Welcome to a special edition of Cross Bat, the interview program where bouncers are bowled at the truth. We are at the end of 2025. We are looking back at a year of tectonic shifts for the ordinary Indian citizen and looking ahead to the democratic innovations of 2026.

Our host is Balancedeep Sabchangasi. He is a veteran journalist who loves a good cricket metaphor. He often speaks in the nostalgic tones of a Bollywood ballad. He seeks a spectrum of views but sometimes misses the termites for the teak.

His guest today is Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala. Cyrus is a master restorer of antiques from the old money lanes of Colaba. He lives in The Happyman’s Cooperative Housing Society. He sees the world through the grain of polished rosewood and the smell of turpentine. He defends the status quo with a sharp, earthy Parsi wit. Yet, his defence often reveals the dark, moth-eaten underbelly of our modern civilization.

TRANSCRIPT: CROSS BAT with Balancedeep Sabchangasi

Balancedeep: Hello and welcome to Cross Bat! I’m Balancedeep Sabchangasi. Today, we are analysing the state of the nation in 2025. It feels like the final over of a T20 match. The floodlights are bright. The crowd is roaring. But the pitch is cracking. Is this a new Viksit Bharat melody? Or is it just a loud remix of a dark past?

Joining me is the man who knows how to hide a termite hole with a lick of varnish. Welcome, Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala. Cyrus, let’s go straight to the crease.

I. The Scorecard: Economy and “Job Loss” Growth

Balancedeep: Cyrus, Professor Arun Kumar, an experienced economist, says our GDP figures are a “staggering lie.” He told The Wire that India’s actual GDP is probably 48% of the official figure because we use the organized sector as a proxy for the dying unorganized sector. Are we playing a night match with the floodlights turned off?

Cyrus: (Adjusting his waistcoat) My dear Balancedeep, or BS, data is like old plywood. It must be pliable to fit any frame. If the government says we are a $ 4 trillion economy, then we must be! Why worry about unorganised sectors collapsing? In my workshop, if a chair leg is missing, I just lean it against a sturdy wall. It looks perfect in the showroom.

BS: But economist Rathin Roy warns we are in a “middle-income trap.” He noted on The Wire that the resulting inequality could “challenge the unity and integrity of India.” Aunindyo Chakravarty, another noted economist, says the middle class is “running on fumes and credit cards.” Economist Jayati Ghosh even says counting subsistence work as employment is “throwing dust in our eyes” while real wages stay stagnant. Is Viksit Bharat only for the billionaire class?

Cyrus: Progress is for those who can afford the premium finish! If the middle class is running on credit, it shows they have high confidence. We must prioritise the big houses. You cannot build a grand mansion starting with the servant’s quarters. Harish Khare calls it a “deadly embrace” of cronyism, but I call it Strategic Support for our master craftsmen.

II. The Umpiring: Democracy and “Vote Chori”

BS: Let’s talk about the “SIR” electoral revision. Former Psephologist, Yogendra Yadav says it is a “tectonic shift” where the burden has moved from the state to the voter. In Bihar, 80 lakh voters went missing. Is this “dacoity from the front door”?

Cyrus: (Laughs) Dacoity? It is Democratic Auditing! In my housing society, if a tenant doesn’t pay the lift fund, he “disappears” from the guest list. It is very efficient. If the list “conceals more than it reveals,” it keeps the mystery alive. Which Indian doesn’t love a surprise on Election Day?

BS: But Pratap Bhanu Mehta warns that the “Civilizational State” is the “single greatest assault” on religion. He said in The Hindu that it shrinks universal spiritual codes into a rigid ethnic framework. Ravish Kumar noted that the Parliament has become a “notary office for the executive.” Is dissent now a “threat to civilization”?

Cyrus: Civilization must be solid, like a teak wardrobe. If there are splinters of dissent, you sand them down. You want a smooth surface. Pluralism is for museums. In a Viksit Bharat, one prefers the symmetry of a single door cabinet. It is much easier to lock. Ravish always sounds so sombre. He should try some dhansak for breakfast!

III. The Fourth Estate: Media or “Godi” Upholstery?

BS: Speaking of Ravish Kumar, he has made a piercing observation on the state of our discourse. He says, “In this country, the price of gold and silver has reached the skies, but the price of the media has fallen so low that it is now available for free to do your bidding.” Has the media become a Godi lapdog, Cyrus?

Cyrus: (Chuckles, buffing a brass handle) My dear fellow, why look for expensive investigative journalism when you can have a friendly media for the price of a cheap finish? If the gold is at the top, the silver is in the pockets of the owners, and the journalists are just the polishers, everyone is happy! In The Happyman’s Society, we don’t want a watchdog that barks at the Secretary; we want a lapdog that looks good on the sofa. If the media is cheap, it just means the government is getting a bargain on its PR!

IV. The Field: National Security and “Vishwavictim”

BS: Suhasini Haidar of The Hindu says we have moved from “Vishwaguru” to “Vishwavictim,” blaming global conspiracies for everything. She notes that “personal bonhomie” cannot replace “institutional stability” with Trump’s tariffs. Are we isolated?

Cyrus: Isolated? We are Multi aligned! That is Parsi speak for “having tea with everyone while hiding the silver.” If China dictates a “new normal” at the LAC, as Happymon Jacob says, we must simply redefine what “normal” means! If the border moves, our maps must simply become more “flexible.”

V. The Ground Conditions: Environmental “Renovation”

BS: The air is unbreathable. It is a man-made public health emergency. Environmentalist Neelam Ahluwalia says the new 100 meter Aravalli definition is “catastrophic.” Are we razing our “green lungs” for real estate?

Cyrus: Flat land is much easier to develop, man! If the mountain is gone, we simply sell luxury villas with “Desert Views.” It is Landscape Optimisation.

BS: Professor Pankaj Sekhsaria calls the Great Nicobar project a “betrayal” of a pristine landscape. We are clearing 130 sq. km of rainforest in a quake zone. Acharya Prashant says these disasters are a “mirror to our misplaced idea of progress.” In Goa and Mumbai, trees are being “savagely destroyed” for smart cities.

Cyrus: Oxygen is so 20th century! In a Smart City, we have air conditioning, air purifiers and 5G towers. Why rely on a tree that drops leaves on your Mercedes when you can have a concrete pillar? We are replacing “Nature” with “Net Worth.”

VI. The Fair Play: Identity and Infinite Detention

BS: Cyrus, this is painful. A student from Tripura, Angel Chakma, was recently murdered in Dehradun. He died pleading: “I am Indian, not Chinese.” His father is a BSF jawan. Ravish Kumar asks, “What does it feel like to be a minority in 2025 India?”

Cyrus: (Quietly) There are admittedly cracks in the foundation, BS. If you treat fine teak as firewood because you don’t recognize the grain, you destroy something irreplaceable. We guard the borders but build “partitioned neighbourhoods” in our heads. It is a dry rot in our soul.

BS: And what of those held for years without trial? One a scholar who preaches love, peace and brotherhood and another who innovates and bats for the Himalayas, to name only two? Aakar Patel says “prolonged persecution exemplifies the derailment of justice.”

Cyrus: We call it Progressive Preservation. Why have a messy trial when you can season the wood in a cell? It brings Institutional Stability. No trials, no errors!

BS: Finally, why are rapists treated with leniency? Observers say this “moral collapse” signals that women’s dignity is secondary to political expediency.

Cyrus: It is Strategic Forgiveness. If a part of the furniture is infested but influential, you don’t burn it. You apply a fresh coat of Remission Varnish. It keeps the social cohesion intact.

Interviewer’s Summary and Conclusion

BS: Cyrus, give us a peek at 2026. Specifically, how will the millions of unemployed survive and how will the social fabric evolve?

Cyrus: (Beaming) 2026 is the year of the Self-Restoring Citizen! Since we don’t have enough formal jobs, everyone will become an Adventurer. We shall see a glorious rise in YouTube Influencing, where people film themselves hungry and call it Intermittent Fasting Content.

We will have Friendly Podcasting, where five unemployed PhDs sit in a circle and discuss why they don’t have jobs until they get millions of views from other unemployed PhDs. It’s a circular economy! And the Pakoda Type Businesses will reach new heights. We won’t just sell snacks; we will have Artisanal, Deep Fried Identity Circles.

But the real growth sector for 2026 will be the mushrooming of specialized Brotherhood of Men outfits. You know the type, half pantalooned volunteers who gather in playgrounds to discuss culture, while doing calisthenics. We shall see thousands of these cultural trusts formed! It is a brilliant strategy for keeping the wealth within the family, so to speak!

By 2026, we shall bypass the politician middleman and vote for Boardrooms. Citizenship will be a subscription service. The country will be run like a high-end furniture showroom, strictly for those who can afford the entry fee.

BS: (Turning to the camera with a wistful gaze) India 2025 is a masterclass in polishing the surface while the termites feast below. As Cyrus hints, 2047 is not a destination; it is a teak finished horizon that stays safely out of reach. We are moving toward a 2026 where Justice is a gift and Brotherhood is a tax-exempt hobby.

It reminds me of the lyrical conscience of the poets, Sahir and Shailendra, who saw through the shining facades of their own time. Today, the common man is still that vagrant (Awaara) who has “learned everything but failed to learn worldly cunning” (Sab kuch seekha humne na seekhi hoshiyaari). We live in a society where “mortal men have no value, though even the soil has a price” (Mitti ka bhi hai kuchh mol magar, insaanon ki qimat kuchh bhi nahin).

Our leaders ask us to celebrate a Viksit vision, but as Sahir warned, “an emperor has used his wealth to mock the love of the poor” (Ik Shahenshah nay daulat ka sahara lekar, hum garibon ki muhabbat ka udhaya hai mazaak). We are told “that morning will surely come” (Woh subah kabhi to aayegi), yet we find ourselves wandering in an “endless night” where “lamps fail to light the darkness”.

In the game of life, if you can’t hit a six, just bribe the scoreboard operator. We are merely “travellers to whom no one belongs” (Wahan kaun hai tera musafir), watching a world “written upon the surface of water” (Paani pe likhi likhayi). The polish is bright, but as the poets knew, the rot remains. Goodbye and Shubhratri.

Related:

Out with MNREGA: Hitting the Poor for a Six

The Cross Bat Conversation: Air, antiques and force majeure

The Nation needs an Ethanol Republic – A Satire

A Satirical Imperative Request (SIR) to the CEC of India

Cyrus Seeks a Right to Multiple Voter Ids

A Satirical Plea, Dripping with Envy, to President Xi Jinping of China

The post Searchlight on 2025: The polished window and the dry rot appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This debate was, at its core, a philosophical exercise, not a theological trial. Even if we accept Mufti Nadvi’s logical arguments for a Creator, they do not automatically validate the specific beliefs of his religion. To confuse a philosophical “First Cause” with a religious “Personal God” is a leap of faith, not logic. Here is a breakdown of why this debate cannot be claimed as a victory for organized religion, based on a scientific and critical review of the proceedings.

1. The “First Cause” is Not a Religious Victory

The central pillar of the Mufti Nadvi’s argument was the “Argument from Contingency” (or the Cosmological Argument)—that the universe is contingent and thus requires a “Necessary Being” or a First Cause to exist. While this is a powerful philosophical concept, utilizing it to prove a specific religion is a bait-and-switch tactic.

• The Trap of the “First Cause”:Proving that a “Necessary Being” exists only leads us to Deism—the belief in a creator who set the universe in motion. It does not lead us to Theism—the belief in a God who sends books, prophets, and laws.
• Javed Akhtar’s Real Contention:As noted in the debate, Akhtar’s primary objection is not necessarily against a distant, abstract “First Cause” (which he dismisses as irrelevant). His intellectual battle is with the character of God as portrayed by religions—a God who demands worship, intervenes in human affairs, and allows massive suffering.
• The Metaphysical Reality:Both debaters agreed that God is not a physical entity. If the “Necessary Being” is a metaphysical reality not subject to physical proof, then it is equally not subject to religious anthropomorphism.

2. The Flaw of Imposed Rules

A significant procedural flaw in the debate was the framing of the rules.

• Unilateral Rule Setting:At the outset, the mufti set the parameters: no scriptural evidence, only logic. In a fair debate, one participant cannot unilaterally impose the epistemology. By restricting the debate to “logic only,” the Mufti Nadvi attempted to shield religion from the scrutiny of history and

morality, arenas where religious dogmas often falter.

• Breaking His Own Precedent:The most critical breakdown occurred when Javed Akhtar raised the logical problem of evil and suffering (e.g., children dying in Gaza).

The mufti, unable to answer this strictly through the “logic” he demanded, retreated into religious apologetics. He invoked concepts of “divine wisdom,” “tests,” and “afterlife justice”—all of which are religious beliefs, not logical proofs. This violated his own rule that religious arguments were inadmissible.

3. The Problem of Evil: Logic vs. Apologetics

The clash over the existence of evil was the debate’s turning point, and it highlights why the “religion won” narrative is flawed.

• Logic, Not Just Poetry:Critics often dismiss Javed Akhtar’s arguments as emotional poetry. However, the Problem of Evil is a rigid logical argument. If God is All-Powerful and All-Good, evil cannot exist. Since evil exists, God is either not All-Powerful or not All-Good. This carries as much logical weight as Mufti Nadvi’s “First Cause” argument.
• The Logical Fallacy of “The Test”:The mufti attempted to argue that God and Evil coexist simultaneously, and while God created Evil, He is not responsible for it (attributing it to free will or tests). This is a logical fallacy. If a “Necessary Being” is the source of all reality, it cannot absolve itself of the reality it created.
• The Atheist’s Conclusion:For Javed Akhtar, the existence of suffering is not just a complaint; it is positive evidence that a benevolent, intervening God does not exist.

4. The False Binary of Theist vs. Atheist

The debate also suffered from the rigid binary through which both sides view the world.

• Religious Blindness:Religious apologists tend to view every non-religious individual as a hard core atheist. They fail to recognize deists, agnostics, or spiritual seekers who reject organised religion but accept a higher power.
• Atheistic Blindness:Conversely, atheists often group all believers into the category of “religious fundamentalists,” ignoring those who view God philosophically rather than dogmatically.

The real issue facing humanity is not the abstract existence of a deity, but the concrete existence

of suffering. While the Mufti Nadvi offers religious belief as the solution and Javed Akhtar offers secular values and collective human effort, the debate highlights that since suffering is a universal human experience, it demands a universal, secular framework for integration rather than a solution limited to the boundaries of a single faith.

5. The Irony of “Western” Arguments

Perhaps the greatest irony of the debate lies in the tools used by Mufti Nadvi.

• Imported Philosophy:The “Argument from Contingency” and the “Cosmological Argument” are deeply rooted in Western philosophy (Aristotle, Plato) and later adapted by Muslim philosophers (like Avicenna).
• Theological Contradiction:Historically, orthodox religious authorities often opposed these philosophical methods, tagging supporters of logic, science, and philosophy as heretics orkafirs. It is paradoxical that modern religious apologists now rely on the very same “Western philosophical arguments” their predecessors despised to defend their faith.

6. From Indoctrination to Education

Ultimately, the discussion shouldn’t be about which specific religious God supposedly

revealed, but rather acknowledging that the greatest divine gift is the human capacity for reason. If we rely on this reasoning rather than the ‘ready-made’ arguments of religious doctrine, we can identify the actual, tangible causes of human suffering. The way forward requires a shift from indoctrination to education—moving humanity from the comfort of unquestionable beliefs to the scrutiny of accountable facts.

7. The Paradox of “Universal” Religion

While many might accept the spiritual concept of ultimate accountability before God, the problem arises when religion oversteps this boundary. Organized religion rarely stops at spiritual accountability; it intervenes in logic, scientific development, and politics. Furthermore, there is a fundamental contradiction in its claim of ‘universal acceptability.’ In reality, every religion is bound by its own regional characteristics—specific nomenclature, dressing styles, ‘godly’ languages, and cultural practices. A system that is so deeply rooted in a specific regional culture cannot truly claim to be universal without imposing that culture on others.”

Conclusion

The debate was a collision of two different worlds: the philosophical search for a First Cause and the humanistic demand for justice. While Mufti Nadvi may have presented a coherent argument for a Deistic Creator, he failed to bridge the gap to a Theistic God who cares about human worship.

Javed Akhtar’s critique remains unanswered: We do not need to prove the existence of a Creator as much as we need to question the silence of that Creator in the face of human suffering. Until religion can solve the problem of evil without resorting to circular belief, it cannot claim victory over reason.

The post Beyond Victory and Defeat: Why the ‘Does God Exist’ Debate Was Not a Win for Religion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This release expanded the number of states and Union Territories with published draft rolls to 12, and taken together, the SIR has already resulted in the provisional deletion of more than 3.5 crore names from voter lists nationwide.

The scale and pace of these deletions have to be read alongside a significant policy recalibration by the Election Commission of India. Following controversies that first surfaced during the Bihar revision, the Commission issued a nationwide instruction on October 27, 2025, retaining the administrative framework of the SIR but relaxing provisions that had triggered legal and political backlash, particularly those relating to document collection and automatic deletions. Acknowledging that the “qualifying date of last intensive revision” varies widely across states—dating back to 2002 in Gujarat and Kerala and to 2003 in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh—the ECI conceded that a uniform, document-heavy verification model was untenable.

This unfolding process continues even as Uttar Pradesh—the most populous state in the country and home to its largest electorate—prepares to publish its draft rolls on December 31, 2025. Far from being viewed as a routine administrative exercise, the SIR has raised profound questions around transparency, procedural fairness, shifting burdens of proof, and the heightened risk of mass disenfranchisement, concerns that have been repeatedly documented and critically examined by Sabrang India through sustained, state-wise reporting on the ground realities of the revision process.

What distinguishes the 2025 SIR from previous revisions is not merely the scale of deletions but the manner in which verification has been conducted. The process has relied heavily on door-to-door enumeration, retrospective linkage to older electoral rolls, and documentary proof requirements that many voters—particularly migrants, informal workers, women, the elderly, and marginalised communities—struggle to fulfil.

While deletions have been officially categorised as relating to deaths, migration, duplication, or non-traceability, civil society groups and independent observers have warned that these categories often mask deeper procedural failures, including non-visits by Booth Level Officers (BLOs), incorrect tagging, and the presumption of ineligibility in the absence of documentation. Against this backdrop, the cumulative picture emerging from state-wise draft rolls is deeply unsettling.

Bihar: Early completion, large-scale deletions

Bihar was among the first states where the SIR process was completed and final rolls published, making it a crucial reference point for understanding the scale and implications of the exercise.

According to figures reported by Sabrang India, nearly 47 lakh names were deleted from Bihar’s electoral rolls, bringing down the total electorate from approximately 7.89 crore to about 7.42 crore. The deletions were attributed to voters recorded as deceased, permanently migrated, untraceable, or duplicated across constituencies.

However, reports and petitioners before the Supreme Court pointed to widespread complaints that enumeration forms were either not delivered or collected, and that entire households of migrant workers were marked absent without follow-up verification.

Uttar Pradesh: The largest test yet, draft rolls on December 31

Uttar Pradesh represents the single largest and most politically significant phase of the SIR. With an electorate running into several crores, the state accounts for a substantial share of India’s voters, making any large-scale deletion potentially transformative. Enumeration in UP was extended on December 11, and the draft electoral roll is now scheduled for publication on December 31, 2025. While deletion figures are not yet officially available, reports suggest that UP may account for a significant portion of the remaining corrections once its draft roll is released.

Rajasthan: Over 41 lakh names provisionally removed in draft rolls

In Rajasthan, the SIR resulted in the provisional deletion of approximately 41.85 lakh names from the draft electoral rolls out of 5, 48, 84, 479 total electorate of the state. The state completed enumeration in early December, with the draft roll published in mid-month i.e., December 16. Official explanations cite deaths, permanent migration, and duplicate entries as the primary reasons for deletion.

मतदाता सूची विशेष गहन पुनरीक्षण–2026
राज्य में प्रारूप मतदाता सूचियों का आज 16 दिसम्बर 2025 को हुआ प्रकाशन – @CeoRajasthan
पढ़ें गणना चरण के प्रमुख निष्कर्ष #शुद्धमतदातासूचीमजबूतलोकतंत्र @ECISVEEP@spokespersonECI @PIB_INDIA @DIPRRajasthan@DDNational@airnews_jaipur… pic.twitter.com/wMbyvF3ypT

— CEO RAJASTHAN (@CeoRajasthan) December 16, 2025

Madhya Pradesh: Detailed categories, massive numbers with 42, 74, 160 deletions

Madhya Pradesh offers one of the most detailed official breakdowns of provisional deletions, with 42, 74, 160 names flagged for removal from the draft rolls on December 23. According to official data reported, these deletions include approximately 8.46 lakh deceased voters, over 31.5 lakh voters recorded as having shifted permanently, around 2.77 lakh duplicate entries, and a substantial number categorised as “unmapped” or unverified.

The enumeration period in MP was extended, and the draft roll was published on December 23, 2025 following a revised schedule. Despite the availability of granular data, activists have questioned whether the categorisation process itself relied too heavily on assumptions rather than verifiable evidence, especially in rural and forested areas.

27 अक्टूबर 2025 की स्थिति में प्रदेश में 5,74,06,143 मतदाता थे। वर्तमान में 5,31,31,983 मतदाता हैं। विशेष गहन पुनरीक्षण (SIR) के दौरान 42,74,160 मतदाताओं की कमी हुई हैं. श्री राम प्रताप सिंह जादौन, संयुक्त मुख्य निर्वाचन पदाधिकारी, मप्र @ECISVEEP @SpokespersonECI pic.twitter.com/dffrxvgNnE

— Chief Electoral Officer, Madhya Pradesh (@CEOMPElections) December 23, 2025

Tamil Nadu: Nearly 97 lakh deletions

Tamil Nadu witnessed one of the highest absolute numbers of deletions, with close to 97 lakh names provisionally removed from the draft electoral rolls out of 6, 41, 14 ,587 of the total electorate of the state. The impact was particularly pronounced in urban centres such as Chennai, where frequent relocation, rental housing, and informal settlements complicate voter registration.

Press release. pic.twitter.com/h02SIQkX4P

— TN Elections CEO (@TNelectionsCEO) December 19, 2025

Enumeration deadlines in the state were extended, and draft rolls were published in the third week of December i.e., December 19, 2025.

The Hindu, on December 22, carried analysis, on the unusual patterns (anomalies) behind the deletions in the state with detailed findings on eight different categories of anomalies: dead voters, voters who were under the shifted/moved categories etc.

This analysis, among other things, reveals that 14 stations show unusually high proportions of young deaths; 35 stations show high gender bias in deletions; 8,613 stations have abnormally high deletion rates; 727 stations report excessive deaths; 3,904 polling stations show high death proportions; 495 polling stations show 100% death-based deletions; 6,139 parts have high numbers of “absent” voters; and 172 parts show suspicious patterns of “permanently shifted” women. The entire analysis may be read here.

West Bengal: Around 58 lakh names flagged for removal

In West Bengal, the SIR process has assumed an acute social and political dimension, with close to 58 lakh names either deleted or provisionally flagged for deletion in the draft electoral rolls published on December 16. Of these, around 50 lakh names were identified during digitised enumeration as potentially removable, a figure that rose sharply within days as categorisation progressed. With a certified electorate of over 7.66 crore, this provisional flagging represented a significant share of voters and triggered widespread anxiety.

Press Note – West Bengal SIR: Publication of Draft Electoral Roll – Key Findings of Enumeration Phase.#SIR #PressNote@ECISVEEP @SpokespersonECI @PIBKolkata @AIRKolkata @DDBanglaNews pic.twitter.com/G6Ix4wyPIz

— CEO West Bengal (@CEOWestBengal) December 16, 2025

Official breakdowns indicated that the majority of cases were marked under standard administrative categories—deceased voters, those recorded as having shifted, untraceable names and duplicates—but the speed and scale of the exercise, rather than the categories themselves, became the source of public distress.

The situation escalated after the state government linked at least 39 deaths to what it described as “SIR-induced panic,” prompting Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to announce Rs. 2 lakh ex gratia compensation for bereaved families and to launch block-level “May I Help You” camps from December 12 to assist affected voters with claims, objections and documentation.

While the Election Commission has maintained that the figures are provisional and subject to hearings and due process, reports from across districts documented confusion among long-registered voters whose names were flagged or missing, reinforcing concerns raised by opposition parties that verification and outreach were uneven in a state marked by high migration, dense urban settlements and socio-economic vulnerability.

Puducherry: Small electorate, significant impact

Though Puducherry’s electorate is relatively small, the deletion of around 1 lakh names constitutes a substantial share of the Union Territory’s total electorate of 10,21,578 as on October 27, 2025.

Press Note 16.12.2025 – Publication of Draft Electoral Roll@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR #ceolakshadweep pic.twitter.com/s2UPtgrTFF

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Enumeration and draft publication followed the national SIR schedule, but local reports highlighted that many of those flagged or deleted were migrant workers and residents of industrial and peri-urban zones who were unavailable during verification visits, raising concerns about how absence was interpreted during the revision process.

Pess Note-Lakshadweep Special Intensive Revision – Key Findings Of Enumeration Phase@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR pic.twitter.com/hpsyiETXzA

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Chhattisgarh: Over 27 lakhs provisionally deleted amid security and migration challenges

Chhattisgarh saw the provisional deletion of approximately 27.34 lakh names from its draft rolls. The state’s unique challenges—ranging from internal displacement due to conflict to seasonal labour migration—complicated the enumeration process. Official data categorised deletions into deceased voters, permanently shifted individuals, and duplicate registrations.

23 दिसंबर 2025 को ड्राफ्ट रोल प्रकाशित हो गया है। जिसे आप https://t.co/D5DfuRyplH अथवा https://t.co/S06LG1wQuS पर लॉगिन करके अपना नाम ढूंढ सकते हैं। pic.twitter.com/nAiB3zrY38

— Chief Electoral Officer, Chhattisgarh (@CEOChhattisgarh) December 23, 2025

The enumeration deadline was extended, and draft rolls were published on December 23 following the revised ECI schedule.

SIR 2026 की ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची का प्रकाशन 23/12/25 को हो गया है।

ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची https://t.co/o4izjd1j8X aur https://t.co/MO0ZmklYlF पर उपलब्ध है।

मुख्य निर्वाचन पदाधिकारी श्री यशवंत कुमार द्वारा अपील की गई कि सभी मतदाता ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची में अपना नाम जांच ले, (1/2) pic.twitter.com/FNrvLBlJT9

— Chief Electoral Officer, Chhattisgarh (@CEOChhattisgarh) December 23, 2025

Andaman and Nicobar Islands: High proportionate deletions

In the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, around 64,000 names were provisionally deleted from the draft rolls out of 3,10,404 total electors of the UTs. Given the small population base, this represented a substantial proportion of registered voters. Migration to the mainland and employment-related movement were cited as primary reasons, though verification in remote islands posed logistical challenges.

The Draft Electoral Roll has been formally handed over to representatives of recognized Political Parties.
The successful completion of Enumeration Phase reflects strong public participation and coordinated efforts by election officials and stakeholders, strengthening democracy. pic.twitter.com/Yd1D1frub3

— Chief Electoral Officer, Andaman & Nicobar Islands (@AndamanCEO) December 24, 2025

Kerala: Over 24.08 lakh names removed

Kerala recorded provisional deletions of approximately 24.08 lakh voters, with official breakdowns including deceased individuals, voters permanently shifted out of the state, untraceable persons, and duplicate registrations. Overseas migration played a significant role, with many voters absent during enumeration. The state’s enumeration period was extended, and draft rolls were published on December 23, 2025.

The SIR draft electoral roll has now been published. Voters can file claims and objections from 23 December 2025 to 22 January 2026.#ceokerala #ecisveep #eci #ChiefElectoralOfficer #SIRKerala pic.twitter.com/RghZWqvc5s

— Chief Electoral Officer Kerala (@Ceokerala) December 23, 2025

Gujarat: 73.7 lakh deletions

Gujarat’s draft rolls reflected the deletion of about 73.7 lakh names, largely concentrated in urban and industrial areas. Rapid urbanisation, labour migration, and multiple registrations were cited as key factors. Enumeration deadlines were extended, and draft rolls were released on December 19.

Goa: Over one lakh names flagged for deletion

In Goa, 1,00,042 names were deleted from the draft electoral rolls. Migration, ageing population profiles, and duplication were cited as reasons. The deletions, while smaller in absolute terms, raised concerns in a state with a relatively compact electorate.

The DEO North Goa Ankit Yadav,IAS handing over the the copy the Draft Electoral Roll of SIR 2026 to the representatives of political parties #goa #india #SIR #ECI @ECISVEEP pic.twitter.com/UgAE7fOYqV

— Chief Electoral Office, Goa (@CEO_Goa) December 16, 2025

Lakshadweep: Provisional deletion of 1,429 electors out of 57,813 total electors

Lakshadweep saw the provisional deletion of 1,429 electors out of 57,813 total electors of the UT.

Press Note 16.12.2025 – Publication of Draft Electoral Roll@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR #ceolakshadweep pic.twitter.com/s2UPtgrTFF

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Revised SIR timelines and the Uttar Pradesh factor

On December 11, the Election Commission revised enumeration and draft publication timelines across 6 states. In Tamil Nadu and Gujarat, enumeration was extended up to December 14, 2025, with draft electoral rolls subsequently published on December 19. Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands were granted a longer window, allowing enumeration to continue until December 18, followed by the release of draft rolls on December 23, 2025. Kerala’s revision followed the same trajectory, culminating in draft roll publication on December 23 after extended field verification.

This synchronised release on December 23 marked a critical juncture in the SIR, with draft electoral rolls simultaneously entering the public domain in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Kerala and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, expanding the total to 12 states and Union Territories where draft rolls have now been published.

Across these jurisdictions, cumulative proposed deletions have already crossed the 3.5 crore mark, showing the unprecedented scale of the exercise. Uttar Pradesh, however, occupies a distinct and consequential position within this revised timeline. As India’s most populous state, it received the most substantial extension, with enumeration permitted until December 26, 2025 and the draft electoral roll scheduled for publication on December 31, 2025.

A process under challenge

Across states, Sabrang India has documented how the SIR, while presented as a technical correction, has unfolded as a high-stakes exercise with far-reaching consequences. With more than 3.5 names already facing deletion across 12 States/UTs and Uttar Pradesh yet to publish its draft roll, the cumulative impact of the revision is unprecedented. The challenge ahead lies not only in correcting errors through claims and objections but in addressing deeper questions about burden of proof, administrative accountability, and the right to vote in a context of widespread mobility and precarity.

Related:

Nearly 50 lakh names flagged for deletion in West Bengal, state government announces Rs. 2 Lakh relief for SIR-linked deaths, CM Mamta Banerjee launches ‘May I Help You’ block camps

ECI’s announced nationwide SIR, will cover 12 States and UTs with a reduced documentary burden

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

The post SIR: Over 3.5 Crore electors flagged for removal across 12 states in SIR, Uttar Pradesh will publish its draft rolls on December 31 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He is survived by his wife Shobha, their younger son Dhananjay (their elder son Devtosh unfortunately passed away in 2017 due to cancer) and other family members.

Kishore Theckedath’s family hailed from Perinjanam village of Thrissur district of Kerala, but he was born and brought up in Mumbai. His father was a textile mill worker in the Dhanraj Mills in Mumbai and his mother was a home maker. Kishore was born on November 8, 1936, did his B.Sc. with Physics and Mathematics, M.Sc. in both Pure and Applied Mathematics, and much later in 1987 he completed his Ph.D. with the subject ‘Dialectical Materialism and Modern Science, with special reference to the Theories of Relativity and Quantum Mechanics’. But despite all his erudition, Kishore was always very proud of his working-class roots.

He first joined state government service as a clerk. After his first M.Sc. in 1958 he taught in various schools and colleges, and then from 1965 in the famous Wilson College in Mumbai for 30 years, until he took voluntary retirement in 1994. He was always a much-loved teacher.

Theckedath was among the founder members of the Bombay University and College Teachers Union (BUCTU) in 1966. He put in tremendous pioneering efforts to build the college teachers’ movement in Mumbai by personally visiting several colleges regularly, meeting teachers, learning about their problems, and organising them to fight against injustice. He was elected without a break to the BUCTU Executive Committee for half a century from 1966 to 2016. He was elected BUCTU General Secretary for over a decade from 1974, and later its President.

In 1975 he was elected the founder General Secretary of the Maharashtra Federation of University and College Teachers Organisations (MFUCTO), and later its President for many years. He was also elected President of the All India Federation of University and College Teachers Organisations (AIFUCTO) in 1987.

Many were the valiant and victorious struggles of teachers that were collectively led during those years against the injustice done by the managements of various universities and colleges, and against the educational policies of the then Congress-led central and state governments (policies which pale in comparison with the disastrous atrocities on education being perpetrated today by the RSS-BJP-led central and state governments). Theckedath was always a staunch and inveterate opponent of the RSS, BJP and the Sangh Parivar. This was evident in all his writings and public speeches, and in his interventions in Party forums.

Thekedath was one of the leading lights of the united teachers’ movement in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He took the lead in bringing together various teachers organisations from KG to PG for united struggles. He was one of the founders of the Coordination Committee of the Teachers of Bombay (CCTOB) in 1977. Under his leadership, the BUCTU and MFUCTO became active participants in the united trade union movement and the employees’ movement.

Theckedath was ideologically attracted to Marxism after studying the work of J B S Haldane, a scientist of international fame, who was a Marxist. He joined the CPI(M) in 1966 after his contact and discussions with senior Party leaders P B Rangnekar and M V Gopalan. The first state secretary of the CPI(M) in Maharashtra, S Y Kolhatkar, was his mentor.

He was also elected to the Party’s Mumbai district committee in 1977, the state committee in 1982, and then to the state secretariat in 2012. He was a special invitee to the state committee till his demise. His contribution to the Party was valuable and multi-faceted. He pioneered the building of the Party among teachers and students in Maharashtra.

Theckedath was a prominent Marxist intellectual with several books and articles to his credit. He was also a Marxist teacher par excellence. Some of his books are: A First Course in Marxist Economic Theory; Dialectics, Relativity and Quantum; and Frederick Engels and Modern Science. His articles have been published in journals like The Marxist and Social Scientist.

Besides, he was the Vice President of the Kerala People’s Education Society (KPES), which has been running the large Adarsh Vidyalaya in Mumbai very well for several decades.

I was fortunate to have had an extremely close political and personal relationship with Kishore for the last 47 years, ever since I joined the Party in 1978. He was in charge of the Mumbai Students’ Party Branch, of which I was first a member and then the Branch Secretary. I feel happy that he was elected to the Party’s state secretariat during my tenure as the Party’s state secretary. Numerous are the fond memories which I have of this wonderful comrade and human being, which, alas, have to be withheld due to constraints of space.

Theckedath’s funeral was held near his home in Borivli, Mumbai on December 21. It was my privilege that I could pay my personal homage to him and try to console his family. The funeral was attended by CPI(M) former state secretariat member and teachers’ union veteran leader Tapati Mukhopadhyay, state secretariat members S K Rege, Shailendra Kamble, and Prachi Hatiwlekar, state control commission chairperson and teachers’ union veteran leader Madhu Paranjape, and several leaders of the Party, the teachers’ movement, and other mass fronts.

The CPI(M) lowers its red flag in memory of its remarkable leader Dr Kishore Theckedath.

Related:

‘You left us a decade too soon, when India needed its body healed and soul rejuvenated’: a farewell to comrade Sitaram Yechury

Calendar dedicated to Comrade Tera Singh Chan released

The post Kishore Theckedath: an exceptional Marxist intellectual and mass organiser appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The recent assault on the Editor of New Age and Editors’ Council President Nurul Kabir, and the mob attacks on the offices of the widely circulated Bangla daily Prothom Alo, and leading English-language publication Daily Star, in particular, mark a serious and deadly escalation in the ongoing cycle of violence against and intimidation of the media in Bangladesh.

The Guild has also noted with the gravest concern reports of death threats on social media against media persons, and has called on the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government in Bangladesh to immediately ensure the physical safety and well-being of journalists, and for quick action against the perpetrators of such violence.

These attacks constitute a clear violation of media freedom in South Asia and are an attempt to silence independent media voices and constrain civic discourse. The Guild calls on the authorities in Bangladesh and elsewhere to ensure that immediate action is taken to ensure that the media is allowed to function in an atmosphere free of threats, intimidations and violence.

The statement has been issued by the Guild president, Sanjay Kapoor, general secretary Raghavan Srinivasan and general secretary, Teresa Rehman.

Related:

Chaos in Bangladesh provides opportunity to right-wing social media to spread misinformation regarding Hindus, temples being attacked in the country

Kerala: BJP activists attack MediaOne TV headquarters during victory celebrations

One more attack on the Media: Local journalist thrashed and urinated upon by railway police, UP

The post Bangladesh: Assault and mob attack on journalists condemned by EGI appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ramnarayan Baghel, 31, was a resident of Champa district in Chhattisgarh and had travelled to Kerala on December 13. He was lynched in Attappallam village after being suspected of theft.

In a video of the incident circulating on social media, the assailants can be heard asking Baghel: “Are you a Bangladeshi?” reported The Indian Express.

In reaction, Kerala’s Local Self Government Minister MB Rajesh said that Baghel had been “attacked after being stigmatised as Bangladeshi”, the newspaper reported. Rajesh, who is a Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader from Palakkad, alleged that the assailants included RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) workers, who are facing criminal charges in other cases. The RSS has a high number of branches (shakhas) in Kerala and recently its political formation, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BBJP) made significant inroads in local elections, even winning Trivandrum (Thiruvanthapuram).

“The migrant worker who came in search of a job was tried (sic) and assaulted, accused of being a Bangladeshi,” Rajesh was quoted as saying by The Indian Express. “He is a victim of the racial hatred being spread by Sangh Parivar in the country.”

Following the killing, on last Thursday, the Kerala Police arrested five persons in the case and charged them with murder, according to the newspaper. Meanwhile, the victim, Baghel’s family refused to receive his body at the Thrissur Medical College Hospital on Sunday, reported The Hindu. They demanded compensation of Rs 25 lakh and for the state government to bear the cost of transporting the body to his village. On Monday, the Kerala government promised compensation of at least Rs 10 lakh to the family, reported The Indian Express.

Palakkad Superintendent of Police Ajith Kumar said that a Special Investigation Team, headed by the deputy superintendent, has been formed to probe the case. He added that the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Prevention of Atrocities Act will be included against the persons accused in the matter.

Related:

A Decade after Bisada: Why Uttar Pradesh’s attempt to drop the Akhlaq lynching case defies law and constitution

India’s ‘tradition’ and ‘culture’ of lynching

CJP flags 8 incidents of hate crime including lynchings to National Commission for Minorities

The post Kerala Lynching: Migrant worker lynched in Palakkad a ‘victim of Sangh Parivar’s hate politics’ says state government appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On December 19, rural India spoke in many accents—but with a shared unease. From drought-hit districts to tribal belts and agrarian heartlands, agricultural labourers and rural workers across the country held coordinated protests against the Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, which replaces the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). Organisers framed the mobilisations not as episodic dissent but as part of a longer struggle to defend rights-based welfare against increasing executive discretion.

Called by the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha, farm worker unions, and peasant organisations, the nationwide protests reflected widespread concern that a legally enforceable right to work was being replaced by a discretionary, mission-mode programme.

Maharashtra: “Without the Guarantee, Drought Becomes Death”

In several districts of Marathwada, groups of farm workers gathered outside tehsil offices, holding up job cards as symbols of survival.

“Here, farming depends on the monsoon and fate,” groups of agricultural labourers from drought-prone Marathwada districts said. “MGNREGA meant at least food when crops failed. Without the guarantee, drought becomes death.”

Workers said that while wage delays had become routine, the legal right to demand work still provided leverage.

“Earlier, we could demand work or unemployment allowance,” workers from Beed and Osmanabad districts said. “Now everything will depend on the mood of officials.”

Jharkhand: “From Right to Request”

In Ranchi, protests drew participation from Adivasi workers from Khunti, Gumla, and Simdega districts.

“MGNREGA allowed us to stay in our villages instead of migrating,” Adivasi workers from central Jharkhand said. “If the guarantee goes, migration will return.”

Activists accompanying the workers said the shift from a right to a scheme would have lasting consequences.

“This bill turns a constitutional promise into a programme,” said Adivasi rights activist Dayamani Barla. “A programme can be stopped. A right cannot.”

Bihar: “Migration Will Increase Again”

In Patna, groups of construction and agricultural labourers linked the new law directly to distress migration.

“Every train to Delhi is full of workers from Bihar,” groups of rural labourers from north and central Bihar said. “MGNREGA reduced migration slightly. Removing the guarantee will push people out again.”

Women workers highlighted how the programme enabled local employment.

“MGNREGA allowed us to work near home and care for our families,” women workers from Gopalganj and Muzaffarpur districts said. “Without it, we will be forced to leave.”

Kerala: “Women Will Pay the Price”

In Kerala, where women form a significant proportion of MGNREGA workers, protests were led largely by women’s collectives.

“MGNREGA gave us dignity, not charity,” groups of women workers from Alappuzha and Palakkad districts said. “If wages become uncertain, women will be the first to lose work.”

Trade union leaders warned that replacing a rights-based programme with a centralised mission would undermine decentralised planning.

“This is a retreat from democratic governance,” said CPI(M) leader and former MP Elamaram Kareem. “Kerala’s experience shows that employment guarantees work when people can demand them.”

Tamil Nadu: “This Is About Control, Not Development”

Protests in Madurai, Tiruchirapalli, and Dindigul focused on the erosion of local decision-making.

“MGNREGA worked because panchayats had a role,” groups of rural workers from southern Tamil Nadu said. “This bill takes control away from local bodies.

Workers also pointed to rising costs of living.

“Food prices are rising every month,” women workers from Dindigul and Theni districts said. “If work becomes uncertain, survival becomes uncertain.”

Punjab: Farmers and Labourers Together

In Punjab, farmer unions joined rural labourers, framing the issue as part of a wider agrarian crisis.

“When labourers lose income security, agriculture weakens,” said Sanyukt Kisan Morcha leader Balbir Singh Rajewal. “This reflects the same mindset that pushed the farm laws.”

Protesting labour groups echoed the concern.

“Rural employment schemes support the entire village economy,” groups of landless labourers from Punjab’s Doaba and Malwa regions said.

Northeast: “One Law Cannot Fit All”

In Nagaland, protests organised by the Congress and civil society groups highlighted the region’s dependence on public employment.

“Our villages have few alternatives,” groups of rural workers from Nagaland said. “A uniform law ignores regional realities.”

Senior Congress leader K. Therie said the bill failed to recognise economic disparities between states.

Political Opposition: “Anti-Village”

Opposition leaders across parties amplified the protests.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi described the bill as “anti-village and anti-state,” arguing that development cannot be built by withdrawing guarantees from the poorest citizens.

“You cannot weaken the foundation and expect the structure to stand,” he said.

CPI(M) leader Brinda Karat said the legislation reflected a systematic dilution of labour protections.

“From labour laws to rural employment, guarantees are being steadily eroded,” she said.

Parliament vs the Streets

The protests coincided with dramatic scenes in Parliament, where Opposition MPs staged walkouts and overnight sit-ins following the bill’s passage. “ They rushed the law because they feared scrutiny,” said CPI general secretary D. Raja. “What Parliament avoided debating, the people debated on the streets.” Economists and labour researchers warned that replacing rights with schemes shifts power away from citizens. “ A scheme depends on budgetary discretion,” said social activist and economist Jean Drèze. “A right depends on law.”

What December 19 Revealed

As protests dispersed peacefully across states, organisers announced plans for sustained mobilisation.

“They can change the name and the structure,” groups of rural workers from Chhattisgarh and Odisha said while leaving protest sites. “But hunger does not change.”

December 19 did not reverse the VB-G RAM G Bill. But it revealed something harder to legislate away: rural India’s collective memory of what a guarantee meant—and its refusal to let that memory be erased quietly.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

The post “They Changed the Law, Aggravating Our Misery and Hunger” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Let there be Christmas to help us realise that Joseph together with his young, pregnant wife had to trudge a long distance to get themselves registered in Bethlehem due to a Roman decree by Caesar Augustus, which required everyone to return to their ancestral hometown for a census to account for taxation and lineage. Joseph was of King David’s line, so he had to travel from Nazareth to Bethlehem (David’s city) with Mary. We live in a similar reality today in India: The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has disenfranchised innumerable citizens who belong to the minority communities and to the poorer sections of society. With Census 2027 on the threshold, the reality for the entire country will perhaps become even worse! So let there be Christmas which does not disenfranchise anyone!

Let there be Christmas when we humbly learn to accept that Joseph and Mary are migrants, who come from a different part of the country; they are kept out on the streets, very strongly told that “there is no place in the inn.” Later, with Jesus, they become refugees. Scripture tells us, “An angel of the Lord appeared in a dream to Joseph, saying, “Get up, take the child and his mother, and flee to Egypt, and stay there until I tell you. For Herod is about to seek the child to destroy him.” Like so many today, the Holy Family of Nazareth becomes refugees overnight. The land that will provide them refuge and protect them, is Egypt – a pagan country. So let there be Christmas when we will accept and integrate migrants and refugees in our lives and treat them as family!

Let there be Christmas which makes us focus on the stable, the manger, the crib. The place Jesus is born! He is the Son of God! The Saviour of all mankind. He could have chosen a palace as his birthplace with its wealth and pomp, comfort and security. But Jesus choses the poverty and frugality of a stable: with its stench and squalour, the straw and swaddling clothes, the moos and the warmth of the animals housed there. So let there be Christmas which leads us to the frugal and simple, the poor and vulnerable of this world

Let there be Christmas so that we identify with the shepherds! They live in the rugged hills. They are simple, unlettered, marginalized folk, a minority community; their expertise was in tending sheep. Their life was difficult: with long nights spent in the open, biting cold. They are like our rural poor who are today deprived of the benefits of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). When the shepherds were given the “good news” of the birth of the Saviour they leave their sheep behind (their attachments) and ran in haste to worship him; their priorities are very clear: they had to be the first witnesses to the herald of the angels! So let there be Christmas for us to reach out to the excluded, the exploited, the minorities, those who live on the peripheries, the ‘others’, the ones who are denigrated and demonised, who are treated as ‘untouchables’!

Let there be Christmas when we are attune to the song of the angels and make it our own! It is not ‘Vande Mataram’ but “Glory to God in the highest and peace to all men and women of goodwill!”  A song of peace, a song which is inclusive and belongs to all!! It transcends narrowness and pettiness; xenophobia and jingoism; arrogance and divisiveness. So let there be Christmas when we live the song and   communicate its spirit to others and ultimately ensure that is peace is a reality in the lives of all people.

Let there be Christmas when we learn the openness and the persistence of the Magi. They lived in a distant land. They possessed wisdom and wealth. However, they had a singular mission in life: a relentless search for the truth and for the Messiah that would epitomise that truth. These were men who studied the ancient manuscripts. They were no pushovers; they knew their stuff. They go out of their way, find Jesus and give him of their best! They realise that having found the truth they have to take a stand for justice. They go back home by ‘another way’ thwarting the evil designs of a ruthless, jealous, fascist ruler. So let there be Christmas, when we are not afraid to seek truth and stand up for what is right.

Let there be Christmas to look for the Star. The Star which guided the Magi and which needs to guide us, always, particularly in this Jubilee Year, when we are called to be pilgrims of hope. That star is a lodestar that guides us when we are lost, when we are caught in the pitfalls of life (like the wiles of a dictator). If we are open to its directions, it will give us endless and relevant possibilities, to take a different path and to stand against the power of evil and injustice in this world. So let there be Christmas which gives us the prophetic courage to dream the impossible dream and to reach for the unreachable star!

Let there be Christmas when we search for what is right, what is just, what is holy! Like the ‘Anawim’ a broken people, who waited in patience and hope, searching for the Messiah; someone who would liberate them from their suffering, from the shackles of bondage.  Mary who sings the ‘Magnificat’; everyone respects her; no one dares pull out her ‘hijab’!  The relentless search of a people for truth, light and for a new tomorrow! It is a search by so many people for a meaning and fulfilment in life, that will have no end! So let there be Christmas when we awake to a new dawn, and bring hope to our brutal, broken world!

Let there be Christmas that gives us the honesty and authenticity, to live against the stream however difficult it is. Material celebration of a festival certainly has a place. But ‘Christmas has been relegated to vulgar materialism, crass commercialisation, unbridled consumerism, blatant hedonism, dancing and merriment, overeating and drinking, the vulgar display of opulence and wanton waste. All this throttles the real spirit and meaning of this festival! We must say an emphatic “NO” to all this. Besides, Christmas is today equated with Santa Claus and Christmas Trees, reindeers, sleighs and snow, with splurging, shopping and extravagance, with tinsels and baubles, mistletoes and holly wreaths. None of these, we all know, have anything to do with the birth of Jesus. Powerful, commercial and other vested interests have meticulously and manipulatively taken Jesus out from Christmas. Sadly, many, have succumbed to this trickery! So let there be Christmas when we truly celebrate the birth of Jesus!

When God our Creator, created the world, the Holy Bible tells us he said “Let there be Light…sky, water, earth, fish, animals….” He finally created man (Adam and Eve). Looking from above, he tells each one of us today, “Let there be Christmas!”

Are we listening?

19 December 2025

(The author is an internationally renowned human rights, reconciliation & peace activist and writer.)

The post “Let there be CHRISTMAS…”! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Mandated by the ECI to map current voters to the data from the 2002 electoral rolls, the exercise demolishes the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s ongoing propaganda of “illegal Bangladeshi” or “Rohingya” voters in minority-heavy border belts.

A constituency-level analysis covering all 294 assembly constituencies finds the opposite pattern. The state’s rural minority population is its most documented demographic, while the “citizenship crisis” has shifted squarely onto Hindu refugees and the urban workforce.

Under the 2025 SIR architecture, voters are asked to link (“map”) their presence in the current roll to a legacy anchor – with the 2002 electoral roll functioning as the main historical database.

Those “who cannot be linked” land in the “No Mapping” category, often triggering compulsory hearings and higher documentary burdens to establish eligibility. At the same time, deletions are being recorded separately under the “ASD” acronym which comprises absent, shifted, dead or  duplicate voters.

Here are the five key takeaways from an initial analysis of SIR 2025 in West Bengal.

Minorities are the most documented

The most explosive finding is the statistical demolition of the “illegal immigrant” hypothesis. BJP’s political narrative has long suggested that minority-dominated border districts are hubs of undocumented migration. The SIR data proves the exact opposite. These districts have the highest rates of valid documentation.

Nowhere is this clearer than in Murshidabad, a district repeatedly invoked in political rhetoric due to its proximity to Bangladesh. However, contrary to propaganda,  the border location plus a high minority share in the district does not translate into reality. Multiple constituencies with predominantly Muslim populations show negligible No Mapping rates. Domkal (77.67% Muslim) records just 0.42%, Raninagar (75.40% Muslim) sits at 0.91%, and Hariharpara (74.96% Muslim) is at 0.60%.

This data indicates that the agrarian minority population possesses deep ancestral roots and robust legacy documentation, allowing for easier mapping to the 2002 cutoff. Statistical stress tests confirm this trend, showing a negative correlation between minority population percentage and documentation failure, thereby leaving the illegal immigrant narrative without any statistical foothold.

The Matua situation: Refugees face disenfranchisement

The sharpest concentration of high No Mapping rates is in constituencies dominated by the Matua community, a Dalit refugee-origin population that has been central to BJP’s political strategy in the border districts.

An analysis of a 17-seat Matua-focused list spanning Nadia and North 24 Parganas reveals a striking demographic reality: the mean No Mapping rate in these constituencies stands at 9.47%, significantly higher than the statewide average of 4.05%. These seats are demographically distinct, characterised by a significant Scheduled Caste population (average SC population of 36.39%) and a relatively low minority share of 13.66%.

Stark examples from the dataset highlight this trend. Gaighata, the community’s spiritual headquarters near the Indo-Bangladesh border in North 24 Parganas, has a staggering 14.51%  (38,490 votes) No Mapping rate despite having only a 7.61% minority population, and neighbouring Bagda (SC) showing a 12.69% (36567 voters) unmapped rate against a minority share of 11.97%.

The 2002 cutoff acts as a structural barrier for Hindu refugees who arrived post-1971 or fled later persecution. The SIR effectively functions as a filter for refugee displacement history, creating an existential crisis for the very demographic the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) was purported to protect.

This data exposes a profound political irony, as the population most affected by the SIR’s legacy linkage is not the stereotyped “outsider Muslim infiltrator” of BJP speeches, but Hindu refugees who arrived post-1971 or fled later persecution. The 2002 linkage in SIR effectively functions as a “citizenship trap” for Matua refugees, an administrative design that cuts directly across the BJP’s own “CAA-protection” messaging in these critical belts.

Urban hollowing out: The ghost voter purge

Away from the border, a massive “hollowing out” of West Bengal’s urban and industrial centres is driven by economic migration rather than citizenship anomalies. The data shows catastrophic deletion rates in Kolkata, far outpacing any rural district.

Jorasanko, Kolkata’s commercial hub with a significant Hindi-speaking population and highly cosmopolitan Chowrangee recorded deletion rates of 36.85% and 35.46%, respectively, meaning over one-third of the electorate has been removed.

The trend is equally visible at the district level, with Kolkata North recording a 25.93% deletion rate and Kolkata South 23.83%.

Crucially, this pattern cuts across demographic lines. High deletion rates persist regardless of whether the minority population is negligible like Shyampukur and Rashbehari or substantial like Kolkata Port and Ballygunge, proving that urban instability, not religion, is the primary driver. These mixed-language trade and service hubs experience rapid roll turnover as populations shift, making the city’s cosmopolitan core, rather than the border, the true epicenter of SIR disruption.

However, this massive administrative cleanup introduces significant volatility into the upcoming election arithmetic. If deletions disproportionately remove duplicates or long-absent names, the actual electorate in these urban seats could shrink dramatically, fundamentally altering turnout calculations and victory margins.

A reverse migration signature appears in the industrial belt

A clear reverse-migration signature is visible in West Bengal’s industrial belt, especially in constituencies with large Hindi-speaking migrant-worker populations. The draft SIR figures repeatedly show a combined pattern of moderate-to-high No Mapping alongside high deletion rates, which aligns more with economic out-migration and workforce instability than with any border-linked anomaly.

In the Barrackpore-Howrah industrial corridor, traditionally anchored by jute mills, auxiliary factories, construction sites and dense rental settlements, seats such as Bally (19.51% deletions, 17.81% No Mapping) and Howrah Uttar (26.95%, 12.42%) display the same churn profile seen in other working-class industrial pockets like Bhatpara (20.38%, 9.3%) and Asansol Uttar (14.71%, 8.74%)

Deletions surge as electors are tagged “permanently shifted,” while No Mapping numbers are high because many older voters find it difficult to link to legacy rolls after years of renting, shifting between bustees and worksites, or maintaining multiple addresses across districts. As mills shrink, construction cycles end, and urban rents push families outward, more workers quietly drop off the rolls or return to home states, leaving behind a broken documentation trail that the SIR process registers as both mapping failure and mass deletion.

As a result, the industrial and commuter belts have emerged as the revision’s one of the most severe administrative shock zones, shaped largely by reverse migration and relentless economic churn.

Administrative filtering targets ‘rootlessness,’ not religion

Ultimately, the SIR 2025 acts as a test of stability, not religion. The statistical patterns provide the final verdict on the exercise’s true impact. The data confirms that high rates of No Mapping, meaning a lack of legacy documents, go hand-in-hand with urbanisation and refugee populations, but have no connection to the minority percentage. In fact, documentation errors are consistently lower in minority-dominated areas. In reality, the process effectively filters for “rootlessness.” It disproportionately flags refugees who lost their documents during displacement and urban workers who move frequently, while validating the citizenship status of the settled rural population. The “illegal immigrant” narrative, when tested against these hard numbers, dissolves completely.

As the state heads toward the 2026 elections, the battle lines have shifted. The issue is no longer just about who gets to vote, but the validation of the voter themselves, with the data proving that those accused of being “outsiders” are, in fact, the most settled insiders of all.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post SIR 2025 in Bengal: 5 Key Takeaways That Strike at BJP’s ‘Infiltration’ Bogey appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Government presents the Codes as a modernisation that eases compliance, simplifies regulatory processes and boosts investment. From an industry perspective, consolidation reduces administrative burden and litigation risk, enhancing flexibility. However, labour unions and many policy analysts contend that these reforms prioritise employer interests, weaken worker protections, and ignore the realities of India’s heavily informal workforce. This paper critically examines the Code on Wages, Industrial Relations Code, Code on Social Security, and Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, analysing their likely impact on workers, employers, unions, and labour rights. All the codes have been embedded at the end of this analysis for easy reference.

Understanding the Four Labour Codes

• The Code on Wages, 2019

The Code on Wages replaces four earlier laws — Minimum Wages Act, 1948, Payment of Wages Act, 1936, Payment of Bonus Act, 1965 and the Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 — into a unified wage framework. At first glance, this rationalisation is welcome: it removes the peculiar fragmentation wherein only certain “scheduled employments” were entitled to minimum wage protection, leaving vast sectors uncovered.

Its most noted provision is the establishment of a National Floor Wage, below which no state can fix minimum wages. In theory, this should reduce inter-state disparities. However, the Code does not mandate that states must revise their minimum wages upward if their current rates slightly exceed the national floor. Many states already have minimum wages far higher than earlier floor-level recommendations; thus, unless the national floor is set ambitiously, something economists have long urged, it will have little meaning.

The Code also introduces a uniform definition of “wages”, attempting to address the inconsistencies across earlier laws. Critically, this definition includes basic pay and dearness allowance but excludes a list of allowances. If exclusions exceed 50% of total remuneration, the excess counts back into wages. While this aims to prevent employers from artificially restructuring wages to avoid statutory contributions, it remains complex in practice and will likely generate future litigation.

Moreover, enforcement has been significantly weakened. Earlier, workers could approach labour courts directly for wage-related grievances. The new system shifts much of the enforcement to inspectors-cum-facilitators and administrative mechanisms, reducing avenues for judicial redress. In a country where workers face stigma, fear, and lack of access to representation, administrative barriers often function as substantive barriers.

• Industrial Relations Code, 2020

The Industrial Relations (IR) Code arguably represents the most transformative and contentious reform. It combines the Trade Unions Act 1926, Industrial Disputes Act 1947, and Standing Orders Act 1946, governing everything from unionisation and dispute resolution to layoffs and closures.

The most controversial shift is the increase in the threshold for layoffs and closures from 100 to 300 workers. Units employing fewer than 300 workers no longer need prior government permission to terminate or retrench employees. This is not a minor change; it effectively removes a layer of job security for workers in medium-sized establishments, a sector which accounts for a large share of India’s organised workforce.

Proponents argue that rigid labour laws have suppressed the growth of labour-intensive industries, forcing firms to remain small to avoid crossing the regulatory threshold. They insist that increased flexibility will encourage larger hiring. But India’s own experience, and that of countries like Bangladesh and Vietnam, suggests that labour protections alone do not determine employment growth; infrastructure, productivity, skill development, and stable markets play a far more decisive role.

The IR Code also tightens procedures around strikes. The new rules require workers to provide extended notice in all industrial establishments, and prohibit strikes during conciliation proceedings and arbitration. Taken together, this significantly curtails the traditional bargaining power of unions. With union density already low in the private sector, critics argue that the Code further shifts the power imbalance in favour of employers.

The introduction of fixed-term employment — contracts with a defined duration but parity in benefits — adds another layer of flexibility. While it technically ensures equal benefits, the ability to not renew a contract provides employers a way to bypass protections against arbitrary dismissals. Without strong union presence or dispute-resolution mechanisms, many workers may experience heightened precarity.

• Code on Social Security, 2020

The Social Security Code replaces nine statutes, such as the Employees’ State Insurance Act, Provident Funds Act, Maternity Benefit Act and the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act, into one framework intended to extend welfare benefits across India’s vast workforce — including organised, unorganised, gig and platform workers.

The Code on Social Security puts in place suitable welfare arrangements for unorganised workers, like health and maternity benefits, education, etc. [Section 109(1)] as well as provident fund, gratuity, housing, old-age homes, funeral assistance, etc [Section 109 (2)]. However, it makes the registration of such unorganised workers, including gig workers, compulsory. Such registration is also subject to submission of the Aadhaar details of the workers under Section 113 (2)(1)-

shall make an application for registration in such form along with such documents including Aadhaar number as may be prescribed by the Central Government and such worker shall be assigned a distinguishable number to his application

Yet, recognition alone does not guarantee actual coverage. Registration under the Code requires Aadhaar-based identification, which has been criticised for excluding those without stable documentation, particularly migrant workers and those on the margins of the digital ecosystem. Several constitutional arguments have been raised against making Aadhaar a mandatory precondition for accessing statutory benefits, but the Code nevertheless embeds this requirement.

Moreover, the Code leaves most of the substantive welfare provisions to be framed through future schemes. This skeletal drafting has drawn criticism for shifting the real decision-making power from Parliament to the executive. Funding responsibilities between states and the Centre are vaguely articulated, leaving scope for jurisdictional friction and uneven implementation. Another issue arises for the gig workers. While the gig workers are a part of a larger subset of unorganised workers, the SSC 2020 lays down separate provisions for the gig workers, making the provisions applying to such workers confusing. Gig workers, in particular, are recognised as a category but remain non-employees in the eyes of the law.

• Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020

The OSH Code merges 13 different laws on factories, mines, construction, contract labour, inter-state migrant workers and more, aiming for uniform workplace safety standards. It increases formalisation by allowing a single registration for establishments working across sectors, and in principle extends certain safety and welfare protections to gig/platform workers as well. However, as with the Social Security Code, most operational details are delegated to subordinate rule-making.

One notable change is the relaxation of restrictions on women working at night. While framed as a progressive step toward gender equality, the Code requires that states ensure adequate safety conditions. Critics point out that without strong monitoring mechanisms, this provision could expose women to vulnerabilities in poorly regulated industries such as hospitality, manufacturing, and gig-based delivery. Moreover, the Occupational Safety and Health Code, 2020, while bringing together various labour laws, fails to incorporate specific measures to safeguard women from violence and harassment comprehensively.

The OSH Code also does not adequately address India’s longstanding compliance problems. The earlier Factories Act mandated facilities like crèches and sanitation, but enforcement remained abysmally weak. Merely codifying these rights in a consolidated law does not guarantee their realisation without institutional strengthening.

Do the New Labour Codes Strengthen Labour Rights?

The central claim of the Government is that legal consolidation promotes clarity, reduces duplication and enhances compliance. But the deeper question is whether this simplification translates into strengthened labour rights or whether it functions as an understated pathway to employer-centred deregulation. Across the Codes, several concerns persist:

Weakening of Unions and Collective Bargaining: The expanded notice requirements for strikes, and the constraints placed on union recognition and dispute resolution, have raised alarms about the shrinking space for collective bargaining. In a labour market already skewed in favour of employers, these restrictions deepen the imbalance.

Ease of Retrenchment: Raising the threshold for retrenchment permission to 300 workers enables employers to terminate workers more easily. Economic studies show that greater job insecurity often pushes workers into informal or precarious employment, undermining long-term industrial stability.

Ambiguous Social Security for Gig Workers: Recognition without rights creates a misleading sense of inclusion. Gig workers remain outside traditional employer-employee frameworks, and the Code does not mandate contributions that would secure pensions, provident funds or health insurance for them.

Dilution of Safety Standards: By shifting critical provisions to future rules, the OSH Code risks weakening existing protections — especially in sectors with historically high accident rates such as construction and mining.

Skeletal Legislative Frameworks:  All four Codes defer substantial amounts of lawmaking to delegated legislation. This centralises power in the executive and sidelines parliamentary oversight. Critics argue that this makes workers’ rights contingent on administrative discretion rather than statutory guarantees.

Constitutional Concerns: Questions arise under: Article 14 (differential treatment of workers based on establishment size, potentially arbitrary), Article 16 (fairness in employment procedures), Article 19(1) (c) (restrictions on forming associations and unions) and Article 21 (dignity and security of livelihood). While not necessarily unconstitutional, the Codes open space for litigation and judicial scrutiny.

Overlapping and Confusing Jurisdictions

The Delhi High Court on December 11, 2025, noted that The Industrial Relations Code, 2020, was brought in without repealing the previous 3 laws- Trade Unions Act, 1926, Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 and the Industrial Employment (Standing Order) Act, 1946. As reported in Bar and Bench.

There has also been a great deal of opposition from the labour unions with regard to the judicial recourse available to the working class. All cases pending in the Labour Courts and Industrial tribunals under the Industrial Disputes Act,1947 have now been transferred to special tribunals under the new code. These tribunals have, however, not yet been put in place. This raises much doubts on the effectiveness of these tribunals.

In terms of the jurisdiction, there is an overlap between the Centre and the State Governments. While the boundaries are clearly demarcated between the central and the state governments under Section 109(1) and Section 109(2) of the OSH Code, what it does not specify is the implementation authority. Another point of contention is that of the fund allocation between the states. Till the time these issues are clarified and sorted out, no progress of any sort could be made.

Challenges in Implementation

Even the best-designed labour laws fail without effective implementation — and here, the Codes face formidable challenges. One bigger question that comes is up:  how well the government has resources and infrastructure for the electronic registration of unorganised workers, gig workers, and platform employees.?  A report by Mehrotra and Sarkar in EPW also point out that the current OSH Code does not take into account the high proportion of unregistered establishments (67.7 percent) in the unorganised sector, instead stating that ‘every establishment to which the code applies’ must be registered.

A major concern is the transition from labour inspectors to “Inspector-cum-Facilitators”, which shifts the enforcement philosophy from deterrence to self-certification and advisory compliance. Critics argue that replacing surprise inspections with web-based randomised checks significantly dilutes state oversight, especially in sectors notorious for exploitation such as construction, textiles, and mining. This new framework assumes that employers will voluntarily comply with safety and welfare norms; an assumption that may not hold in an economy where informalisation is widespread and labour violations are systemic.

Migrant workers, who make up a large share of India’s workforce, face particular vulnerabilities under the new regime. While the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code promises better registration and portability of benefits, the on-ground mechanisms required to operationalise these guarantees remain weak. The experience of the pandemic, when millions of migrant workers were left without income, shelter, or social protection, demonstrates the fragility of India’s labour governance system and raises serious questions about whether the Codes can be meaningfully enforced without substantial administrative strengthening.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of the Codes will depend not only on legislative intent but on the capacity of state labour departments, the willingness of employers to comply, and the ability of workers, especially those in informal and precarious sectors, to access grievance redressal mechanisms. Without significant investment in personnel, digital infrastructure, and awareness-building, the promise of simplification may translate into weaker protections and heightened precarity for millions of Indian workers.

Conclusion

The consolidation of labour laws into four comprehensive Codes was an enormous legislative undertaking, long recommended by commissions and economic advisors. Again, like the much-opposed erstwhile Farm laws (that were subsequently withdrawn because of intense agitation by India’s famer organisations (2020-2021), the Labour Codes have been brought in near unilaterally without effective debate, deliberations and discussions either with sake holder Worker’s Unions or Parliament. On paper, simplification seems beneficial. But simplification that simultaneously erodes substantive rights, weakens collective bargaining, and defers essential protections to executive rule-making demands scrutiny.

India’s economy does need labour reform. It needs modernisation, expanded social security, and flexible frameworks that encourage job creation. But reform must not come at the cost of workers’ security, dignity and constitutional rights.

Central to any step forward must remain the rights, welfare and accountability due to India’s marginalised workforce. While the Labour Codes attempt to position themselves as a new social contract for India’s workforce, several provisions remain vague. Most concerning is the push-back on a rights-based approach with constitutional provisions of judicial review to restricting redressal to tribunals etc. Finally, whether they become meaningful instruments of empowerment, or mechanisms that accelerate employer-centred deregulation, will depend on how the rules are drafted, how states implement them, and whether the opinions, concerns and voices of workers and unions are meaningfully included in shaping the next phase of India’s labour landscape.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this resource has been worked on by Shyamli Pengoriya)

Code on Wages may be read here:

Industrial Relations Code may be read here:

Code on Social Security may be read here:

Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code may be read here:

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