towns for decades and were forced to abandon homes, shops, and livelihoods without any formal rehabilitation or assurance of return.

APCR further notes that administrative measures—such as demolition drives, verification exercises, and regulatory actions—often coincided with periods of heightened communal tension, deepening insecurity among minority communities. Taken together, the report documents a sustained impact on the safety, dignity, and ability of Muslims in Uttarakhand to live and work without fear, and places these findings on record for judicial, institutional, and public scrutiny.

The report may be read below:

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The post From Purola to Nainital: APCR report details pattern of communal violence in Uttarakhand appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a notification uploaded on the board’s website, the 50 supernumerary seats shall be distributed strictly based on the NEET-UG merit of the candidates concerned and their preferences among the seven newly established government medical colleges. The U-turn came after weeks of national outrage when the board had r said it cannot conduct fresh counselling for MBBS admissions and that the allocation of supernumerary seats to those who were admitted to the SMVDIME should be decided at the government level.

This sudden clarification came in a letter to the Union Territory’s health and medical education department, which sought its intervention in the relocation of students of the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Institute of Medical Excellence (SMVDIME).

Now, the Jammu and Kashmir Board of Professional Entrance Examination (BOPEE) said it will  conduct fresh counselling for the 2025-26 session for the medical students of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Institute of Medical Excellence (SMVDIME). Students have now been called for their counselling tomorrow, Saturday January 24 reports The Hindistan Times and Indian Express. This is for allotment of colleges across the Valley and Jammu.

The students, it is reported, would now be adjusted in seven government medical colleges of the union territory – three in the Kashmir valley and four in the  province of Jammu. While 22 seats are available spread across Kashmir colleges, 28 students will be adjusted in Jammu.

The National Medical Commission (NMC) had earlier this month withdrawn the permission it had earlier granted to SMVDIME to conduct an MBBS course in the current academic year. This has left 50 MBBS students who joined the institute without a college. Ironically, the NMC had cited deficiencies in college infrastructure and operations; however, the much criticised decision had come in the wake of far right-wing groups protesting against the course’s demography – of the 50 students, 44 were Muslim, and most were from Kashmir.

“That the Board shall conduct the physical round of counselling to accommodate MBBS students of SMVDIME Katra to the Govt. Medical Colleges within the UT of J&K against the supernumerary seats so created,” the BOPEE has now said in a fresh notification.

The notification said that the Health and Medical Education department has conveyed the seat matrix of the 50 supernumerary seats. As per the matrix, seven additional seats each have been allotted in four government medical colleges in Jammu province – GMC Udhampur, GMC Kathua, GMC Rajouri and GMC Doda – while seven additional seats each have been allotted in GMC Baramulla and GMC Handwara. Eight have been allotted in GMC Anantnag. Incidentally, the seven government medical colleges that have been allotted the supernumerary seats have been set up only in the past seven years. The government has not allotted any supernumerary seats in premier institutes like GMC Srinagar, GMC Jammu or the SKIMS Medical College.

Previously, in a communication to the J-K’s Health and Medical Education department dated January 21, BOPEE had said it cannot conduct fresh counselling for the 2025-26 session, and asked the J-K government to admit students to supernumerary seats in other medical colleges “at its own level”. “The creation and allotment of supernumerary seats doesn’t fall within the ambit of BOPEE,” the communication said. The change of stand came within hours. In fact, both communications are dated January 21.

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The attack on Pastor Bipin Bihari Naik, which took place on January 4, 2026 in Parjang village, involved acts of violence so extreme that they amount to public torture and religious coercion—including forced consumption of cow dung, public parading with a garland of slippers, and attempts to compel religious slogans. Despite the public uproar, the case has seen little progress, with the alleged perpetrators remaining at large and the victim facing a counter-FIR instead.

As the delay continues, anxiety has spread beyond the pastor’s family to the wider Christian community in the region, several of whom have reportedly gone into hiding. What has unfolded in Parjang is no longer being viewed as an isolated incident, but as part of a growing pattern of communal violence, administrative apathy, and criminalisation of religious practice, increasingly reported across Odisha.

Pastor chooses forgiveness on Graham Staines’ martyrdom anniversary

On the anniversary of the martyrdom of Australian missionary Graham Staines, who was burnt alive along with his two young sons in Odisha in 1999, Pastor Naik publicly chose the path of forgiveness over retribution.

Speaking to Catholic Connect, the pastor said he had forgiven not only those who assaulted and humiliated him, but also those who falsely accused him of forced religious conversion.

“On the anniversary of the martyrdom of Graham Staines, I choose forgiveness. I forgive those who assaulted me and those who falsely accused me. Our God forgives us unconditionally, and He teaches us to forgive. In that spirit, I forgive them and place everything in God’s hands,” he said.

However, Pastor Naik emphasised that forgiveness did not mean surrendering constitutional rights. His sole appeal to the authorities, he said, was for peace, safety, and freedom of religion.

“I have only one humble request: that my family, I, and all the Christian faithful be allowed to live peacefully and freely strengthen our faith in the God we have chosen to follow. This is what I clearly conveyed to the Superintendent of Police when I met him in Dhenkanal on 13 January.”

He also expressed gratitude to individuals and organisations across Odisha and beyond who stood by him during what he described as one of the darkest moments of his life, acknowledging the prayers, solidarity, and moral support he received.

Elder Brother: “Justice has still not been delivered”

Echoing the pastor’s anguish, his elder brother Udaya Naik spoke to Catholic Connect about the family’s ordeal since the attack, stating bluntly that justice has not been delivered even after fifteen days.

“Instead of justice, our family is living in constant pain, disturbance, and a complete loss of peace,” he said.

According to Udaya, when the local police failed to act, the family mobilised support from the Christian community and personally approached senior authorities.

“When no action was taken by the local police, I gathered around forty-five faithful members and went to the office of the Superintendent of Police to submit a complaint. We spent nearly eight to ten thousand rupees hiring a vehicle to reach there, hoping our voices would be heard.”

Despite these efforts, he said, no concrete steps were taken.

“This prolonged inaction has shaken my faith in the Constitution and the justice system—especially for innocent people like us.”

Allegations of police negligence and delayed response

Udaya Naik alleged that the assault was premeditated and could have been prevented had the police acted promptly.

“Had the police responded immediately, my brother could have been rescued,” he said. During the assault, family members repeatedly contacted the police helpline, while Pastor Naik’s wife, Vandana, rushed to the nearest police station. Instead of intervening immediately, the police allegedly demanded an FIR and proof while the violence was still ongoing.

Pastor Naik was allegedly dragged through village streets, beaten, paraded in slippers, and publicly humiliated. “Are there no CCTV cameras on those roads?” Udaya asked, adding that photographs showing the public parade were dismissed by the police as insufficient evidence.

The family claims they were repeatedly asked for medical proof, even as the pastor bore visible injuries—an approach they described as deeply insensitive and negligent.

What happened in Parjang village

According to Telegraph, Pastor Naik had travelled to Parjang village—a Hindu-majority village with only seven Christian families—to attend a routine prayer meeting with his wife, children, and other believers.

The gathering was disrupted when a mob of around 40 people, allegedly including members of the Bajrang Dal, forcibly entered the house.

“They started beating everyone inside,” Vandana told Maktoob. “Besides us, there were seven families praying. My children and I managed to escape through a narrow alley and ran to the police station.”

While Vandana sought help, Pastor Naik was seised by the mob. He was beaten with sticks, slapped repeatedly, smeared with red sindoor, garlanded with slippers, and paraded through the village as a spectacle.

He was later tied to a Hanuman temple, his hands bound behind a rod, and was forced to consume cow dung while being beaten and coerced into chanting “Jai Shri Ram”. Vandana stated that despite her repeated pleas, police reached the village nearly two hours later.

Even after police intervention, the mob reportedly did not immediately disperse.

Police conduct after the rescue

A social activist told Maktoob Media that after being rescued, Pastor Naik was made to sit at the police station for nearly an hour without medical assistance, despite bleeding and being visibly traumatised.

Police eventually registered a complaint regarding the assault. However, they also filed a counter FIR against Pastor Naik, accusing him of forced religious conversion—an allegation for which no evidence has been produced.

Such counter-cases, activists note, have increasingly become a tool to dilute accountability in communal violence cases involving Christians.

Christian families forced into hiding

Following the attack, the situation in Parjang deteriorated further. Vandana told Maktoob Media that all seven Christian families in the village have gone into hiding due to threats, social boycott, and fear of further violence.

“They are staying with relatives in different places. The villagers have threatened them and cut off all support,” she said.

Pastor Naik’s own family is currently staying in a safe house, unsure when—or if—they can safely return home.

A pattern of communal violence in Odisha

The Parjang assault forms part of a broader pattern of communal violence in Odisha. In recent weeks alone, a Muslim man was lynched by gau rakshaks for transporting cattle, while another Muslim youth in Mayurbhanj district was paraded naked and forced to chant religious slogans.

In Malkangiri district, Protestant Christians were attacked while returning from church in Kotamateru village, leaving eight injured. Christian leaders again pointed to Bajrang Dal members, while police initially attempted to downplay the violence as a “family dispute.”

Earlier this month, a 29-year-old nun was forcibly removed from a train by Bajrang Dal activists and detained for 18 hours on false allegations of trafficking and conversion.

Forgiveness without forgetting

Despite the trauma, Pastor Naik and his family say they are choosing peace over confrontation, drawing inspiration from Gladys Staines, the widow of Graham Staines, who publicly forgave her husband’s killers.

“We now choose the path of forgiveness,” Udaya Naik said. “But if the police initiate an inquiry on their own and punish the perpetrators, we would welcome it wholeheartedly.”

For now, the family says it no longer has the strength to continue pursuing justice through repeated appeals.

“This entire episode is a deeply painful reflection on the present state of our country and its people,” Udaya said.

As the perpetrators remain free and fear grips minority communities, the silence of the justice system continues to speak louder than any slogan—raising urgent questions about accountability, constitutional protections, and the rule of law in contemporary India.

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While police remain uncertain whether the violence stemmed from a puja subscription dispute or a traffic altercation, political parties have come forward with their conflicting versions of events.

Speaking to The Wire on Tuesday, January 14, Unakoti Superintendent of Police Avinash Rai mentioned that multiple narratives have emerged on what started the violence.

“There are many account. One group is saying the conflict started from a fundraising drive. Another group says it started from a heated conversation between an e-rickshaw driver and a bike rider. There is also another version – that a local truck driver struck a bike,” Rai stated.

Rai said police are investigating the case. “But it is clear that there was a verbal altercation between people of two communities, which turned into communal violence. As soon as we learned about it, we immediately went there and controlled the situation within half an hour,” he added.

On Friday, January 16, Kumarghat Sub-divisional Police Officer (SDPO) Utpalendu Debnath told The Wire that 13 individuals have been arrested and are now under judicial custody. Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita was withdrawn on the same day.

Addressing the extent of damage, Debnath stated, “Two shops were gutted, and a hay stack at a house’s courtyard was burnt.”

‘Our mothers and sisters’

The chairman of TIPRA Motha Party’s Minority Cell, Mohammad Shah Alam Miah, who visited the affected site on Thursday, January 15, while prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the BNSS were still in place, painted a severe picture of the destruction. After submitting a deputation at Fatikroy Police Station, Miah addressed the media.

“After visiting the place, we were shocked. Where are we living? Is there any system of administration in this state? The tiles of a mosque were burnt, the microphones used for the Azaan were burnt, and the Quran inside was burnt. Cash belonging to the imam worth Rs 35,000, his international passport, and his clothes were all burnt,” Miah said.

“There was a madrasa next to the mosque, which was also set on fire. Along with that mosque, a house was completely burnt and destroyed, as were a truck and two tractors. A wooden shop was set on fire. Next to it there was a goat shop, where he probably sold mutton…the goats were also stolen,” he added.

The administration has failed to provide immediate relief to the affected families, Miah claimed. “The most shameful incident of all is that the administration did not provide any assistance to the 50 to 60 families there. They are still sitting without food,” he alleged.

Moreover, Miah claimed that the victims were being portrayed as perpetrators. “They are dragging our mothers and sisters forward, making them pose for photographs while holding sticks and bottles, trying to brand us as extremists. They will say the bottles contained petrol and claim that our mothers and sisters burned down their own homes. A Class 12 student has been arrested. Those who were attacked are the ones who have been made the accused,” he stated.

Miah also alleged that the police crackdown had created an atmosphere of fear in the village. “There are no men left in the village as police have arrested people randomly. The men ran away and hid themselves out of fear. The women in the village are sitting without food,” he said.

Several women in the village also alleged that the arrested Class 12 student has his board examinations soon and that it is unfair that he is unable to participate in the registration process which has already started.

Speaking to The Wire, Kumarghat SDPO Debnath said that legal action was being initiated against Miah for violating prohibitory orders.

“We are taking legal action against him also, because he went to that place without permission during the promulgation of Section 163 of the BNSS. The statements he gives are spreading hate among other communities,” Debnath said.

“The incident happened and we cannot reverse it, but as a civil society, our duty is to normalise that situation. But the statements he spreads are making the situation worse,” Debnath added.

“I personally went there to the Muslim areas and talked to the people, and everything is normal now. But if they talk to the families whose family members have been arrested, then they will of course speak against us,” he added.

The SDPO emphasised that all national political parties had to take permission from the police before visiting the site.

“We told them to go there after the withdrawal of Section 163 of the BNSS, which was withdrawn today, January 16. As we were busy with the chief minister yesterday, he took the chance and went there. We are investigating the root cause, and you should not stand in the way of our findings,” Debnath stated.

Tripura is burning: Congress

While addressing the media on January 10, Tripura Pradesh Congress president Asish Kumar Saha drew a direct connection between the incident and what he described as a pattern of communal violence under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule.

“Since BJP rule began in the country, communal divisions have been created across the nation. Sometimes it is Hindu-Muslim, sometimes Hindu-Christian, and sometimes Hindu-Buddhist. There has always been a divide among them. Similarly, in our state under eight years of BJP rule, communal riots have started. This incident is nothing new as similar communal riots have been witnessed earlier in Dharmanagar, Udaipur, and Agartala,” Saha said.

According to Saha, the violence began with a puja subscription demand. “As far as I know, subscription money was demanded from a Muslim shopkeeper for a festival. From there the trouble started, and his shop was vandalised and set on fire. Then his house was also set on fire and vandalised. Even tractors and vehicles were set ablaze. Alongside this, the houses of his relatives were also vandalised and set on fire,” he stated.

Saha sharply criticised the state government’s claims of maintaining law and order. “Even after all this has happened, how can the chief minister claim that law and order in the state is perfectly fine? The chief minister himself knows that the people of the state do not believe what he is saying. That is why he had the state DGP hold a press conference to say that Tripura’s law and order situation is perfectly fine and that good governance is running in the state,” Saha said.

“Is this good governance? Not even 24 hours have passed since the press conference, and everyone is seeing Tripura burning. People of the minority community in Tripura are fleeing in fear. Even after all this, how can he claim that good governance is running in the state?” he questioned.

The Congress president likened the current state of affairs to jungle raj. “A lawless situation is prevailing in the state. According to the information I have received, the youth wing of BJP and the ruling party’s village head and deputy head all went there and created mayhem. I demand strict punishment against all of them,” Saha asserted.

CM’s roadshow 

CPI(M) politburo member and Tripura assembly Leader of Opposition Jitendra Chaudhury, speaking on January 10, alleged systematic cultivation of violence by the local MLA representing the Fatikroy assembly constituency, Sudhangshu Das.

“In our state, particularly in Fatikroy assembly constituency, the MLA is continuously fomenting this violence, and these innocent people are becoming victims of it. I have heard that this incident started at 9 am this morning, and even after the fire service was informed, they were not allowed to reach there. When fire service personnel reached there after about two hours, they could not save anything, so several families have lost everything,” Chaudhury stated.

According to Chaudhury, the violence was triggered by excessive subscription demands. “According to the information we have received, a Muslim timber seller arrived in front of his shop with a truck loaded with sawn timber. At that time, some local people went there to collect subscription money for a fair. It could be that the subscription amount was so high that he refused. After that, those youth spread some communal rumours and started creating mayhem. Then groups of people came from outside and started attacking that place. His shop was burnt, vehicles were set on fire, and houses were vandalised and set on fire,” he said.

Chaudhury drew parallels with previous incidents across the state. “Some leaders of the ruling party have taken the oath of the constitution and become MLAs. These incidents are happening because of their provocative statements, like what happened at Koitor Bari, Gandacherra, and Pekuacherra in Panisagar. And now today at Fatikroy. Such incidents keep happening one after another,” he said.

According to Chaudhury, none of the previous incidents have seen proper accountability.

The CPI(M) politburo member also mentioned that he saw a disturbing video showing affected families alleging police bias.

“A while ago, a video came to us where a woman is saying in front of the camera that her house has been attacked, her shops have been burnt, that the fire service came after two hours, and that they have lost everything. She says that the police are trying to arrest her people. I am verifying how much of this is true. If this is true, it is very unfortunate. I would request the police to deal with this with a strong hand,” Chaudhury said.

The leader of opposition also criticised the chief minister Manik Saha’s response to the crisis. “In our state, the administrative and political executive have no remorse and no sensitivity. This morning when the incident happened, the chief minister was doing a roadshow. He went to Kanchanpur and held a big rally. There is not a single mention of this incident. If he were truly sensitive, he would have left everything else and gone to that place,” Chaudhury said.

Atmosphere of fear

On January 12, a delegation from the Communist Party of India (CPI) attempted to visit the violence-hit Shimultala village but was prevented by police, including SDPO Debnath, citing Section 163 restrictions. The delegation included CPI Tripura state secretary Milan Baidya, state secretariat members Rasbihari Ghosh and Nilmani Deb, women’s leader Hasna Begam and others.

CPI leadership reported that minority communities in the area have been living in extreme fear since the incident, with many families unable to access markets or carry out daily activities. They appealed to the administration to ensure there is no shortage of food and daily necessities for the affected minorities.

The delegation demanded comprehensive assessment of losses suffered by affected minority families and appropriate compensation. They also called for quick repair of damaged religious institutions, mosques, houses, and vehicles.

“Such an atmosphere of fear and unrest has never been seen in the state before,” they stated, strongly urging the administration and government to immediately restore an atmosphere of peace.

Congress doing vote bank politics: Sudhangshu

Cabinet minister and Fatikroy MLA Sudhanshu Das dismissed opposition claims as “false rumours” and accused the Congress of anti-Hindu politics. Addressing the media on January 11, Das urged opposition parties to refrain from spreading communal incitement.

“Even with internet services suspended, attempts are being made through fundraising and provocative statements to mislead the common people,” Das alleged.

The minister claimed that opposition allegations about houses of a particular community being vandalised were fabricated. “Instead of spreading such rumours, I invite the opposition to visit the spot if necessary and see the real situation,” he stated.

“Congress is an anti-Hindu party and has been doing politics of opposition to Sanatan Dharma. Congress only does vote bank politics, whereas the Bharatiya Janata Party does not calculate vote banks,” he added.

Contradicting the fund-collection narrative, Das claimed a bike collided with a truck loaded with timber and set off the fight. “Subsequently, a person named Musabbir Ali came and claimed the timber was his, which further complicated the situation,” he claimed.

Left’s regime

CM Manik Saha, during his North Tripura district tour on January 11, addressed questions raised by the local media regarding the communal disturbance at Shimultala. Saha claimed that the administration was handling the situation with utmost seriousness.

“It is advisable not to make unnecessary political comments on such matters. The administration is working to keep the situation under control,” he remarked and referred to incidents during the Left Front regime. “During CPI(M) rule, similar incidents occurred in Mandwi and Khowai, and even one of their ministers was brutally murdered. What role did they take then?” he asked.

Courtesy: The Wire

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After videos that went viral of a violent lynching of a Muslim man, Makarand Muhammad of Astia village in Odisha’s Balasore district, three suspects were reportedly arrested for lynching the 33-year-old. Before that, a video of social media, of the victim being asked to chant a religious slogan and being assaulted had emerged the previous day, Wednesday, January 7. The victim, Sheikh Makarand Muhammad of Astia village, was reportedly a helper in a pickup van that was waylaid for ferrying cattle. He was attacked with sharp weapons and pipes, cops quoting the man’s brother said. The viral video, alleged to be that of the incident, shows the group assaulting Mohammed with pipes and forcing him to shout “Jai Shri Ram” and “Gau Mata Ki Jai”. Despite his compliance with this violent aggression, the mob did not stop the beating.

At the outset, The Telegraph and New Indian Express reported, a group of cow vigilantes tried to stop the van Mohammed was in. The pick-up van travelling from the Jayadeva Kasba side, overturned on the outskirts of a town. While the driver of the van escaped, Mohammed was caught by the mob, The Telegraph reported.

Later though the police took Mohammed to hospital, but on Thursday, he succumbed to injuries he had suffered during the attack.

The police have registered a case under a section of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita that pertains to lynching by a group motivated by prejudice based on religion, race or caste. Mohammed’s brother. This is the second FIR in the case. Sk Jitendar Mahammad, had filed a police complaint and named five persons as suspects. In his statement, he alleged that five men had intercepted the van and assaulted his brother with deadly weapons. He further stated that although a police patrol vehicle reached the spot and shifted Mahammad to the Balasore District Headquarters Hospital, he died during treatment. Based on the second complaint, police booked five accused under Section 103(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), which pertains to punishment for murder committed by a mob.

The Odisha police reportedly initially registered a first FIR based on a complaint related to the pickup van accident. According to this FIR, the vehicle, allegedly being driven rashly, lost balance and overturned on the roadside. It stated that by the time police reached the spot, the driver had already been shifted to a hospital and a cow was found at the site.

“The cow was seized and brought to the Maa Bharati Goshala, and the pickup vehicle was brought to the police station. The complainant submitted a written report for taking legal action against the owner and driver of the pickup van,” the first FIR noted.

Rabi Behera, the head of the Odisha Milk Farmers’ Association, was quoted as saying by The Telegraph that the activities of cow vigilantes had increased since the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Mohan Majhi was elected to power in the state in June 2024. “The government must ensure stern action in such cases,” Behera said.

It is to be seen if any outcome comes of the final investigations, especially with relation to the mob violence and murder. Odisha has seen a spate of attacks on Dalits, Christians and Muslims over the past two years.

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The post Odisha: Man forced to chant religious slogan, lynched by cow vigilantes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reports by Zee News and others state that these series of violent incidents against Muslim hawkers and workers in Bihar has caused deep fear and anger, with families saying that poor members of the community are being targeted on mere suspicion, abused in public, and attacked without protection. Fresh cases from Katihar, Saharsa and Madhubani show a pattern where daily wage earners and small vendors were beaten, robbed, shot, or killed, while their families are now struggling for justice.

According to media reports, in Katihar district, a young Muslim utensil seller was thrashed after being abused as “Bangladeshi” and also robbed of his hard-earned money. In Saharsa, a biscuit seller was shot after a robbery attempt. In Madhubani, a Muslim youth died after being beaten by a group of people, with his family alleging mob lynching, even as police claim it was a road accident.

The most grievous assault and murder case has come from Madhubani district, where Mohammad Qayoom, a young Muslim man from Haithiwali village, died after being beaten in Pattitol village under Bhairabsthan police station. According to his family and relatives, Qayoom and two friends had gone to buy gutkha from a shop on a motorbike. An argument broke out with the shopkeeper. Soon after, several people gathered and attacked Qayoom.

Police are reported to have taken him to hospital, where doctors declared him dead. While police have suggested it was a road accident, Qayoom’s family strongly rejects this claim. “This was not an accident. He was beaten by many people. His body had injury marks,” a grieving family member said. “Why is the truth being hidden?” Community members say the family fears that the case may be weakened if it is treated as an accident rather than a lynching.

Seen together all these hate crimes have raised serious questions about the security and safety of daily wage earners –hawkers and labourers –in BJP-ruled Bihar, many of whom depend on daily sales to survive.

While the Katihar incident took place on January 11 in the Pothia police station area and the victim, Akmal Rehman, a resident of Simaria Chowk under Korha police station, had gone to Chakla village in Sameli block to sell utensils.  According to victim, Rehman, who spoke to the media, two local youths stopped him, abused him, and accused him of being Bangladeshi. When women who were buying utensils objected, the attackers threatened them as well.

“They started abusing me and saying I was Bangladeshi. When the women spoke up, they got angry and hit me with sticks,” Rehman said from his hospital bed.

The assailants allegedly hit him on the head with a stick. After he fell unconscious, they took ₹12,000 from his shirt pocket and fled. Rehman was admitted to Korha Community Health Centre and is said to be in stable condition. While a written complaint has been submitted to Pothia police station and the Sub-Divisional Police Officer. Police questioning of villagers and women buyers led to the identification of the accused as Chuiya Mandal, son of Patal Mandal, and another local resident of Chakla village.

Sub-Divisional Police Officer (Sadar-2) Ranjan Kumar Singh said, “At first look, this appears to be a robbery case. Villagers have told us that the accused are known for attacking hawkers. We are investigating and action will be taken.”

Relatives and family members, however, say the attack was also driven by hate and fear created around Muslim identity. “My son went to sell utensils, not to fight. Calling him Bangladeshi was an excuse to beat and loot him,” a relative said. In another disturbing case, criminals in Saharsa targeted a Muslim biscuit seller, Mohammad Mujahid. According to police and family sources, Mujahid was robbed and then shot by miscreants. He was rushed to hospital in a critical condition and remains under treatment. Doctors have confirmed that the bullet caused serious injury.

Several locals told media reporters that small Muslim vendors are easy targets because they carry cash and have no protection. The incident has created fear among other hawkers, many of whom have stopped working after dark. Police have said they are searching for the attackers, but no arrests have been announced so far.

Human rights activists and local residents say these incidents show how Muslim hawkers and workers are being treated as suspects instead of citizens under the newly elected administration. “Poor Muslims who sell utensils, biscuits, or small items are being attacked on suspicion alone. This is not law and order, this is failure,” said a local social worker in Katihar. Families of the victims have demanded fair investigation, strict action against the accused, and protection for hawkers who move village to village to earn a living.

As cases pile up, pressure is growing on the Bihar administration to act firmly and restore confidence among Muslim communities who say they feel unsafe even while doing honest work.

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The post Bihar under BJP: Hate attacks against Muslims spiral, one dies appeared first on SabrangIndia.

India was never built on bulldozers. It was built on pluralism, dignity, and equal citizenship.

First, a medical college in Jammu was shut down because Muslim students got admission to MBBS on merit.

Now, a school in Baitul district of Madhya Pradesh has been bulldozed simply because it was built by a Muslim, ON HIS OWN LAND, WITH HIS OWN MONEY, to educate Dalit and Tribal… pic.twitter.com/X65w2Sa1SO

— Gaurav Pandhi (@GauravPandhi) January 15, 2026

Meanwhile the Indian Express  reported that a private school built to educate children from nursery to Class 8 in Madhya Pradesh’s Betul district became the target of a kind of prejudicial politics by the administration when, after rumours falsely branding it as an unauthorised madrasa led to its partial demolition, officials told the newspaper on January 14, Wednesday.

Abdul Naeem, a local resident who had reportedly poured nearly Rs 20 lakh of borrowed money and family savings into the construction, watched portions of his “educational dream” turn to rubble on the evening of January 13 as the dreaded JCB/earthmovers unilaterally brought down the walls and a front shed under administrative orders. No notice, no chance to explain was given to the private owner of the building on private land raising serious questions of the lawfulness or constitutionality of the perverse action.

Reports state that for several years, Naeem had envisioned a nursery-to-Class 8 school for children in Dhaba village and surrounding tribal hamlets, where families often send their children miles away for decent education. He persisted and thereafter secured commercial land diversion, obtained a panchayat NOC, and on December 30 filed his formal application with the School Education Department, submitting all requisite land documents.

“I had decided to construct the school on my private land so that my village can progress and some people can study. Senior officials claimed that we were doing wrong things here,” Naeem said. Even when construction was progressing smoothly when, just three days of viciously circulated rumours led to the brazen action, the demolition. The rumours circulating stated false that a madrasa was being built in the area. Even construction of a Madrasa is in no way a prohibited act!! An anguished Naeem said, “ “This is a village with only three Muslim families. How would a madrasa even function here? And the building wasn’t even complete — no classes, no students,” Naeem said.

Chronology

Last Sunday, January 11, the Gram Panchayat issued a notice ordering Naeem to demolish the structure himself, citing lack of permission. When he rushed to the panchayat office to submit a formal response, he says officials refused to accept his application and told him to return later. Without giving him any opportunity to be heard, two days later, on January 13, as Naeem and a group of concerned villagers travelled to the district collectorate to meet the Collector and seek clarity, the administration moved in. A JCB machine, flanked by heavy police presence, arrived at the site in Dhaba. By dusk, a portion of the school building and the front shed had been razed.

Despite being a public servant answerable to the rule of law and Constitution, Sub-Divisional Magistrate Ajit Maravi defended the action, saying it followed a complaint from the gram panchayat alleging encroachment and rule violations. “A verification found that part of the construction fell under encroachment. Only the illegal portion has been removed, not the entire building,” Maravi said, adding that all mandatory permissions had not been obtained. Naeem strongly disputes this. “I had the panchayat NOC. I had applied for school approval. If there was any mistake in paperwork, I was ready to pay whatever fine the government demanded.”

The Video may be seen here

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The post Hate Crime: Abdul Naeem’s school built with private money on his land demolished by bulldozers in Madhya Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Farhad had reportedly just stepped out of the examination centre when the attack occurred at the college gate. Witnesses saw flames leap from his clothes as people nearby scrambled to put them out.

Fortuitously, another group of students and passers-by rushed to douse the fire with water and cloth. Some used water bottles. Others shouted for help. For a few minutes, the scene dissolved into panic.

Police said that Farhad sustained around 8% burn injuries. He was first taken to a private facility on Delhi Road and later shifted to the district hospital. His condition is said to be stable, officials said. Moradabad (city) SP Kumar Ranvijay Singh said, “It appears the attackers used a petrol-filled bottle. We’re collecting forensic samples to confirm. An FIR is being registered.” Predictably, none have been arrested yet.

Hindu College is one of Moradabad’s older educational institutions. Police have taken statements from witnesses and are analysing footage from nearby CCTV cameras. The bottle suspected to have been used in the attack has been sent for chemical analysis. Police identified suspects as students of the same college. Their names emerged during questioning of those present on campus.

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