The complaint brings together incidents from diverse regions to highlight a recurring pattern rather than isolated excesses. CJP has emphasised that these acts, frequently recorded and circulated on social media, operate as public demonstrations of intimidation that erode constitutional guarantees of equality, dignity, and religious freedom.

Vigilantism and physical violence

One major cluster of incidents documented in the complaint concerns vigilante violence carried out in the name of cow protection, moral policing, or religious assertion. These include assaults on cattle transporters, attacks on vendors selling non-vegetarian food, and instances where individuals were beaten or publicly humiliated while being forced to chant religious slogans. In several cases, the violence was carried out in public spaces and filmed by the perpetrators themselves. Despite the visibility of these acts, information regarding prompt police action against those responsible was often unavailable or unclear at the time of reporting.

Economic intimidation and livelihood disruption

The complaint also highlights repeated instances of economic harassment targeting minority livelihoods. Muslim shopkeepers, street vendors, and contractors were confronted at their places of work, accused of religious or ideological wrongdoing, and pressured to shut down businesses or comply with identity-based demands. Such actions, undertaken without any lawful authority, effectively imposed informal economic boycotts and restrictions on the right to carry on trade, raising concerns about the unequal access to public spaces and livelihoods.

Raids on prayer meetings and religious disruption

Another set of incidents detailed in the complaint involves the disruption of Christian prayer meetings held in private homes and community spaces. Organised groups entered prayer gatherings alleging unlawful religious conversions, leading to intimidation, physical violence, and the destruction of religious texts. In some cases, police action followed complaints made by these groups, resulting in questioning or detention of worshippers rather than action against those who initiated the disruption. CJP has pointed out that such incidents reflect a pattern of interference with the peaceful practice of religion, accompanied by selective enforcement of law.

Identity policing and forced compliance

The complaint further records incidents of coercive identity policing, including demands for documentation, accusations of being “illegal” or “foreign,” and the forced chanting of religious slogans. Elderly individuals, clerics, migrant workers, and vendors were stopped in public spaces and subjected to threats or humiliation when they refused to comply. CJP has noted that these acts function as mechanisms of public intimidation, reinforcing exclusion and fear among targeted communities.

Evictions, demolitions, and state-led actions

In addition to vigilante actions by private actors, the complaint draws attention to large-scale eviction and demolition drives carried out by state authorities that disproportionately affected Muslim communities. While these actions were officially justified on grounds such as encroachment or administrative necessity, the scale of displacement, the manner of execution, and the absence of adequate rehabilitation measures raise serious concerns regarding due process, proportionality, and the protection of vulnerable populations.

What the complaint underscores

In the complaint submitted to the NCM, CJP has underscored that the situation reflected in these incidents is neither episodic nor accidental. As the complaint states:

“The incidents documented herein, when viewed cumulatively, disclose a disturbing and recurring pattern in which private individuals and organised groups assume the role of self-appointed enforcers of law, identity, and morality. These actions, ranging from physical violence and public humiliation to economic coercion, religious disruption, and large-scale displacement, have frequently unfolded in the absence of timely or impartial state intervention. Such patterns risk normalising vigilantism, eroding constitutional guarantees, and fostering an environment of fear and exclusion for minority communities.”

CJP has further pointed out that in several instances, police action appeared to follow pressure or complaints from vigilante groups, while unlawful acts by private actors went unaddressed. This, the complaint argues, not only emboldens vigilante behaviour but also undermines public confidence in the impartial application of law.

What CJP has urged the NCM to do

Through its complaint, CJP has urged the National Commission for Minorities to take cognisance of the pattern emerging from these incidents and to exercise its statutory mandate to seek accountability from state authorities. The complaint calls for the Commission to seek detailed action-taken reports from concerned state governments and district administrations, particularly with regard to the registration of FIRs, investigations conducted, and steps taken to prevent further incidents.

CJP has also urged the Commission to emphasise the obligation of states to ensure impartial enforcement of criminal law, so that victims are not criminalised following vigilante complaints while perpetrators evade accountability. The complaint seeks directions to prevent economic intimidation, protect the right to peaceful religious practice, and ensure that eviction and demolition drives comply with due process and provide adequate rehabilitation.

Reiterating that the complaint is not directed against any religion or community, CJP has stated that its concern lies with the misuse of public platforms, private coercion, and state inaction that threaten constitutional values, communal harmony, and the rule of law. The organisation has urged the NCM to intervene to prevent further normalisation of such conduct and to safeguard the rights of minority communities across the country.

The complaint may be read here:

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this resource has been worked on by Risha Fathima)

Related:

CJP complaints to NCM over alarming surge in hate speech against Bengali-origin Muslims

CJP calls for action by NCM against hate speeches at Dharam Sansad and Trishul Deekha events, files 2 complaints

CJP moves NCM against arms training camps, weapon distribution events in Assam and Rajasthan

CJP complains to NCM over Uttarakhand Muslim exodus; seeks urgent action

CJP moves NCM against Shiladitya Dev for targeting the ‘Miya Muslim’ community of Assam

The post CJP moves National Commission for Minorities over vigilante violence, identity policing, and targeted evictions across states appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post Sangh Scares Off Santa: A Christmas of Fear appeared first on SabrangIndia.

From shopping malls and public markets to schools and churches, the days leading up to Christmas and Christmas Day itself witnessed a strikingly similar pattern of attacks: right-wing groups invoking cultural nationalism, forcibly disrupting celebrations, chanting religious slogans outside Christian institutions, vandalising decorations, and accusing ordinary citizens—women, children, teachers, and worshippers—of proselytisation merely for participating in a festival.

What makes these incidents especially alarming is not just their frequency, but their geographic spread, thematic uniformity, and political context—pointing to something far more systemic than sporadic unrest.

A national pattern, not isolated events

1. Raipur, Chhattisgarh: Criminality Masquerading as Protest

On December 24, a mob affiliated with VHP–Bajrang Dal stormed Magneto Mall in Raipur, smashing Christmas decorations and assaulting staff during a bandh called against alleged religious conversions. Videos show security personnel overwhelmed as festive installations were destroyed in broad daylight. As reported by Times of India, the bandh itself followed communal tensions in Kanker district over the burial of a Christian man—an issue already fraught with majoritarian hostility.

This was not a spontaneous outburst. It was symbolic violence—targeting Christmas imagery in a public commercial space to send a message: Christian visibility itself is unacceptable.

Militant Hindu outfit Bajrang Dal vandalizes Christmas decorations worth 100 thousands at Raipur Magneto Mall. People like @narindertweets are indirectly responsible for inciting these fanatics. Even her previous tweets were amplified by far-right Hindu nationalist groups. https://t.co/CaXQe0lyHf pic.twitter.com/iOaDrl1bTJ

— South Asian Christians (@S_AsianXtians) December 24, 2025

2. Assam: Policing Festivity as a Crime

In Nalbari district, VHP–Bajrang Dal members raided shops selling Christmas items, confiscated decorations, vandalised temporary stalls, and destroyed Christmas displays at St. Mary’s School, chanting slogans glorifying a “Hindu Rashtra” (Economic Times; Hindutva Watch).

The message was unmistakable: Christmas is not merely unwelcome—it is to be erased from public space.

3. Uttar Pradesh: Ritualised intimidation outside Churches

In Bareilly and other parts of UP, groups gathered outside churches chanting the Hanuman Chalisa and slogans like “Christian missionaries murdabad.” These were not counter-celebrations but deliberate acts of religious intimidation, timed precisely to coincide with Christmas Eve services (Independent UK; videos widely circulated on X).

The presence of police—who largely stood by—did not deter the demonstrators. Instead, it underscored a dangerous normalisation: majoritarian disruption of minority worship as an accepted public spectacle.

Members of right wing groups chant Hanuman chalisa outside a church in cantonment area in Bareilly district Uttar Pradesh. pic.twitter.com/ybUUHKZiG0

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) December 24, 2025

4. Delhi: Gendered harassment in public markets

In Lajpat Nagar, Christian women wearing Santa caps were harassed, shouted at, and accused of conversion simply for walking through a public market. Wearing festive headgear was recast as criminal intent. The women were not evangelising; they were existing visibly as Christians in public space—and were punished for it (The Quint; X videos).

This incident exposes the gendered dimension of communal vigilantism, where women’s bodies and presence become sites of moral policing.

During pre-Christmas celebrations, Christian women were simply wearing Santa caps and walking in a public market in Lajpat Nagar. For that , Hindutva goons harassed them shouting, intimidating, and creating chaos .

This is a public market. Wearing a cap is not a crime.… pic.twitter.com/abDhicCduL

— aree_shuklajii (@th_anonymouse) December 23, 2025

5. Madhya Pradesh: Violence against the most vulnerable

Perhaps the most disturbing incident occurred in Jabalpur, where a visually impaired woman attending a Christmas lunch at Prince of Peace Church was allegedly manhandled and abused by a BJP district office-bearer, who accused the church of converting children. The woman later said, “Celebrating Christmas does not mean I’ve changed my religion” (Indian Express).

That a disabled woman—attending a community meal—could be publicly humiliated under the banner of “conversion vigilance” reveals the moral collapse of this discourse.

6. Kerala: Children attacked for singing carols

In Palakkad, a group of children aged 10–15 singing Christmas carols were attacked; their instruments destroyed. As per Times of India, an RSS worker was arrested, yet the incident sparked attempts to justify the assault through political statements that questioned the legitimacy of the carol group itself.

When even children become targets, the pretence of “protecting culture” collapses entirely. Detailed report may be read here and here.

The Conversion Narrative: A convenient alibi

Across states, one justification recurred relentlessly: allegations of “forced” or “illegal” religious conversion. These claims were often made without evidence, FIRs, or prior complaints—and yet they were sufficient to mobilise mobs, justify vandalism, and silence celebrations.

This narrative performs three functions:

1. Criminalisation of Christian presence—turning festivals, schools, lunches, and carols into suspect activities.
2. Delegitimisation of constitutional rights—suggesting that freedom of religion is conditional and revocable.
3. Moral cover for vigilantism—allowing mobs to act as self-appointed enforcers of cultural purity.

Anti-conversion laws in several states have further blurred the line between lawful regulation and extrajudicial policing, emboldening private actors to assume coercive power over minorities.

State Response: Uneven, reactive, and often silent

As reported by Indian Express and The Times of India, while FIRs were filed in some cases (Raipur, Nagaur), policing was largely reactive rather than preventive. In many incidents, police presence failed to stop intimidation; in others, celebrations were curtailed out of fear.

The silence—or ambiguity—of ruling party leadership at the national level has been particularly conspicuous. Condemnations came primarily from opposition leaders and Christian bodies, including the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, which warned of an “alarming rise” in attacks and demanded protection for worshippers (CBCI statement).

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) and other Christian leaders issued stern condemnations of the incidents. They described multiple attacks — including a viral video from Madhya Pradesh where a visually challenged woman was allegedly harassed — as deeply troubling, undermining India’s constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion and the right to worship without fear. CBCI demanded strict action against offenders and called for visible protection for communities celebrating Christmas. Reported Asia News.

In Mumbai, reports The Times of India the Auxiliary Bishop publicly lamented the “hurt and pain” caused by such attacks, even as here appealed for resilience and unity.

Groups like the Bombay Catholic Sabha condemned what they termed brutal intimidation, urging decisive protection for minority rights during festive seasons.

Political leaders across party lines criticised the incidents:

• Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin called the violence a violation of India’s secular Constitution and urged government action to protect communities, reports The Times of India.
• Kerala Leader of Opposition V.D. Satheesan explicitly blamed Sangh Parivar affiliates for routine obstruction of Christmas events across states, reports ABP Live.
• Shashi Tharoor described various incidents as an “assault on secular tradition,” warning that Christmas 2025 was marked by unprecedented anxiety triggered by intolerance, reports India Today.

A constitutional crisis in slow motion

Article 25 of the Constitution guarantees not only the right to believe, but the right to practice and propagate religion freely—subject only to public order, morality, and health. What unfolded during Christmas 2025 turns this principle on its head: minorities are asked to retreat into invisibility to maintain “order.”

When:

• decorations are vandalised,
• worship is disrupted,
• women are harassed,
• children are attacked,
• schools are raided,

the issue is no longer communal tension—it is constitutional failure.

Religious freedom cannot exist where celebration itself invites violence.

Conclusion: What Christmas 2025 reveals about India today

Christmas 2025 in India has drawn global attention, with international reporting how attacks on Christians have overshadowed festival celebrations and raised concerns about rising intolerance toward religious minorities.

These events stood as a powerful reminder that religious freedom and social harmony require active protection, not merely constitutional guarantee. Attacks on celebrations, mobilisation of cultural majoritarian rhetoric, and repeated disruptions of religious life reveal deep social and political fault lines.

True religious freedom is not merely the absence of formal prohibition, but the presence of safety, mutual respect, and civic equality. Ensuring these values requires not just effective policing and legal reforms, but a broader national commitment to pluralism, empathy, and constitutional values that protect every community’s right to worship and celebrate without fear.

Related:

Free Speech in India 2025: What the Free Speech Collective report reveals about a year of silencing

The ‘Shastra Poojan’ Project: How the ritual of weapon worship is being recast as a tool of power and hate propaganda

Kerala: Protests erupt after RSS-BJP man’s alleged attack on children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

The post Not Merry, Not Free: What the attacks on Christmas say about India’s shrinking pluralism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The peaceful gathering of about 100 people was organised by the Samvidhan Jagar Yatra Samiti (SJYS)  in collaboration with The Bombay Catholic Sabha (BCS), one of the city’s oldest Catholic lay organisations. The protest took place outside Hotel Ratna on S.V. Road, drawing community members, civil society representatives, and concerned citizens who stood silently with placards denouncing hate and religious violence.

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“An attack on the Constitution itself”

Organisers said the protest was not merely about individual incidents, but about a broader pattern of hostility against Christians during one of their most significant religious periods.

“Such attacks are not isolated law-and-order issues. They strike at the heart of our Constitution — at the freedom of conscience, the right to profess and practise religion, and the right to worship without fear,” wrote Dolphy D’Souza, spokesperson of the Bombay Catholic Sabha, while inviting people to join the protest. President BCS Norbert Mendonca said it was the beginning of a systematic campaign on the issue. Norbert Mendonca, president, BCS said that this was the start of a campaign on the issue.

Placards at the site referenced constitutional values, religious freedom, and the need for state accountability, while deliberately avoiding slogans or speeches, underscoring the silent and dignified nature of the protest.

Among the prominent faces present were Prof Arvind Nigle, Sridhar Shelar and Iqbal Shaikh, convenors of SJYS, former corporator, Shiv Sena (UBT), Samir Desai and Teesta Setalvad, human rights activist.

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Passersby stop, read, respond

What made the protest particularly striking was the spontaneous engagement it drew from the public. Women on scooters slowed down, pedestrians stopped mid-walk, commuters paused to read the placards, and several expressed solidarity with the cause.

1 of 3

According to organisers, many passersby quietly acknowledged the protesters, some offering words of encouragement, others simply folding their hands or nodding in approval. The peaceful street protest of the demonstrators appeared to invite reflection rather than confrontation — a deliberate choice, organisers said, in a climate increasingly marked by polarising rhetoric.

Photographs from the protest capture these moments: about a 100 citizens standing still in a bustling Mumbai street withmessages against hate, as some passerby seemed visibly moved by the gravity of the issue.

Christmas season under shadow

Over the past week, multiple reports from different parts of the country have documented disruptions of Christmas prayers, vandalism of churches, intimidation of worshippers, and threats issued in the name of preventing “forced conversions.” Christian groups have warned that such actions are becoming increasingly normalised, often occurring with little immediate intervention.

Detailed reports of these attacks may be read here and here.

Friday’s protest sought to draw attention to this pattern, emphasising that religious freedom is not a concession granted by the state, but a fundamental right guaranteed to every citizen. The organisers stressed that the protest was as much a call to citizens as it was to authorities.

Related:

Free Speech in India 2025: What the Free Speech Collective report reveals about a year of silencing

The ‘Shastra Poojan’ Project: How the ritual of weapon worship is being recast as a tool of power and hate propaganda

Kerala: Protests erupt after RSS-BJP man’s alleged attack on children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

The post Peaceful street protest in Mumbai condemns Christmas-time attacks on Christians across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Clearly emboldened by some recent poll gains by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in local elections in the state, RSS-BJP worker Aswin Raj allegedly assaulted the children who participated in the carol and damaged their musical instrument. The band used by the carol group belonged to the CPI (M) area committee. The state police have promptly arrested Mr. Raj following a complaint.

This attack on Christians follows a ghastly incident of lynching of a Muslim migrant labour in Kerala on December 13. Reports of this may be read here.

Protest carols by DYFI

In a strong condemnation of the attack, the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) –affiliated to the CPI-M- has announced that it would organise protest carols across the district. All 2,500 DYFI units celebrate through protest carols, the youth organisation said. Challenging the RSS and the BJP to prevent or disrupt the protest carols, the DYFI warned that it would “respond in an appropriate manner.”

In a questionable reaction, the BJP State vice-president C. Krishnakumar justified the attack, claiming that the carol was organised by the CPI (M) area committee and that the participants were intoxicated. He alleged that the members of the carol group had “deliberately attempted to create trouble.” The BJP leader’s remarks have drawn sharp criticism. Describing Krishnakumar as “the Praveen Togadia of Palakkad,” the DYFI said he had “exposed his true communal face.”

Meanwhile, Palakkad Bishop Mar Peter Kochupurackal condemned the attack, saying he hoped that “those responsible will handle the matter legally.”

The Congress—at loggerheads with the CPI-M otherwise, has described the attack as the BJP’s “natural response to its failure to secure the expected support from the Christian community” in the recent civic body elections. It termed the incident “an attack on communal harmony” and demanded that those responsible be brought to book.

The police said Mr. Raj was already facing charges under the Kerala Anti-Social Activities (Prevention) Act (KAAPA). He has now been booked under various sections, including those relating to causing hurt and promoting communal violence.

Related:

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

‘Brutal intimidation of Christians’ all India condemned: Bombay Catholic Sabha

The post Kerala: Protests erupt after RSS-BJP man’s alleged attack on children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The statement says that “there are videos galore of such tactics by right wing actors and actresses and some belonging to the ruling party.” One such video is attached (in the BCS’ spokesperson Dolphy D’souza’s social media post) showcasing such shameful tactics. The organization has already brought this to the attention of Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi, “seeking his intervention to stop this madness.”

Besides, the organization that represents close to 70,000 Catholics in the Mumbai region has also, through the social media, drawn attention to the serious matter of spiralling attacks against Christians, of Rahul Gandhi, Leader of Opposition, Ms Mamta Banerjee,TMC , Akhilesh Yadav, Samajwadi Party, Sharad Pawar , NCP (Sharad Pawar), Uddhav Thackeray, Shiv Sena (UBT), M. K. Stalin, DMK and. Pinarayi Vijayan of the CPI (M) for their immediate attention and intervention. The BCS has also tagged Chief Minister (CM), Maharashtra, Devendra Fadnavis pointing out that there were incidents of attacks of Christians in Maharashtra too during 2025.

To Fadavis, BCS has urged that he ensures that Christians in Mumbai, Maharashtra have a peaceful Christmas season. Police need to be instructed to strictly ensure enforcement of rule of law equally for all. We demand that such goonda elements responsible for such tactics must be arrested and prosecuted.

Dear Hon’ble Prime Minister,
Merry Christmas
This video of attacks on Christians during the Christmas season anguishes & pains all citizens.
We seek yr immediate intervention to prevent such atrocities. https://t.co/WnEseiAQMG @narendramodi @PMOIndia @AmitShah @Dev_Fadnavis

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Dear Hon’ble Rahul Gandhi, LoP,
Merry Christmas.
Need your intervention to stop this brutal and intimidating madness! @RahulGandhi @kharge @SoniaGandhiiINC @priyankagandhi @chennithala @kcvenugopalmp @DrAMSinghvi @Jairam_Ramesh @thecaravanindia @thewire_in @scroll_in https://t.co/aee04DyO36

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Dear Hon’ble C.M. Mr. Devendra Fadnavis
Merry Christmas
There hv been incidents of Anti- Christian violence in Maharashtra during this year. We urge you this Christmas season, the police are instructed to ensure that Christians are able to celebrate peacefully. @Dev_Fadnavis https://t.co/aee04DyO36

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Citizens for Justice and Peace (cjp.org.in) has, over the past few days been highlighting these systemic attacks against Christians especially in Delhi, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. These can be read here.

Related:

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

Documenting a national pattern of vigilantism & targeted action against minorities

The post ‘Brutal intimidation of Christians’ all India condemned: Bombay Catholic Sabha appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Relentless attacks carried out by right-wing outfits inside churches in Madhya Pradesh, resulting in violence, have surfaced this week ahead of Christmas. On Monday, December 22, a controversy over alleged religious conversion of visually impaired students escalated into a political flashpoint in Jabalpur after a video surfaced showing a local BJP functionary in a physical altercation with a visually impaired woman inside church premises.

The incident occurred at a church located behind Hawabagh Women’s College, where members of several right-wing organisations, accompanied by BJP district vice-president Anju Bhargava, entered the premises alleging that visually impaired children were being coerced into religious conversion. The allegations triggered a confrontation inside the church, culminating in scenes later captured on mobile phones and widely circulated on social media.

Viral footage available on social media shows Bhargava confronting a visually impaired woman seated inside the church. At one point, Bhargava is seen violently holding the woman’s face and engaging in a heated exchange. At this point, the woman responds by grabbing and twisting Bhargava’s arm, repeatedly asking her not to touch her and to speak without physical contact. Other people present intervene as tempers flare, following which police arrive at the spot and defuse the situation.

Meanwhile, in Odisha, lumpens on the loose are evident in a social media that shows a group of men bullied and arm twisted street vendors in Odisha, objecting to their sale of Santa hats on the occasion of Christmas. A video of this assault has gone viral on social media. It shows the men getting out of a white car, with one of them – dressed in an all-yellow ensemble – asking the vendors where they are from, what their religion is, before shouting at them for selling the hats.

The Video may be viewed here

This is what BJP’s ‘New India’ looks like in 2025. A de facto ban on Christmas in Odisha, enforced by mobs emboldened by power.

Poor roadside vendors selling Santa hats are being harassed, bullied, and threatened by self-appointed custodians of religion who arrogantly declare… pic.twitter.com/c2avKGB0Jz

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) December 23, 2025

In Delhi too, Bajrang Dal goons were seen abusing women who sported Santa hats

In Odisha, a group of men questioned street vendors in Odisha for selling Santa hats. In Delhi’s Lajpat Nagar, the Bajrang Dal cornered women and children in Santa caps, accusing them of attempting to convert people. In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur, a BJP leader harassed a visually… pic.twitter.com/kuvJwzVa84

— Spot On (@Spotnews_media) December 23, 2025

According to police officials, related to the attacks in Madhya Pradesh –specifically the one at Hawabagh National College—the gathering involved visually impaired students who had been invited for a meal as part of Christmas-related charitable outreach by members of the Christian community. The students told officials that they had been brought from a government-run hostel for lunch and prayers, and denied any attempt at religious conversion. “At this stage, there is no evidence of forced conversion. Statements of the students are being recorded,” a senior police officer said, adding that the children were safely sent back after the commotion.

This has not deterred right-wing organisations from “lodging a complaint”, questioning how students from a government hostel were taken to a religious site without prior intimation to authorities. They have also alleged that prayers conducted at the venue were exclusively Christian in nature and claimed that non-vegetarian food was served.

This is the second such incident in Jabalpur this week. On Sunday morning, December 21, a prayer service at a church in Madhotal descended into mayhem after members of a right-wing organisation entered the premises, leading to violent confrontations and multiple detentions. The confrontation occurred around 11 am at a church near Shiv Shakti Nagar, where a prayer meeting was underway. What began as questioning about the size and composition of the congregation quickly escalated into physical violence, with chairs thrown and slogans shouted inside the place of worship.

Members of the Hindu Seva Parishad allege they approached the church after receiving information about an unusually large gathering that included attendees from outside districts. They claim they were questioning potential religious conversion activities when violence erupted.

Worshippers present at the service tell a markedly different story. They assert that 15 to 20 young men forcibly entered the church during prayers, chanting “Jai Shri Ram” and creating panic among the congregation.  According to media reports Jitendra Barman, who was present during the incident, stated: “Worship of the Lord happens in the church, not conversion. For years, people have been coming here of their own will and praying. Today when the prayer meeting was going on, young men barged in shouting. They assaulted women and children.”

Police said several youths were detained for creating a disturbance, and investigators are working to establish the sequence of events based on testimonies from both sides.

Senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai has tweeted this on X:

Have been receiving a few videos of Christians being threatened ahead of Xmas. This verified video has shocked and angered me. A BJP district vice president Anju Bhargav assaulted and abused a visually impaired girl in MP’s Jabalpur, claiming she was enabling ‘religious… pic.twitter.com/2O4k1eqX9b

— Rajdeep Sardesai (@sardesairajdeep) December 23, 2025

Related:

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

Christians face escalating attacks as far-right Hindu groups intensify persecution

Tensions rise as Chhattisgarh sees frequent attacks on Christians

The post MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the news report, Additional District Judge Saurabh Dwivedi also directed that the case be categorised as “most important” and heard on a daily basis. The Court also directed the prosecution to record evidence in the case at the earliest. The case will be heard next on January 6.

Akhlaq (50) was lynched by a mob over rumours of alleged cow slaughter and storing its meat at his home in Dadri’s Bisada village on September 28, 2015. This lynching, among the most prominent to dot the Modi era in Indian politics had caused a national outrage at the time.

Citizens for Justice and Peace has tracked the case closely and in this detailed legal overview questioned the state’s motive to withdraw the case, a decade after the shameful and ghastly lynching at Dadri in Western Uttar Pradesh. This analysis may be read here.

On October 15, the UP government had moved an application to withdraw prosecution in the case, citing reasons from ranged from allegedly “inconsistent statements by Akhlaq’s relatives” in naming the accused; the fact that no firearm or sharp weapon was recovered from the accused, to the lack of any enmity or hostility recorded between the accused and the victim.

Yesterday, the Indian Express had reported that the UP government has now made essentially the same argument that two of the accused had presented earlier. The Indian Express reported Monday that in its application to withdraw the case against the men accused of lynching Mohammad Akhlaq, the Uttar Pradesh government has made essentially the same argument that two of the accused had presented when they applied successfully for bail more than eight years ago

On September 28, 2015, a mob gathered outside his house after an announcement from the village temple alleged that he had slaughtered a cow. Akhlaq and his son Danish, who tried to intervene, were dragged out of their home and assaulted until they fell unconscious. Akhlaq later died at a Noida hospital, while Danish survived after suffering severe head injuries and undergoing major surgery.

Police had registered an FIR at Jarcha police station under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC ) 302 (murder), 307 (attempt to murder), 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting with deadly weapon), 149 (unlawful assembly), 323 (assault), 504 (intentional insult to disturb peace), among others, based on a complaint by Akhlaq’s wife, Ikraman.

The state police filed the charge sheet on December 23, 2015, before the magistrate court in Surajpur, naming 15 people, including a minor, in connection with the lynching. All the accused are currently out on bail. However, the charge sheet had not specifically mentioned cow meat, as the final forensic report was not available at the time.

Related:

The Lynching of Mohammed Akhlaq

Victims of Gautankwad: Pehlu Khan

Victims of Gautankwad: Alimuddin Ansari

Lynched in India

The post Dadri lynching: UP Court rejects state govt plea to withdraw charges against Akhlaq murder accused appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This is a macabre repeat of three years ago. In November 2022, in the same region, an elderly Christian woman, Chaitibai, in Krutola village, Chhattisgarh, was denied burial space by village authorities, forcing her son to use family land.^[1]The family had initially been denied access to the village cemetery and was directed to bury the deceased on their own land. Subsequently, villagers and local political leaders attempted to exhume the body using a tractor, but the police prevented this attempt. The following day, however, the police themselves exhumed the body and reburied it in the Christian graveyard in Anantgarh pursuant to the orders of the District Collector.

A press release of the United Christian Forum has expressed alarm at the ongoing situation in Chhattisgarh. All these cases follow a documented pattern of violence and hostility against Tribal Christians.

Cases in Chhattisgarh, Odisha^[3], and Jharkhand reveal coordinated intimidation. Burials are becoming contentious and politically charged. Grieving families are forced to face violent mobs, forced exhumations and forced conversions of faith.

The United Christian Forum recorded 23 burial-related incidents (19 in Chhattisgarh, 2 in Jharkhand, and one each in Odisha and West Bengal) in 2025, whereas 2024 saw around 40 such cases (30 in Chhattisgarh, 6 in Jharkhand, and others in Bihar and Karnataka).One recent report also describes Christians being denied burial rights on ancestral land and a climate of fear among pastors and converts.^[4]

Most affected villages do not have designated Christian burial grounds, and historically shared communal graveyards have increasingly been treated as Hindu-only spaces. Families attempting to bury their dead within the village face opposition, even where they have buried relatives for generations. Where Christian only graveyards exist, they are often located far from tribal settlements.

Additionally, families frequently lack access to a mortuary, transport, or time to undertake legal procedures while a body is decomposing at home. This Practical hardship often prevents immediate complaint-making, which in turn allows authorities to record “no dispute”.

Among the recent Cases:

• In January 2025, villagers obstructed the burial of Ramesh Baghel, a Scheduled Caste Christian. With no relief from the High Court, his son approached the Supreme Court but was forced to bury him outside the village.^[5]

• In November 2025, villagers in Jewartala of Balod district in Chhattisgarh refused to allow the burial of Raman Sahu, a Christian convert, claiming that only “traditional” village rites were permissible. Just weeks earlier in Koderkurse, Kanker district, Chhattisgarh, another Christian man’s body was turned away from multiple villages for three days, with police unable to secure a burial site.^[6]

The UCF also states that “there have also been numerous instances of Ghar Wapsi and violence.^[7]The media has, over the years, documented Hindu nationalist groups in Bastar, Chhattisgarh, pressuring Adivasi Christians to “reconvert,” including a filmed ceremony led by a local BJP leader. One recent report also describes a climate of fear among pastors and converts.^[8]” 

Recent Cases

• In Nabarangpur district, a mob blocked the burial of 20-year-old Saravan Gond after his family refused to abandon Christianity. Even in the presence of officials, agitators declared Christians had “no right” to burial in the village, assaulted female relatives, and later forced the family to exhume the body themselves. After the burial site was vandalised, the family fled for safety. Saravan’s remains have since disappeared, and despite a formal complaint on 28 April 2025, the police have taken no action^.[9]

• On November 2, 13-year-old Sunita from Brehebeda in Narayanpur district, Chhattisgarh died of typhoid; when her body returned home, villagers blocked a Christian burial and insisted on traditional Adivasi rites. Her brother Manupotai said the family was told a burial on village land would be allowed only if they abandoned Christianity. Sunita was ultimately buried that evening far from Brehebeda, at a burial ground near the Narayanpur district centre, roughly 10 km away. ^[10]

Similarly in Odisha, independent fact-finding teams recorded at least 10 cases of burial denial between 2022 and 2025 across Nabarangpur, Balasore and Gajapati, along with associated exhumations,^[11]forced reconversions and assaults.^[12]Fact-finding team also reported access to community land for Christians. ^[13]

Other recent Cases:

• In Nabrangpur, Odisha, India, after a person named Keshav Santa died on 2 March 2025, villagers blocked his burial solely because his son is a Christian. Even burial on the family’s own land was denied unless they reconverted to Hinduism. The police and the local Revenue Officer arrived but took no action. Keshav’s son was ultimately forced to announce he was leaving Christianity before burial was permitted on 9 March. In the weeks that followed, the family was subjected to punitive water and electricity cuts and sustained harassment by villagers. Instead of protecting them, local authorities then issued a “breach of peace” notice against the Christian family itself, effectively charging the grieving victims while ignoring those who threatened and coerced them.^[14]

• In October 2024, in Menjar village, Nabarangpur district, Odisha, India, the family of 27-year-old Dalit Christian Madhu Harijan was prevented by non-Christian villagers from burying him in the common graveyard. Villagers demanded that his body first be “converted to Hinduism”, and a mob reportedly conducted a shuddhiritual over the corpse. When the family and the local Christian priest approached authorities, the Umerkote tehsildar suggested burial in a distant Christian-majority village instead. After a two-day stand-off during which the body began to decompose, the family, under pressure, agreed to the Hindu villagers’ conditions.^[15]

Hate Speech: Exclusion of Tribal Christians from Constitutional Protections

Calls to delist Christian tribals from the Scheduled Tribe status are creating fear and division in states like Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Odisha and Rajasthan. Organisations such as the Janjati Suraksha Manch (JSM) have held large rallies urging that tribal communities who adopt Christianity or Islam be stripped of Scheduled Tribe protections, framing conversion as abandonment of “tribal identity.” ^[16]

These campaigns insist that conversion leads to the “loss of tribal identity,” even though tribal status in the Constitution is not tied to religion. Field reports show that these campaigns have contributed to unprecedented violence, excommunication, and coercion. On the other hand, no similar objection is raised when tribals adopt Hindu practices, exposing the selective and discriminatory nature of the movement.

Many Adivasi Christians fear that being pushed to use these Christian-only burial sites will later be used to challenge their Scheduled Tribe identity and demand their “delisting,”.

UCF: Larger Context of Violence against Christians in India

• Between 2014 and 2024, incidents of violence against Christians rose from 139 to 834, reflecting an alarming increase of more than 500% over a single decade. The total number of documented incidents across this 12-year period reached 4,959 cases, affecting Christian individuals, families, and institutions nationwide.
• There are over 700 incidents in 2025 (Jan-November) affecting families, churches, schools, hospitals, and service organisations. Vulnerable communities impacted: Dalit Christians, women, and tribal Christians.
• And just two states, Uttar Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, account for 48% of all violence.
• Only 45 FIRs or criminal complaints were registered against members of the mob, despite nearly 580 incidents being recorded in 2025, resulting in 93% of incidents going unpunished due to administrative inaction and victims’ fear of retaliation.
• 230 FIRs were filed against Christians, out of which 155 were under the Anti–conversion laws, and 800+ people went behind bars.
• The two states with the highest number of wrongful arrests of Christians under anti-conversion laws are Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. In Uttar Pradesh alone, since the law came into effect in 2020 and up to October 2025, more than 350 FIRs have been registered, resulting in the arrest of over 1,000 individuals.

Finally, the organisation states that “this extreme violence and hostility at the time of bereavement in the family is a reminder that all is not well in the country.  No family should be met with intimidation, assault, or threats in their time of grief because of their faith. The recent incidents, where Christian families have been blocked from burying their loved ones, forced to bury outside their villages, or even compelled to exhume bodies under pressure, show how grief and vulnerability can be weaponised.”

The government’s first obligation is to protect life, liberty, and dignity, especially when a family is most vulnerable. If police and local authorities cannot ensure a lawful, peaceful burial and instead allow mobs to dictate who may grieve and how. The State, by failing to protect communities, is enabling impunity.

The UCF has called on the governments of Chhattisgarh and Odisha to:

• Implement a time-bound compensation and rehabilitation plan for displaced Tribal Christians, including land restitution, rebuilding of homes, and livelihood support.
• Direct the State Director General of Police to initiate departmental action against police personnel who fail to prevent or respond to violence against religious minorities.
• Direct every Gram Panchayat and urban local body to identify, notify, and maintain a “common graveyard” area that is religion-neutral and accessible to all residents, including converts and minority communities. The allotment should be backed by written land demarcation, public signage, and entry in local land records, with a clear protocol that no burial may be obstructed by private actors or mobs.
• Designate a nodal officer at the district level to ensure immediate police protection during funerals where tensions are anticipated, and any attempt to block a lawful burial or exhume remains should trigger prompt criminal action and disciplinary proceedings for official inaction.

Related:

Escalating violence sparks concerns as attacks targeting Christians surge in Chhattisgarh

Telangana: Christian cemetery attacked a week after Dalit Churchgoers were attacked

Assam: Hindutva group issues ultimatums to Christian-run schools

Christian prayer hall attacked in Karnataka

2022: A Look back at hate crimes against Dalits and Adivasis

CJP writes to Minorities Commission over attacks on churches

Kawardha communal violence: CJP petitions DGP to take certain action against perpetrators

The post No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the latest available data, in 2024 alone, a comprehensive survey by India Hate Lab (IHL) documented 1,165 in-person hate-speech events targeting religious minorities across India, marking a 74.4 percent rise from the 668 incidents recorded in 2023. A significant number of these incidents occurred in states governed by the ruling coalition, underlining the geographic and political concentration of communal hate mobilisation. Many of these hate-speech events including rallies, processions, public speeches, and nationalist gatherings were accompanied by social-media amplification, transforming offline aggression into widely visible and shared public spectacle. At the same time, India is entering a high-stakes electoral cycle in 2025–2026, with state assembly elections scheduled in key states such as Delhi, Bihar, Assam, Kerala, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Puducherry. This convergence of rising hate speech, online amplification and election-era mobilisation has created a volatile environment in which ordinary citizens increasingly act as self-appointed enforcers of identity and morality, often targeting religious minorities under the guise of vigilante zeal. Reported NDTV.

These dynamics now play out not only through speeches or online rhetoric, but through direct interference in everyday life. Across markets, highways, neighbourhoods, schools and private homes, civilians have increasingly taken on roles that mimic policing functions. They stop individuals from demanding proof of citizenship or religious identity, supervise what businesses may sell or display, disrupt prayer gatherings inside homes or churches, compel public chanting of religious slogans, and enforce boycotts against minority traders. In several cases, these acts escalate into physical violence, public humiliation, or forced displacement. The presence of cameras and mobile phones has added another layer to the intimidation; confrontations are recorded and circulated as proof of ideological performance, converting harassment into spectacle. Police responses frequently blur the line between enforcement and endorsement, with officers either standing by during mob action, detaining victims after vigilante complaints, or acting only once public pressure mounts. Within this landscape, the distinction between civilian vigilantism and state authority weakens, leaving targets without clear avenues of protection while aggressors operate with growing confidence that their actions fall within tolerated political behaviour.

The incidents documented across states fall broadly into six categories: vigilante violence; economic harassment and boycott; raids on prayer meetings; identity policing and forced slogans; evictions and demolitions; and patterns of state response and police complicity.

Vigilante violence

Across states, groups identifying themselves as cow-protection or majoritarian outfits have moved from episodic intimidation to repeated physical enforcement on public roads, markets and transit routes. These actions take several common forms. Perpetrators intercept transporters and vendors, they detain and humiliate people on the spot, they physically assault those who resist, and they record and circulate the confrontation to amplify the act. The incidents collected here show that such attacks are not isolated. They recur in different states, follow similar scripts, and often end with victims being punished while perpetrators face little immediate consequence.

In Maharashtra on September 24, 2025, two cattle transporters – one Hindu and one Muslim – were intercepted and assaulted; a later video shows the victims forced to apologise as their cattle were taken away. In Sambhajinagar on November 10, 2025, a vigilante named Shobhraj Patil is recorded slapping and kicking a Muslim cattle transporter and verbally abusing others who were made to sit on the ground; other Bajrang Dal members restrained Patil only after the violence escalated. On November 12, 2025, In Balikuda, Jagatsinghpur, members of the Bajrang Dal and Hindu Sena entered a Muslim neighbourhood armed with sticks and, following their complaint, police confiscated meat for “investigation”; there is no contemporaneous record of action against the groups that forced entry.

Vigilante attacks also target traders. On November 2, 2025 in Ludhiana, Gau Raksha Dal members raided a biryani shop on beef allegations, detained the owner and handed him to police. In Hisar on November 4, 2025, a Bajrang Dal activist identified by local reporting assaulted a meat vendor for opening on a Tuesday and forced the vendor to chant “Jai Shri Ram,” an episode that was filmed and circulated – The Tribune reported. In Indore on November 10, 2025, Members of the Bajrang Dal assaulted a Muslim gym trainer after seeing him driving with a Hindu woman, accusing him of “luring” Hindu women. Despite the woman defending him and no formal complaint being lodged by her, the police allegedly transferred the case between police stations citing jurisdiction issues and ultimately sent the gym trainer to jail under restrictive legal sections. No reported police action against the vigilante attackers was available at the time of documentation.

The interplay between vigilante coercion and state action is evident in Damoh, Madhya Pradesh. On November 2, 2025, following pressure from far-right groups and cow vigilantes, police publicly paraded nine Muslim men accused of cow slaughter, despite statements from local butchers that the animal involved was a buffalo. In the local butcher market, vigilantes allegedly attacked with sticks while accusing traders of cow slaughter, leading to clashes. Police action was taken only against the Muslim men, who were jailed under provisions of the Animal Cruelty Act, even as officials later described the slaughtered animal as a buffalo calf. No action against the vigilante attackers was reported at the time of documentation. That sequence shows how vigilante pressure can shape law enforcement responses and how public parading becomes a tool of humiliation rather than a neutral investigatory procedure.

Legally these incidents implicate offences such as assault, criminal intimidation, trespass and unlawful assembly. These attacks also raise serious constitutional concerns about arbitrary deprivation of liberty when arrests follow vigilante complaints rather than independent police inquiry. The recorded habit of filming and broadcasting confrontations converts private violence into public spectacle, and that publicity frequently insulates perpetrators by forcing rapid public narratives that favour the aggressors. Across the documented cases, police responses range from delayed intervention to actions that appear to prioritise complaints lodged by vigilante groups rather than protecting those they have attacked. That pattern underlines why vigilante violence in the present period cannot be treated as random crime. It must be understood as a coordinated set of practices that enforce ideological norms through force, humiliation and selective use of formal law enforcement.

Harassment, Economic Intimidation and Boycott

Across multiple states, economic life has become a stage for enforcing majoritarian identity rules. Markets, roadside stalls and ordinary workplaces have turned into sites where Hindutva groups and sympathisers dictate who may trade, which foods may be sold, what symbols may be displayed and how Muslim vendors must present themselves in order to remain in business. These interventions do not involve claims of law and order. They operate through intimidation, accusations of deception and appeals to communal purity, all of which seek to restrict the economic presence of Muslims in public spaces. The incidents recorded here show that harassment often comes first, followed by pressure on police or local authorities to legitimise the exclusion.

In Ludhiana on November 2 2025, members of the Gau Raksha Dal stormed a biryani shop, accused the shopkeeper of selling beef and detained him before handing him to police. The manner of the raid reflects a broader trend in which Hindutva groups conduct their own inspections and arrests, treating Muslim-run establishments as inherently suspect while assuming the authority to punish on the spot. Police treatment of the incident focused on the allegation of beef sale rather than the unlawful detention and intimidation carried out by the vigilantes.

Economic policing is even more overt in Dehradun, where on November 14 2025, Kali Sena leaders publicly confronted a Muslim contractor who managed a dry-fruit stall. The men accused him of engaging in what they termed “mungfali jihad,” claiming that Hindu vendors and a calendar displaying a Hindu deity were being used to deceive customers. The language deployed in the confrontation draws directly from Hindutva propaganda that imagines Muslim economic activity as a covert threat. No action was taken on the leaders who staged the intimidation, although the harassment was filmed and circulated.

In Mapusa, Goa, on  October 3, 2025 far-right men harassed a Muslim shopkeeper and his staff, insisting that they present themselves as visibly Muslim by adopting green colour, changing their names and refraining from touching the picture of a Hindu deity displayed in the shop. That episode shows how Hindutva surveillance extends into everyday bodily behaviour and demands that Muslims perform identity as perceived by majoritarian norms. The threats were issued in the presence of staff and customers, yet there is no record of police intervention.

In Delhi’s Gokulpuri area on November 27, 2025, Hindu nationalist supporters forcibly shut down meat shops on the grounds that a temple was nearby. The idea that Muslim vendors should not operate in proximity to Hindu religious sites has become a recurring argument in Hindutva campaigns that seek to push Muslims out of mixed localities. The forced closures left vendors without income for the day and reinforced the message that their right to livelihood is conditional on the whims of majoritarian groups rather than equal protection under law.

These incidents illustrate a pattern in which economic activity becomes an arena for enforcing communal boundaries. They reflect a deliberate strategy within Hindutva politics to curtail Muslim economic visibility and participation. The absence of police action against harassers and the willingness of authorities to act on vigilante complaints further institutionalise these informal boycotts. Through repeated intimidation and public humiliation, these groups attempt to reshape markets into spaces that mirror and reinforce majoritarian social control.

Raids on Prayer Meetings and the Criminalisation of Christian Worship

Across several states, Christian prayer gatherings have become one of the most visible targets of Hindutva surveillance, reflecting a climate in which routine worship is increasingly cast as suspicious activity. Civil society reports show that the portrayal of Christians as agents of coercive conversion has become a central plank of Hindutva mobilisation, creating an atmosphere where even small home-based gatherings are vulnerable to intrusion and violence. This narrative has normalised vigilante entry into private spaces and produced situations where state institutions appear more responsive to the allegations of disruptors than to the rights of Christians who are attacked.

The incidents documented here show three recurring elements. Hindutva groups repeatedly enter private houses to disrupt worship, often accompanied by assault or the burning of religious books, as seen in Rohtak where, November 9, 2025 Christian participants were beaten and their Bibles burnt. These forced entries are justified through claims of “illegal conversion,” a narrative that has gained wide circulation in political speeches and local mobilisation campaigns, reinforcing the idea that Christian worship should be monitored rather than protected. The allegations themselves become tools that shift suspicion onto victims, making the act of prayer appear as evidence of wrongdoing.

A second pattern emerges through state response. In Rohtak, police allegedly questioned the victims rather than the perpetrators and later monitored their calls, reflecting a deeper institutional assumption that those who pray are the ones who require investigation rather than protection. This inversion of victim and accused also appears in Uttar Pradesh, where on November 16, 2025 members of the Bajrang Dal raided a Christian prayer meeting, alleging that illegal religious conversions were taking place. They claimed that poor Hindu women were being offered money to convert to Christianity. Following their complaint, police reached the location and arrested three individuals on charges related to unlawful religious conversion. No action against the vigilante group was reported. Similar patterns have been documented nationally wherever anti-conversion rhetoric is deployed to justify interference in Christian worship.

A third pattern concerns how the state frames these incidents. When on November 8, 2025 Hindu nationalist groups confronted a Christian gathering in Korba, Chhattisgarh, the disruption escalated into clashes after outsiders entered the residence and accused attendees of conversion. Official accounts framed the situation as a two-sided confrontation, obscuring the fact that the meeting was peaceful until disrupted. This framing aligns with rhetorical strategies that recast minority communities as sources of instability, even when they are the ones targeted.

In Agra, on November 23, 2025 members of the VHP–Bajrang Dal raided a private Christian prayer meeting and filed complaints alleging inducement to convert. Police detained a man and several women for questioning but did not act against the raiding group, entrenching the perception that majoritarian actors can intrude upon religious spaces with impunity. This is consistent with research showing that police often absorb the assumptions of vigilantes, reinforcing structural bias in how minority religious practice is policed.

Taken together, these episodes reveal a pattern in which prayer is treated as potential evidence, faith is framed as a threat and Christian worship becomes subject to the approval of hostile majoritarian actors. Hindutva groups position themselves as regulators of religious life, while police responses often validate their claims through investigation of the victims and neglect of the perpetrators. The result is a message that Christian communities can neither rely on privacy in their own homes nor on equal protection from the state.

Forced Slogans and Identity Policing

A striking feature of the current wave of communal hostility is the policing of Muslim identity in everyday spaces. These incidents do not involve allegations of crime or conversion. They revolve around humiliation, coercion and the demand that Muslims publicly affirm majoritarian slogans as proof of loyalty. National reports show that such practices have increased alongside online hate campaigns that dehumanise Muslims and frame them as permanent outsiders requiring discipline. The pattern is not incidental. It reflects a deliberate cultural project in which asserting Hindu nationalist symbols becomes a test of citizenship.

The confrontation of a Muslim fruit vendor on October 25, 2025 in Doimukh, Arunachal Pradesh, where locals accused him of being Bangladeshi and demanded NRC documentation, illustrates how identity policing collapses into racial profiling and suspicion of illegality. Research shows that “Bangladeshi” rhetoric has frequently been used to target Bengali-speaking Muslims, turning documentation status into a tool of exclusion . The vendor was forced to close his stall despite no official verification, demonstrating how communal assumptions override legal process.

Forced sloganeering further reveals the psychological dimension of this violence. In Uttarakhand, a Muslim cleric was stopped on the road and threatened when he refused to chant “Jai Shri Ram,” a moment intended to remind him of his vulnerability in public space. India Today reported that in UP, on November 25, 2025 an elderly Muslim cab driver, Mohammad Rais, was harassed near the Taj Mahal parking area by a group of young men who demanded that he chant “Jai Shri Ram.” When he initially refused, the men threatened him. The incident was filmed and later circulated on social media. Local police at Tajganj Police Station registered an FIR and said they are investigating the video evidence, though no arrests had been made at the time of the report.

Identity policing functions as a low-threshold form of violence. It does not require large groups or organised campaigns. It relies on the everyday assertion of dominance, the demand for symbolic compliance and the threat of punishment for refusal. These incidents demonstrate how Hindu nationalist mobilisation penetrates ordinary life. The pressure to chant slogans, produce documents or justify one’s presence signals a shift in which Muslim identity is treated as suspicious unless actively performed in ways that satisfy majoritarian expectations.

Evictions and Demolitions as Instruments of Displacement.

The most far-reaching form of exclusion documented in this period appears in state-led eviction and demolition drives. These actions are carried out through legal and administrative mechanisms, yet their impact falls overwhelmingly on Muslim communities, raising questions about selective enforcement and the absence of safeguards. Research on eviction patterns in Assam and Gujarat has shown that state narratives of encroachment often overlap with political rhetoric that casts certain communities as illegitimate occupants.

In Goalpara, Assam, more than 580 Bengali-origin Muslim families were displaced during a large-scale eviction operation in the Dahikata Reserve Forest on 9 November (Incident 17). Officials stated that the drive was aimed at addressing human-elephant conflict and was conducted pursuant to Gauhati High Court directions, and notices were reportedly issued fifteen days earlier. Heavy machinery entered the area under substantial police presence and demolished remaining structures. No immediate rehabilitation or resettlement measures were announced, leaving hundreds without shelter. Protests were minimal and swiftly contained, with some residents detained. Reporting from the region CNN has noted that eviction drives disproportionately affect Bengali-origin Muslim settlements and often lack clear post-eviction planning.

The Wire reported that in Gujarat’s Gir Somnath district, demolitions on 10 November focused on Muslim-owned homes, shops and a dargah (Incident 18). While several structures were removed without resistance, the attempt to demolish the dargah triggered confrontation. Residents opposed the demolition, leading to clashes with police who used crowd-control measures to disperse them. No rehabilitation measures were reported for those who lost homes or commercial property. Coverage from previous years shows a sustained pattern of demolitions in the region that disproportionately target Muslim religious structures.

A second demolition sequence that same day saw tensions escalate further when locals attempted to prevent the removal of another dargah near the Somnath Temple area. Police responded with lathi charges and tear gas and arrested thirteen people who were later paraded publicly (Incident 19). Authorities described all demolished structures as illegal constructions on government land. Details of any resettlement process were absent.

These cases demonstrate how eviction functions not only as an administrative measure but also as a tool of dispossession when applied without safeguards or rehabilitation. The selective concentration of demolition activity in Muslim neighbourhoods reinforces perceptions that state power is being deployed unevenly.

State Complicity and Biased Policing

CNN reported that across multiple states, the line between vigilante activity and state response becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish. The incidents documented here show repeated patterns in which police act on the allegations of vigilante groups while neglecting the rights of the victims. Human rights analyses have noted that policing in communal situations often reflects underlying majoritarian assumptions, leading to disproportionate scrutiny of minorities and minimal accountability for aggressors. This dynamic is visible in cases involving Christians, Muslims and those accused of violating religious norms.

In Rohtak, Haryana, on November 9, 2025 police reportedly interrogated Christian victims after an Arya Samaj group assaulted them, burnt their Bibles and injured a pastor during a prayer meeting. Rather than treating the attack as a criminal intrusion into a private residence, officers shifted attention onto the victims and monitored their phones. This reflects a broader pattern identified by rights organisations, where anti-conversion rhetoric shapes police behaviour and legitimises scrutiny of Christian gatherings.

In Uttar Pradesh, on November 23, 2025 police acted on the complaint of Bajrang Dal members who raided a Christian prayer meeting and alleged inducement to convert, arresting three attendees while declining to take action against the vigilantes. The same reversal appears in Agra, on November 20, 2025 where VHP and Bajrang Dal members entered a private home to disrupt another Christian meeting. Police detained a man and several women for questioning, again treating the accused vigilantes as complainants rather than aggressors.

In Madhya Pradesh, state complicity took a more punitive form. In Damoh, on November 2, 2025 police publicly paraded nine Muslim men after allegations of cow slaughter, even though local butchers stated that the animal was a buffalo and not a cow. No action was taken against the vigilantes who attacked the butcher market. In Indore, on November 10, 2025 a Muslim gym trainer assaulted by Bajrang Dal members was jailed despite the Hindu woman involved not filing any complaint, while no action was initiated against the attackers.

These incidents show how policing becomes aligned with vigilante narratives. When state institutions absorb the assumptions of majoritarian groups, minority communities lose access to impartial protection. The result is not simply inadequate investigation but a structural failure in which victims are recast as suspects and unlawful violence becomes socially sanctioned through official inaction.

Legal Framework: Constitutional Protections, Criminal Law and Supreme Court Guidelines

The incidents documented in this report engage multiple areas of Indian law, including constitutional guarantees, criminal prohibitions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), procedural obligations under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) and binding Supreme Court directives on mob vigilantism. At their core, these cases reflect violations of the rights to equality, non-discrimination, personal liberty and religious freedom under Articles 14, 15, 19, 21 and 25 of the Constitution. Article 25 protects the right to freely profess and practice one’s faith, which extends to prayer meetings held in private homes or neighbourhood spaces. Evictions and demolitions without rehabilitation trigger concerns under Article 21 and the prohibition against arbitrary state action.

As per a report in the LiveLaw Under the new BNS, many of the acts witnessed here constitute clear criminal offences. Assault and causing hurt are covered under Sections 124 and 125, which penalise physical injury regardless of motive. Criminal intimidation is defined under Section 351, which applies to threats used to instil fear or force compliance. Forced entry into homes, including raids on Christian prayer meetings, falls within the definition of criminal trespass under Sections 329 and 330. The public parading of detainees undermines the constitutional guarantee of dignity and violates custodial safeguards linked to Article 21, which has been repeatedly upheld in Supreme Court jurisprudence.

Communal incitement and hate speech are addressed under Section 194 of the BNS, which criminalises acts that promote enmity between groups or deliberately provoke violence on grounds such as religion or race. This provision is directly relevant to forced slogans, threats and the circulation of humiliating videos, which mirror the trends identified in recent national analyses of hate speech escalation.

Procedurally, the BNSS continues to require prompt registration of FIRs, impartial investigation and accountability for dereliction of duty by law enforcement. These duties operate alongside the Supreme Court’s directives in Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India (2018), which remain binding. The Court mandated state responsibility to prevent mob violence, protect targeted communities, arrest perpetrators and discipline officers who fail to act. The recurring inaction or reversal of attention onto victims in the incidents documented here reflects clear non-compliance with these obligations.

Targeted demolitions and evictions further implicate constitutional protections. The Supreme Court in Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation held that the right to life includes the right to shelter and that demolitions carried out without due process violate Article 21. The lack of rehabilitation reported in Assam and Gujarat contradicts these principles. Rights groups have noted that demolition and eviction in these regions disproportionately affect Muslim communities and often mirror political narratives of encroachment or demographic threat.

Taken together, the constitutional framework, the BNS and BNSS, and Supreme Court jurisprudence make clear that the acts described here violate established protections and statutory duties. The failure to act against vigilantes, the criminalisation of victims and the use of demolition powers without due process point not to isolated lapses but to structural disregard for the rule of law.

Conclusion

Taken together, the incidents documented across these states reveal a common pattern in which ordinary citizens, vigilante networks and state institutions participate in the policing of minority identity and belonging. What appears on the surface as scattered episodes of harassment, forced slogans, raids on prayer meetings or localised demolition drives becomes, in aggregate, a system of pressure that constrains the everyday freedoms of Muslims and Christians. National analyses of hate speech and communal mobilisation show that this pattern is not accidental but reflects a wider political environment in which minorities are cast as security risks, demographic threats or ideological adversaries. This environment encourages vigilantism by signalling that such conduct aligns with majoritarian expectations.

The unevenness of state response reinforces these pressures. Police often act on the allegations of vigilante groups while questioning, detaining or monitoring the victims. Eviction drives in Assam and demolition actions in Gujarat further illustrate how administrative power, when exercised without safeguards, produces large-scale dispossession that disproportionately affects Muslim communities. These practices undermine constitutional principles of equal protection and due process and violate the standards set by the Supreme Court in Tehseen Poonawalla, which requires proactive prevention of mob violence and accountability for official inaction.

As per a report in CNBC TV 18 a potential institutional response has emerged through Karnataka’s Hate Speech and Hate Crimes (Prevention) Bill, 2025, which for the first time proposes a clear statutory framework for defining hate speech and penalising organised intimidation. The Bill prescribes penalties of one to seven years for initial convictions, up to ten years for aggravated offences and empowers authorities to direct digital platforms to remove hate content. While some view this as a needed attempt to address escalating violence, its effectiveness will depend on impartial enforcement. Without structural reforms that ensure equal protection for minority victims, even progressive legal tools risk becoming instruments of selective repression.

The incidents in this report therefore point not only to unlawful actions by private actors but to a weakening of constitutional guarantees in everyday life. Restoring trust in the rule of law requires consistent action against vigilantism, accountability for discriminatory policing and a commitment to protecting the right of every community to live, worship and work without fear.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this resource has been worked on by Risha Fathima)

Related:

Faith Under Fire: Coordinated Harassment of Christians After the Rajasthan Bill

Targeted as ‘Bangladeshis’: The Hate Speech Fuelling Deportations

The Architecture of Polarisation: A Structural Analysis of Communal Hate Speech as a Core Electoral Strategy in India (2024–2025)

Sanatan Ekta Padyatra: Unmasking the March of Majoritarianism

The post Documenting a national pattern of vigilantism & targeted action against minorities appeared first on SabrangIndia.