The book serves as a wake-up call to the gross human rights violations inflicted on thousands of undertrials. Kolhatkar’s detailed discussions—some spanning multiple meetings—reveal personal anecdotes from the prisoners’ time behind bars. She brings to light not only their experiences but also the deplorable prison conditions, including issues related to space, hygiene, medical care, and food. The research offers a comprehensive and disturbing insight into life within prison walls, particularly how conditions deteriorated to near-unbearable levels during the COVID-19 pandemic, with grievances left unaddressed.

Beyond its urgent call for prison reforms, The Feared is also a compelling narrative of resilience, courage, and endurance. It captures stories of solidarity and the unexpected bonds formed in confinement. Kolhatkar interviewed members of trade unions, communist parties, and even the Shiv Sena, providing a diverse spectrum of perspectives. Above all, she underscores the critical role of journalists as the fourth pillar of democracy—a role that is rapidly eroding.

The book features conversations with political prisoners such as Sudha Bharadwaj, Nilofer Malik, Sameer Khan, Koel Sen, Prashant Rahi, Shikha Rahi, Sanjay Raut, Kishorechandra Wangkhem, Anand Teltumbde, Rama Ambedkar, Binayak Sen, Kobad Gandhy, Muralidharan K, and P. Hemlatha. These interviews introduce an element of suspense and unpredictability as they explore the circumstances of their arrests and the harsh realities of their incarceration.

Kolhatkar offers one of the most incisive examination of the growing fascist tendencies within the Indian state. She highlights how the ruling BJP has dealt a severe blow to the fabric of democracy and the Constitution. The book not only documents the erosion of human rights but also ignites a call for resistance against neo-fascist injustice. The interview with Sudha Bharadwaj, in particular, stands out as deeply moving.

Drawing parallels between India’s political prisoners and the treatment of dissenters under Nazi Germany in the 1930s, Kolhatkar examines the fascist nature of laws like the UAPA. She also references Peter Benson’s research on political prisoners in Portugal during the same period.

The book provides an in-depth psychological analysis of imprisonment, revealing how incarceration often strengthens a prisoner’s resolve rather than breaking their spirit. Through meticulous research and extensive conversations with prisoners and their families, Kolhatkar uncovers the lasting psychological scars inflicted by prolonged incarceration. She notes, “The first night in jail is reputed to be the hardest. After that, you learn how to survive, though many prisoners carry lifelong scars.”

Kolhatkar also shares her motivation for writing The Feared, emphasizing the need to shift public perception about political prisoners. She states, “People assume that if someone is behind bars, they must have done something wrong. It’s time we understand that being imprisoned doesn’t necessarily mean guilt. One of the aspects I wanted to highlight was the mental toll on prisoners and their families. Even after acquittal, many continue to live in fear because the legal battle never truly ends.”

The book features a powerful introduction by Julio Ribeiro, who examines the stripping of human rights from prisoners and critiques India’s growing neo-fascism. He condemns the hypocrisy of a nation striving for economic supremacy while suppressing fundamental freedoms. Ribeiro provides a gripping account of the injustices faced by Sudha Bharadwaj in Yerawada Jail, Pune, and Byculla Jail, Mumbai, and the ostracisation of Varavara Rao, who was denied contact with his family. He also recounts the unjust incarceration of Kishore Chandra Wangkhem in Manipur for opposing the glorification of the Rani of Jhansi.

Justice Srikrishna, in his foreword, discusses the prolonged incarceration of political prisoners and the grim state of Indian jails. He stresses the importance of upholding free expression, regardless of ideology, and condemns the practice of imprisoning individuals merely to silence dissent. He remarks, “I am a Hindu, but that does not mean I should hate someone who isn’t or put them behind bars. These political prisoners have not been convicted of any crimes, yet they remain incarcerated. Even if a person is convicted, they do not cease to be human, even though some of their constitutional rights may be restricted.”

At the book launch, senior advocate Aspi Chinoy also shed light on the appalling state of Indian prisons, emphasizing that “any self-respecting civilized nation cannot allow such conditions to persist.” He pointed out that political prisoners like Gautam Navlakha, Sudha Bharadwaj, Varavara Rao, and Arun Ferreira, accused in the Bhima Koregaon case, have been acquitted in most of the cases against them. “The goal is not to convict them but to detain them indefinitely. People are jailed for years simply because of their political beliefs. Anand Teltumbde was denied a mosquito net, and Father Stan Swamy was denied a sipper. Indian jails are overcrowded, lacking even basic necessities. They should not be turned into concentration camps,” he added.

Kolhatkar expresses deep gratitude to those who supported her in bringing The Feared to life, including Sanober Keshawar, Freny Maneckshaw, Susan Abraham for documentation resources, Ramya Sharma for encouragement, and Carol Andrade, Father Rudy Heredia, Rupa Pannalal, Mondipa Mukherjee, and Advocate Sunip Sen for moral support. 

(The author is a freelance journalist)

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Weavers of Banaras are forced to work for less than the minimum wage

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The Prudent Electoral Trust donated Rs. 723 Crore to the BJP; Rs. 85 Crore to the Bharat Rashtra Samiti (BRS)–the then ruling party in the state of Telangana; Rs. 72.50 Crore to the YSR Congress-the then ruling party in Andhra Pradesh. During the fiscal year 2023-24, electoral trusts received 51.23% of their total donations, amounting to Rs 624.195 cr, from the top 10 corporate donors. DLF Ltd, ArcelorMittal Nippon Steel India Ltd, Maatha Projects LLP, CESC Ltd, and Maruti Suzuki India Ltd were amongst the top donors to electoral trusts. Both DLF Ltd and ArcelorMittal Nippon Steel India Ltd contributed the highest amount of Rs 100 cr each. Following closely, Maatha Projects LLP donated Rs 75 cr, while CESC Ltd and Maruti Suzuki India Ltd each contributed Rs 60 cr.

After the Supreme Court declared the electoral bonds scheme to be unconstitutional in February 2024, electoral trusts have made a comeback, to fill the big gaping void left by the electoral bonds scheme. The Prudent Electoral Trust received the largest share of donations. Nearly three-quarters of those donations, amounting to Rs 797.1 crore out of a total of Rs 1,075.7 crore, were made after the Supreme Court’s decision on February 15.

How massive is ₹1,179 crore—the total sum funnelled by these Electoral Trusts into political parties? To grasp its scale, this is nearly the entire 2025 budget allocation for judiciary infrastructure or the estimated funding for cutting-edge R&D at Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC). These are pillars of national progress, yet the same amount has been mobilised not for science, justice, or public welfare, but to tighten the grip of corporate power over our politics—all under the guise of “transparent” donations.

This article seeks to examine the democratic legitimacy of the Electoral Trusts, without invoking their presumptive constitutional status against their now unconstitutional successors-electoral bonds.

What are Electoral Trusts?

A legal trust is a financial or legal arrangement in which one party (the trustor or settlor) transfers assets to another party (the trustee) to hold and manage for the benefit of a third party (the beneficiary). Trusts are commonly used for estate planning, asset protection, and charitable giving.

In case of Electoral Trusts in India, the donors are the corporates, the trustee is whoever manages the trust, and the beneficiary is the political party. Sometimes, the trustor is also a corporation which would establish a trust and later transfer it to other auditors. For example, the Prudent Electoral Trust was established by Bharti Enterprises (the parent of Bharti Airtel) but was later transferred to independent auditors to be managed.

How are they structured?

Electoral Trusts (Trusts) are registered under Section 8 of the Companies Act, 2013 (Section 25 of the now repealed Companies Act, 1956), requiring approval from the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) and adhere to the CBDT rules. They must adhere to the provisions of the Income Tax Act, 1961. Trusts cannot accept foreign donations or contributions from government companies, ensuring domestic funding sources.

Operational Structure

1. Donations: Trusts receive voluntary contributions from Indian citizens, domestic companies, firms, or Hindu Undivided Families (HUFs) via cheques, bank drafts, or electronic transfers. Donors must disclose their Permanent Account Number (PAN).
2. Fund Distribution: At least 95% of collected funds must be disbursed to registered political parties, with the remaining 5% administrative expenses. Trusts cannot use donations for members’ benefit.
3. Transparency: Trusts must maintain audited accounts, disclosing donors, recipients, and disbursements to the CBDT and the Election Commission of India (ECI).

The issue with Electoral Trusts

The design of electoral trusts reflects a compromise between corporate interests and state regulation, embedding structural inequities into India’s political economy.

First, Trusts like Prudent Electoral Trust dominate the landscape, distributing funds disproportionately to major parties (e.g., the BJP and Congress—more to the BJP), entrenching incumbency and marginalising smaller voices. This concentration mirrors the broader political economy’s bias toward established power blocs, where corporate donors prioritise access to ruling parties over democratic pluralism. While Trusts disclose donor identities to regulators, they withhold critical details like trust deeds or allocation criteria, enabling deniability for corporations and opacity in fund distribution.

Second, the regulatory framework—governed by the Electoral Trusts Scheme (2013)—mandates minimal transparency. Trusts must distribute 95% of funds to registered parties but face no scrutiny over their internal governance. This loophole allows Trusts to operate as autonomous entities, ostensibly independent of donor influence, yet their opaque rules shield them from accountability. For instance, Prudent’s donations, though publicly reported, lack explanations for party-specific allocations, raising questions about quid pro quo arrangements. Essentially, we have multiple companies donating to the trust, and the trust funnelling the money to the party. We do not know whether the trust is funnelling the money to the party on the advice and suggestion of the donor or, if there is a cartel of sorts or anything as such. The public is kept in the dark as to what guides the division of money between parties, by trust when it executes the contributions.

Third, the rise of Electoral Trusts, post-electoral bonds, underscores the persistence of corporate dominance in political financing. Corporations leverage these trusts to maintain influence while avoiding direct exposure, perpetuating a cycle of crony capitalism. What was direct in Electoral Bonds’ case where there was complete anonymity for the donors, is indirect in Electoral Trusts which give the chance to companies to deny their role in disbursement of funds to the parties.  The ECI’s limited oversight—relying on limited disclosures—further weakens accountability, leaving voters uninformed about the true sources of party funding.  The disclosures mandated by the ECI and are publicly accessible do not have details of the trust deed, or the details of the criteria of division of funds between the parties.

Why Electoral Trusts undermine democracy

The shadows cast by Electoral Trusts reveal a deeper truth: the veneer of transparency masks a system designed to entrench power. These trusts, dominated by a few corporate giants, funnel funds to major parties while obscuring the strings attached. The illusion of autonomy—trusts claim independence from donors, yet their allocations disproportionately favour ruling parties—becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. Smaller parties, starved of resources, fade into irrelevance, while voters internalize the inevitability of elite rule. This is not democracy; it is the cloaked control by capital, where power is consolidated without overt coercion.

The problem lies not just in the Electoral Trusts themselves but in the regulatory framework that enables them. The Electoral Trusts Scheme mandates minimal transparency, allowing trusts to operate as autonomous entities while shielding their internal governance from scrutiny. This loophole enables corporations to maintain influence while avoiding direct exposure, perpetuating a cycle of crony capitalism. The Election Commission’s reliance on self-reported disclosures further weakens accountability, leaving voters uninformed about the true sources of party funding.

Conclusion

To dismantle this system, we must embrace a vision of democracy that prioritises equity and accountability. First, Trusts must be required to disclose their internal rules and allocation criteria. Transparency is not merely a procedural requirement; it is the bedrock of democratic legitimacy. Second, corporate donations to trusts must be capped to prevent the concentration of political power. A model like Germany’s limit on corporate contributions could serve as a template. Third, public funding of political parties should be expanded to reduce reliance on corporate largesse.

Regulatory oversight cannot be passive; it must actively challenge the hegemonic practices that entrench corporate dominance. In the end, the choice is clear: will India’s democracy be a plaything of capital, or a vehicle for the people? The Electoral Trusts’ opacity is not a bug—it is a feature.

To dismantle this Electoral Trusts Scheme is to reclaim the promise of a nation where power belongs not to the few, but to the many.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

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Supreme Court rejects SBI plea for extension in electoral bond case, pulls up the bank for the delay

Electoral Bonds: SC directs all parties to reveal political funding details to EC

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And then it is the best who hang’

– Albrecht Haushoffer

[January 7, 1903 – April 23, 1945, German geographer, diplomat, author, who faced martyrdom for his resistance to Nazism]

Uday Bhembre, the 87-year-old widely respected Konkani writer, son of legendary freedom fighter Laxmikant Bhembre, who has been a Sahitya Akademi awardee, is a worried man these days.

He has discovered to his dismay that his courage to speak the truth and challenge a narrative being peddled by the ruling dispensation in Goa, especially its Chief Minister Pramod Sawant, regarding well established facts of Goa’s own history, would lead to protests, led by Right-wing formations and many among them trespassing his house at night and pressuring him to issue an public apology.

Not very many people outside Goa know how this great writer – he was even a MLA (1984-89) — had neglected his literary career to fight for rights of Konkani language and has been against attempts to merge Goa into Maharashtra, to preserve its culture.

Thanks to the existence of powerful voices of resistance and a vibrant civil society in Goa, a significant number of people have publicly condemned these attempts to intimidate Bhembre and demanded strict action against the perpetrators and exposed the collusion of the Right-wing formations with people in power. Many even went to meet the noted writer to express solidarity with him.

It all started with Shiv Jayanti celebrations in Goa and the Chief Minister making debatable claims about Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, where he supposedly claimed that it was not the Portuguese but Shivaji Maharaj who ruled over most parts of the state and that Portuguese rule was limited to merely three talukas. He further claimed that Goans were saved from being converted to Christianity as Shivaji Maharaj ruled over most parts of the state.

What was perturbing was that this was not the first time that such unfounded claims were made by the Chief Minister.

A few years ago, the Chief Minister had similarly claimed – incidentally during Shiv Jayanti celebrations only – that Shivaji Maharaj had been close to conquering Goa in the mid-1600s (which was a century-and-half into Portuguese rule, when the colonisers held parts of Goa territories). Had he done so, Goa would have been spared the atrocities of colonial domination. In fact, O Heraldo, a very respected newspaper from Goa, had exposed this penchant for ‘reinvention of history’ while reporting the incident.

As per this report, these claims did not go unchallenged then, too, with the likes of Damodar Mauzo, Jnanpith awardee literateur and Bhembre himself questioning the Chief Minister’s ignorance “…[o]f the historical facts” and understanding of the issue. Underlining the greatness of Shivaji Maharaj, they had talked of RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) tactics to appropriate the Maratha leader and “portray him as anti-Muslim”, emphasising that “no religion was involved in Shivaji’s actions”.

Understanding the gravity of these attempts to ‘rewrite history’ Bhembre had provided details of Shivaji’s foray into Goa then, how he was known to have “courted hostilities as well as woven alliances with the Mughals, the sultans of Bijapur and Golconda and the colonial powers as was common of rulers and chieftains of the day,” in an extensive interview to the reporter. He had based his arguments on historian P S Pissurlencar’s monograph on Portuguese Mahratta Relations, which has been translated into English from its original in Marathi, called, Portugese Marathe Sambandh, and has been published by Maharashtra State Board for Literature and Culture (June 1983)

As per this monograph, Shivaji was after ‘Desais of Kudal’ and he resented that the Portuguese — they occupied Ilhas, Bardez, Salcette and Mormugao at the point — had provided them protection. “His quarrel was not with the Portuguese, but the Desais, who he wanted to capture and punish.”

The Portuguese resisted the attack (an interesting account of it is provided in Pissurlencar’s book: “The Ranes of Rewade, Nanode and Peirna, villages under Portuguese control on the outskirts of Bardez, were used by the Portuguese as bases against the Mahrattas.”) and Shivaji had returned to Bicholim.

Pissurlencar writes:

“…Narba Savant, a nephew of Lakham Savant, Desai of Kudal, one of those Desais who had come to Goa, having taken fright at Shivaji’s movements, went to Vengurla on 15 September 1667, caused a riot and molested the Dutch. He was accompanied by some Portuguese. The Dutch of Vengurla protested against this to the Portuguese and probably complained to Shivaji also. These Desais who were sheltered in Bardez often returned to their original seats of power (vatans) and terrorised people in the neighbouring territory controlled by Shivaji. In order to capture them and also punish the Portuguese who had harboured them, Shivaji dispatched an army of 1,000 cavalry and 5,000 infantry to Bardez on 19/20 November 1667.”

Underlining the overwhelming attempts to present Shivaji as a nationalist icon, Bhembre in his interview had said that Shivaji was more a “guerilla warrior”, more interested in expanding his reach and territories. He also talked about Shivaji’s pragmatism in “striking up military alliances”. In fact, soon after this attack, in December of 1667, he had signed a treaty with the Portuguese, committing to return “all that he has carried away from Bardez”, asking for Portuguese help to build his navy. (All references based on the above mentioned O Heraldo article.)

It may appear incomprehensible to scholars and activists to unpack the ‘intimidatory tactics’ adopted by the Hindutva formations this time, when there is no qualitative difference between how Chief Minister Sawant’s unfounded claims to carve out a ‘suitable’ Shivaji as per convenience of Hindutva’s worldview, did not go unchallenged then also. May be this has to do with the growing audacity of the larger Hindutva Parivar and plethora of its affiliated organisations, after the ascent of a Hindutva Supremacist formation at the Centre for third consecutive third time (albeit with a reduced majority)

Coming back to the protests targeting Bhembre this time, it needs to be mentioned that these protesters, allegedly associated with Bajrang Dal, were targeting his YouTube presentation this time. In this presentation, Bhembre had underlined many things that he had mentioned earlier, as discussed in Pissurlencar’s book,

One, Shivaji never ruled over Goa. He never conquered any territory in the state.

Two, Shivaji, at least outwardly, had good relations with the Portuguese because they had a common enemy. So much so that when Shivaji decided to build his Navy, he requested the Portuguese to give him craftsmen. The Portuguese gave him the craftsmen, who built 20 ships

Third, on the claim that Shivaji stopped the conversions, he was more forthright, emphasising that it is wrong to assume this. The conversions started in 1540, whereas Shivaji was born in 1630. I asked ‘how much time will it take [for conversions] in only four talukas, where the population was less than 2 lakhs?’ So, Shivaji never interfered with that and if Shivaji had done that, he would not have approached the Portuguese for craftsmen…The conversions continued even after Shivaji’s death,”

It remains to be seen whether Goa’s Chief Minister would be ready to take action on the police complaint filed by Bhembre against these trespassers or at least stick to the facts – not unverified claims – in future meetings while talking about history.

It was obvious that in a hurry to push this narrative, the Chief Minister did not even bother to look at websites/blogs associated with the government itself, which themselves seem to counter Sawant’s outlandish claims, showing him in a rather poor light.

Here is what one website associated with the Department of Information and Publicity (https://dip.goa.gov.in/history-of-goa/) tells us:

…In 1510, the Portuguese defeated the ruling Bijapur kings with the help of a local ally, Timayya, leading to the establishment of a permanent settlement in Velha Goa (or Old Goa)… On 19 December 1961, the Indian army with Operation Vijay resulted in the annexation of Goa ..(-do)

The North Goa district administration tells its readers (a similar story:

Goa was under Portuguese rule for about 450 years. Afonso de Albuqureque, first portuguese attacked Goa and occupied it. Due to Portuguese rule over Goa, here Christian religion spread very fast.

One can similarly look at more such websites and blogs to discern the links further.

What prohibits the likes of Pramod Sawant, who are in an undue haste to ‘rewrite history’, from looking at the much more nuanced history that is unfolding around us.

Such people would be rather shocked to know the ‘Portuguese contributions to Peshwa might.’ The well documented monograph by Pissurlencar titled, Portuguese Mahratta Relations throws light on this, too.  

 By 1788, ..there were about 100 Portuguese and over 200 Goan Catholic soldiers enlisted in the Peshwa army. They were recruited for their knowledge of artillery, something the Marathas had failed to master, and gunners in the army were handsomely rewarded in comparison to other soldiers. “In the seventeenth century, every European in India was supposed to be an artillery expert,” writes Romesh C Butalia in The Evolution of the Artillery in India. Dom Noronha, a prominent Portuguese officer born in Goa, is said to have been behind Madhavrao’s gift.[-do]

Any close watcher of the Goa situation knows that attempts to silence the courageous voices like Bhembre are no exception. Merely a month and a half ago, another Sahitya Akademi winner Datta Naik, was similarly in the crosshairs of the Hindutva formations, was charged with ‘hurting religious sentiments, or how the names of Damodar Mauzo and few others were found in the ‘hit list’ prepared by Hindutva terrorists who were nabbed few years ago.

The targeting of renowned writer Bhembre and the intimidatory tactics being adopted to silence him also demands that voices across the country and the entire sub-continent should also rise to unitedly condemn such moves, and pressure the government to nab the perpetrators.

The writer is an independent journalist. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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According to the report, the Hindutva movement is not just an ideological or political force – it is also a financial powerhouse, sustained by billion-dollar contributions from India’s biggest industrialists and tax-exempt charities abroad. The BJP’s dominance in electoral fundraising, enabled by the now-invalidated electoral bonds scheme, has created an unequal playing field where corporate interests align directly with Hindu nationalist policies. The report also highlights how foreign-based Hindutva organisations, particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, act as financial lifelines for Hindu nationalist initiatives in India. The impact of this financial nexus is most acutely felt by minorities, as Hindutva funding is channelled into anti-Muslim violence, casteist policies, and the displacement of Adivasi communities in favour of corporate-led land grabs.

By uncovering the economic machinery behind Hindu supremacism, the report raises serious concerns about the erosion of democratic institutions, unchecked corporate influence in politics, and the complicity of international actors in sustaining authoritarianism in India. It ultimately argues that corporate funding of Hindutva politics must be scrutinised, regulated, and held accountable at both domestic and international levels.

Chapter 1: The Hindutva-Corporate Nexus – PM Modi’s rise through illicit finance

The report traces the ideological and financial roots of Hindutva, beginning with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s 1923 book, “Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?”, which articulated the vision of India as a Hindu-only nation. This exclusionary ideology was institutionalised with the formation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925, which became the largest paramilitary organisation in India, operating through over 57,000 shakhas (branches) and millions of volunteers. The RSS, through its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has been instrumental in mainstreaming Hindu majoritarianism, undermining democratic institutions, and silencing dissent.

PM Narendra Modi’s rise to political prominence is deeply tied to this Hindutva network. However, his role in the 2002 Gujarat pogrom, which led to the mass killing of Muslims under his watch as Chief Minister, made him a global pariah, with countries like the United States and the United Kingdom imposing travel bans on him. To rebuild his image and prepare for his bid as Prime Minister, Modi aligned himself with India’s wealthiest business tycoons. The Vibrant Gujarat summit, a high-profile investment platform, was designed not only to attract corporate investments but also to rebrand Modi as a pro-business leader while maintaining his Hindu nationalist credentials. With backing from industrialists like Gautam Adani, Mukesh Ambani, and the Ruias, Modi was able to shift the focus from his Hindutva extremism to economic development, making him more palatable to international investors and political leaders.

Since taking office as Prime Minister in 2014, Modi has fostered an economic environment that benefits a select group of corporations while simultaneously weaponising state institutions against his critics. His tenure has been marked by mass privatisation of public assets, deregulation of industries, and the systematic weakening of oversight mechanisms to favour industrialists aligned with the BJP. The Adani Group, in particular, has seen an unprecedented expansion, securing billion-dollar loans from public banks and acquiring crucial infrastructure projects under questionable circumstances. Modi’s government has also introduced legislative changes to enable unchecked corporate donations, transforming India’s political finance system into a pay-to-play model where businesses fund the BJP in exchange for political and economic favours.

The report emphasises that this Hindutva-corporate nexus is not just a by-product of economic policy but a deliberate strategy to consolidate authoritarian rule. By securing financial dominance through corporate partnerships, Modi has ensured that opposition parties struggle to compete, media outlets remain subservient, and state institutions are co-opted to serve the interests of Hindu nationalism.

Chapter 2: Corporate Funding and Political Finance – The electoral bonds scam

One of the most critical aspects of illicit political financing exposed in the report is the Electoral Bonds Scheme, introduced in 2017 by the Modi government. This legally sanctioned mechanism allowed anonymous corporate donations to political parties, disproportionately benefiting the BJP. Between 2018 and 2023, a staggering ₹12,930 crore (USD 1.5 billion) was funnelled into BJP accounts through this opaque system. The scheme ensured that over 52% of total political donations flowed to the ruling party, reinforcing its financial stranglehold over Indian elections.

The report highlights that many of the largest contributors to the BJP through electoral bonds were corporations facing investigations by India’s enforcement agencies, raising serious concerns about quid pro quo arrangements. Companies that had been raided by tax authorities or subject to scrutiny by the Enforcement Directorate suddenly became major political donors, suggesting that political funding was being used as a tool of coercion and corporate appeasement.

In February 2024, the Supreme Court of India struck down the Electoral Bonds Scheme, declaring it unconstitutional. The court ruled that such a system allowed for an unfair financial advantage, subverted democratic processes, and created opportunities for corruption and undue influence. However, the damage had already been done—the BJP had already amassed billions, using this legalised loophole to build an unprecedented financial war chest.

While electoral bonds have been dismantled, the corporate-political nexus remains intact through alternative funding mechanisms. The Electoral Trusts system, which predates electoral bonds, continues to operate, allowing companies to donate to political parties with minimal transparency. The Prudent Electoral Trust, linked to the Bharti Group, has emerged as the biggest funder of the BJP, funnelling hundreds of crores into the party’s accounts. The report points out that several corporations donated to the BJP only after facing tax raids or regulatory scrutiny, reinforcing suspicions of state-sponsored extortion tactics.

Chapter 3: The Global Hindutva Ecosystem – Transnational funding and charities

The Hindutva movement is not just an Indian phenomenon; it is a global enterprise, deeply embedded in diaspora communities, international charitable organisations, and corporate networks that operate beyond India’s borders. The report highlights how millions of dollars flow into Hindu supremacist movements through tax-exempt charities and corporate entities based in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. These funds, often collected under the pretext of cultural preservation, disaster relief, or religious activities, are redirected to political mobilisation, propaganda, and the expansion of Hindutva-aligned educational institutions. The transnational Hindutva network is highly organised, mirroring the structure of the RSS in India, and maintains a symbiotic relationship with the ruling BJP, influencing both Indian domestic policies and diaspora political engagement.

One of the primary vehicles for Hindutva financing abroad is the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS), the international wing of the RSS. HSS branches operate in over 40 countries, with particularly strong footholds in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. While HSS presents itself as a cultural and educational organisation, it has been directly linked to RSS ideology, Hindu nationalist rhetoric, and sectarian mobilisation. The report details how HSS-run events indoctrinate young Hindus with supremacist ideology, train them in paramilitary-style drills, and cultivate political loyalty towards the BJP and RSS. These activities serve a dual function: they strengthen the Hindu nationalist movement globally while also ensuring that diaspora communities remain politically and financially invested in the BJP’s dominance in India.

Another key player in the global Hindutva ecosystem is the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), an organisation with a long history of involvement in anti-Muslim violence, religious radicalisation, and caste-based discrimination. In India, the VHP is known for its direct role in organising anti-Muslim riots, spearheading the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and enforcing moral policing on Dalits and religious minorities. Internationally, however, VHP operates under a charitable façade, collecting donations to ostensibly fund humanitarian efforts and Hindu religious institutions. The report reveals that large portions of these funds are diverted to RSS-affiliated organisations in India, where they are used for sectarian political campaigns, legal battles against minority rights, and the expansion of Hindu nationalist propaganda networks.

Similarly, Sewa International, another RSS-affiliated organisation, has played a crucial role in financing Hindutva movements under the guise of humanitarian work. Originally founded to provide disaster relief, Sewa International has been implicated in funnelling millions of dollars into Hindutva causes, including funding organisations linked to anti-Muslim violence, casteist policies, and the erasure of Adivasi cultures. The report provides evidence that during times of crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, Sewa International used relief funds to promote Hindutva political objectives, prioritising aid for Hindus while discriminating against Muslims and Dalits.

Another significant arm of the global Hindutva financial network is the Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation, which operates over 100,000 schools in India, largely in Adivasi and Dalit-majority areas. While these schools are ostensibly meant to improve literacy rates among tribal communities, the report exposes how they function as indoctrination centres, replacing indigenous traditions with Hindu nationalist teachings and discouraging conversions away from Hinduism. Funded primarily by US-based corporations and diaspora donors, these institutions are key to the RSS-BJP’s long-term strategy of cultural assimilation and religious conversion of India’s most marginalised groups.

The report also reveals that several multinational corporations and wealthy diaspora families are complicit in supporting these Hindutva-affiliated charities, using tax-exempt donations to funnel millions into right-wing Hindu nationalist causes. Companies such as Star Pipe Products (US), Park Square Homes (Canada), and The Shah Companies (UK) have all been linked to large financial contributions towards Hindutva charities, despite their claims of being non-political entities. The financial opacity of these transactions makes it difficult to track the full extent of corporate involvement, but the report establishes a clear pattern of corporate complicity in sustaining Hindu supremacism on a global scale.

Chapter 4: Hindutva and Minorities – The human cost of illicit funding

The Hindutva movement’s vast financial resources are not just used to secure electoral dominance; they have a direct and devastating impact on India’s most vulnerable communities. The report details how Hindutva funding is weaponised to marginalise, oppress, and brutalise religious minorities, Dalits, and Adivasis, both through state policies and vigilante violence. The consequences of this financial-political nexus are felt across multiple dimensions, from mob lynchings and economic boycotts to caste-based exclusion and large-scale land dispossession.

Muslims have been the primary targets of Hindutva violence, with political funding often being used to support hate speech, anti-Muslim pogroms, and discriminatory policies like the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). The report documents how corporate-backed Hindutva groups play a role in funding misinformation campaigns that incite communal hatred, enabling the rise of violent Hindu extremist groups that carry out lynchings and attacks on Muslim communities. In many cases, these attacks are tactically timed to coincide with elections, ensuring that communal polarisation benefits the BJP electorally.

Dalits face systematic exclusion from political representation, economic opportunities, and social mobility, with RSS-aligned organisations actively lobbying against caste-based affirmative action in India and abroad. In countries like the United States, Hindutva-aligned groups have opposed anti-caste discrimination legislation, particularly in tech industries dominated by upper-caste Indian diaspora elites. The financial strength of these Hindutva organisations enables them to suppress discourse on caste oppression, ensuring that Dalit voices are marginalised both in India and internationally.

Adivasi communities have suffered some of the worst consequences of Hindutva-corporate collaboration, particularly in the form of land dispossession and environmental destruction. The report details how mining conglomerates like Adani and Vedanta have leveraged their ties to the BJP to forcibly displace Adivasis from their ancestral lands, often in direct violation of environmental and land rights laws. These companies, many of which are major contributors to electoral trusts and Hindutva-affiliated charities, have been granted exclusive access to forests, mineral-rich regions, and indigenous territories, leaving Adivasi communities vulnerable to cultural annihilation and economic exploitation.

Conclusion and recommendations

The report presents an urgent call for intervention to dismantle the Hindutva-finance nexus, arguing that the unchecked flow of corporate money into Hindu supremacist politics is one of the greatest threats to democracy in India today. It provides a multi-pronged set of recommendations aimed at increasing financial transparency, holding corporations accountable, and countering the global influence of Hindutva networks.

1. Global scrutiny of Hindutva charities: Western governments and international financial watchdogs must investigate tax-exempt organisations linked to Hindutva financing. Countries like the US, UK, Canada, and Australia must review the financial records of organisations like HSS, VHP, Sewa International, and Ekal Vidyalaya to ensure that their funds are not being used to fuel sectarian violence in India.

2. Stricter regulations on corporate donations: India’s political finance laws must be reformed to prevent the kind of unchecked corporate funding that was enabled by electoral bonds. Companies that make political donations should be required to disclose their contributions publicly, and foreign investments into Indian political parties must be subject to greater scrutiny.

3. Legal action against Hindutva-linked violence: Governments and international human rights bodies must hold Hindutva groups accountable for their role in human rights abuses. Companies found funding hate speech or violence should face legal consequences, including restrictions on their operations.

4. Strengthening caste and minority protections: Stronger legal protections for Dalits, Muslims, and Adivasis must be enacted, both within India and in the diaspora. Efforts to suppress caste-based anti-discrimination laws abroad must be actively resisted.

The complete report may be accessed below:

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It is also a fact that in later years as the Buddhist patrons lost their power to the Sena dynasty of Bengal followed by Mughal rule and invasion, the shrine remained ignored, even assaulted and ultimately got ruined. One of the greatest services to Buddhism in India was actually rendered by great British Surveyor Major General A Cunnigham as well as Indian archaeologist Dr Rajendralal Mitra and many others in the early 19^th century. It was they who were actually responsible for the restoration of the current site and numerous other Buddhist places previously just buried under the rubbles of the ruins.

Nobody has ever doubted that Bodh Gaya is the largest, most significant shrine of the Buddhist world. Several scholars in the past termed have regarded it a fit spot for pilgrimage, as pivotal as Mecca for Muslims, Badri-Kedar for Hindus and Jerusalem for Christians. Almost all the documents and research since the beginning has undoubtedly suggested that this is a Buddhist temple. The Bodhi tree is among the oldest trees of the world right at the sire, despite the fact that it was destroyed and uprooted several times; however it survived.

I am not going far into arguments of authenticity because unlike other religious ‘disputes’ in India, the issue of Mahabodhi Vihar as Buddhist temple has been a settled one. Right from British scholars to the British Indian administrator have treated it as a Buddhist place. The British handled this issue with great care and the negotiations and even at that point there was no questioning the ‘ownership’ of the land as claimed by Shankar Matth today. The Matth’s role was appreciated because it did not convert the shrine into a Hindu temple and also that Buddhists were allowed to worship there. So both the Hindus and Buddhists have been worshipping there in the vicinity of the complex where the Math has built Hindu temple too. Here is what the Bengal District Gazetteer of Gaya, 1906 says about Bodh Gaya and Mahabodhi Vihar.

‘The temple was originally a Buddhist shrine but for a long time past, it has been in the possession of a Hindu Mahanth belonging to an order founded by the bitterest enemies of Buddhism. It has fallen into complete ruin and would have soon disappeared had not government restored it at its own cost, in consequence, they maintain a custodian for the care of the building and to see to its repair. The Mahanth controls the worship and receives the offerings made by the Buddhists and the Hindu pilgrims. Government maintaining an attitude of impartiality on all religious questions affecting the shrine. The Buddhists performs the rites of their religion at the shrine and under the Bodhi tree, just as Buddhists of different countries have done for centuries past and Hindus also make offering under the tree as it is recognized as one of the 45 of places which Hindu visit while performing the religious ceremonies for the salvation of their ancestors which centres around the holy city of Gaya. This Hindu reverence for tree is very old but by the side there is a Hindu cult of a very recent growth, as Hindu worship, which has been pronounced a spurious and unorthodox character, is offered at the shrine itself’[1].

About the historic Bodhi tree, it says,

‘this tree is the oldest historical tree in the world and has an eventful history. It was first cut down by Asoka in his unregenerate days but after he became a believer in the law of Buddha, he lavished an inordinate devotion upon it. His queen jealous of this attachment and grudging the jewel which Asoka offered to the tree, again had it cut down but for second time, it was miraculously, restored to life’[2].

Interestingly, Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore visited Bodh Gaya in January 1922 and was overwhelmed to see this Buddhist shrine. He is recorded to have said,

“I am sure it will be admitted by all Hindus who are true to their own ideals, that it is an intolerable wrong to allow the temple raised on the spot where Lord Buddha attained his enlightenment to remain under the control of a rival sect which can neither have the intimate knowledge of or sympathy for the Buddhist religion and its rites of worship. I consider it to be a sacred duty for all individuals believing in freedom and justice this great historical site to the community of people who still reverently carry on that particular current of history in their own living faith’[3].

While the British Indian government was trying to handle this issue carefully, it was the heroic effort of Anagarika Dharmapala, the Buddhist monk and scholar from Sri Lanka who campaigned for its restoration and internationalised it. Though Chinse travellers and scholars like Hwen Thsang, Faxian had already narrated accounts of the Bodh Gaya shrine centuries ago as well as Burmese Kings, who were already involved in its restoration, it was Anagarika Dharmapala who actually took the issue to United States as well as Japan. British scholars, excavators and archaeologists were already doing their work to maintain and restore various Buddhist sites in India. While Japan was a leading world power at the rime and its involvement really helped as the British authorities to take the issue more seriously. In a typical balancing act symbolic of colonial rule however, the British did not want to ‘hurt’ local sentiments as there was no doubt about the historicity of the site but no local population who could fight for it! Had Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar been active or involved on the issue at this point of time then things would have been different. Unfortunately, without active local support, a community cannot battle a mighty cause such as this.

The appropriation or occupation of the Buddhist shrines by the Brahmanical elite in India historically happened with the steady decline of Buddhism due to a loss of power of Pala dynasty in the  12^th century as well as rise of Sena dynasty particularly King Sasank, who was a staunch opponent of Buddhism. Subsequently, many stories also make mention of various Mughal rulers and their local chieftains responsible for destruction of these historical places. Both the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha formed a committee with Babu Rajendra Prasad as its Convenor and passed a resolution on January 21, 1923 that read, “Babu Rajendra Prasad is authorised to investigate the proposal of placing the custody of Bodh Gaya temple in the Buddhist hands and to make report to this committee. Babu Rajendra Prasad is also empowered to coopt suitable persons in the investigations.”[4]

The Hindu Mahasabha of Bihar province too passed the following resolution dated April 6, 1925

‘Lord Buddha is one of the ten avatars of Hindus and the only deity whom the Buddhists worship.  The temple of Bodh Gaya is therefore a sacred place (teerth) for the followers of both the religions. And it is perfectly natural desire therefore, on the part of both the communities to keep this sacred place in their possession. Then at the present day both the communities’ resort to the place for worship and prayer.  People from both the communities’ desire that each one of them should be freely allowed to offer worship and prayer in its own peculiar way, according to its customs and   religious injunctions and that there should not be offered any obstacle in its way of doing so. This conference therefore is of the opinion that the Buddhists of India should be offered due share in the management of the temple and the arrangement of the offering of the worship therein. This conference appoints the following committee to make a report to the Provincial Hindu Sabha within three months as to the steps that should be taken to protect the common rights of both the Hindus and the Buddhists. It also requests the Mahanth of Bodh Gaya to render all possible help to the committee and a due and proper discharge of its duties. This resolution will have nothing to do with the properties attached to the Math of Both Gaya’. [5]

Unfortunately, despite all the noises made by the committee under Babu Rajendra Prasad, finally it concluded that the management of the shrine should be handled by a joint committee of both the Buddhists and Hindus together. There was another issue, which was important, the Hindu Mahasabha had suggested to keep the issue of the ‘ownership’ of the property outside the purview of the management!

The committee recommended based on the suggestion of Hindu Mahasabha ‘that the shrine be managed by both the Hindus and Buddhists and that the Mahant be the ex-officeo member for the ‘time being’. It also made it clear the issue of the property of Math has nothing to do with all this which means the property will remain with the Mahant. Though the Mahant claims to have a farman from Shah Alam but he could not produce anything to the committee. Mahadev Gir was Mahant from 1642 to 1682 and the time period of Shah Alam much later.

After independence the Bihar government brought the Bodh Gaya under the control of special management after passing a law Bodh Gaya Temple Management Act 1949. Under this act, the management of Bodh Gaya temple is defacto in the hands of Brahmins who happened to be a majority. There are four members to be appointed from ‘Hindu’ community and four from the Buddhist Community. The District Magistrate is the ex officio Chairman of the committee. Activist alleged that in most of the ‘temple management committees’, in India, the Brahmins get appointed overwhelmingly everywhere and Bodh Gaya is no exception to it.

UNESCO declared Mahabodhi Vihar as World Heritage site on June 29, 2002. The UNESCO citation says,

Criterion (i): The grand 50m high Mahabodhi Temple of the 5th-6th centuries is of immense importance, being one of the earliest temple constructions existing in the Indian sub-continent. It is one of the few representations of the architectural genius of the Indian people in constructing fully developed brick temples in that era. Criterion (ii) The Mahabodhi Temple, one of the few surviving examples of early brick structures in India, has had significant influence in the development of architecture over the centuries.

Criterion (iii): The site of the Mahabodhi Temple provides exceptional records for the events associated with the life of Buddha and subsequent worship, particularly since Emperor Asoka built the first temple, the balustrades, and the memorial column. Criterion (iv) The present Temple is one of the earliest and most imposing structures built entirely in brick from the late Gupta period. The sculpted stone balustrades are an outstanding early example of sculptural reliefs in stone.

Criterion (vi): The Mahabodhi Temple Complex in Bodh Gaya has direct association with the life of the Lord Buddha, being the place where He attained the supreme and perfect insight.

Now the question before us today is, that when all persons and parties who matter have no doubt about the historicity of Bodh Gaya Maha Vihar, what then is the obstacle in handing over to the Buddhists what is rightfully theirs?

As far as the Hindu Temple or the Matth is concern nobody beyond Bihar knows much about this so called Hindu Mandir at the site. Hindus have important pilgrim centres and temples. Gaya, which is 10 kilometres away from Bodh Gaya is considered to be an important place of Hindu worship and none question that. It was clear since the beginning that the Mahant claimed to have gained a Zagir or Zamindari from the Mughal kings and it was his source of income apart from two other temples.

Historically we also know well, how the Brahmanical lobby scuttled all efforts towards Zamindari Abolition, an issue so dear to then Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru. Zamindari Abolition act came in 1951 and it was mostly challenged in Bihar where Brahmins, Bhumihars, Kayasthas and Rajputs had large Zamindaris (tracts of land). People are misinformed when they believe that it was only Rajputs who owned Zamindaris: in Bihar and Bengal Zamindari was not the sole domain of Rajputs but Brahmin-Bhumihar-Kayasthas too had large Zamindaris in both states.

It was estimated that the Bodh Gaya Matth had over 18000 acres of land (many estimated it over 30,000 acres) and it was the main source of the Mahant’s ‘power’ which he wielded on the poor landless people, a majority of them Dalits particularly Mushahars, Doms, Bhuiyna and other backward communities. Jaya Prakash Narayan addressed a historic gathering of landless peasants and other political activists here on April 18, 1975. The Bodh Gaya land movement continued until 1987 when the Bihar government distributed 18000-acre land among 11000 landless farmers, a majority of them landless women and Dalits. Gaya, Bhojpur, Ara, Jahanabad remained the hotbed for the movement for land rights of the landless communities, mostly mobilised by the far left groups. One needs to understand why the religious-political nexus has always opposed land reforms and found different ways to circumvent land ceiling laws by forming various religious trusts.

At the beginning of 19^th and 20^th century, we did not have enough support for the cause of Buddhism except for that which came from the outside. Japan, China, Thailand, Burma and other countries were interested in Buddhism in the land of its birth and its shrines. All shades of political leaders have felt proud of India’s historical Buddhist past. Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru believed in Panchsheel. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been speaking about Lord Buddha with great reverence and even participates in Buddhist festivals and events. His government claims a ‘look east policy’ and most of our eastern neighbours are Buddhist countries that have great respect for India as it is truly the land of Buddha.  There will not be a political party which will oppose handing over the greatest shrines of Buddhist world over to the Buddhist community to manage and maintain it.

Before, I conclude, I wish to add this thought-provoking letter of Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati on February 1, 1926 as appeared in the Mahabodhi journal. One may agree or disagree with many of the observations but what is important to understand is his ultimate aim.

‘It is a great shame for all Hindus that they should allow an individual Saivite Mahant to control the greatest Buddhist shrine. Is it just and right? It is great surprise that some Hindus do not raise objection against the forcible occupation by an individual sectarian non-Buddhist Mahant of a temple erected in the memory of Lord Buddha, the only teacher of and revered by the whole Buddhists world of 500 million Buddhists. No Hindu can control any Christian or Muslim shrine by such an undesirable mean. This is a great injustice to Buddha, Buddhism and one third of the World Population which follows Buddha and Buddhism. So long as the Hindus, not to say of an individual non-Buddhist Mahant will keep control of the greatest Buddhist temple, the whole Buddhist world will look down upon Hindus and say that there is a great injustice in India. Therefore, I pray each member of the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha should take keen interest in the matter and do justice to Buddha and Buddhists. When the Indian National Congress demand complete swaraj from the British government which is due to the Indians Why should not the Congress too do justice by giving the transfer of the Buddhist temple to the Buddhists. We find in our Hindu scriptures that India was a great fount of justice and truth but at present I see with regret the groundless obstacles placed in the sincere and just attempt over the complete management of this greatest Buddhist shrine to its legitimate custodians. If anyone want justice from the others the former should first deal justice with others. In the Khilafat movement days, the Hindus helped Khilafatis, in the Akali movement days they helped the Akalis, why shouldn’t the Hindus help Buddhists to regain their holiest shrine?

The question is one of pure justice. If the Hindu Mahasabha will fail to do justice with the Buddhists. There is no doubt that the Buddhists will be morally affected and be far and far away from it. If it be the aim of All India Hindu Mahasabha, that all the people of different religion should give equal treatment to one another and live amicably with one another then it should give justice and equal treatment to Buddhism and Buddhists also and allow the latter to have the full management of their holiest shrine.

Therefore, let us, the Hindus, with our usual sincere and justice loving heart assure Buddhists of our unanimous opinion that we will give complete transfer of Buddhist temple to them. Let us be also assured that they will allow the Hindus to worship Buddha freely as they should do to Buddha and that neither the Buddhists nor the Hindus should offer fish or meat before the Buddhist statues. I further appeal to all the sincere Hindus that they should criticize the report and support impartially the Buddhists claim for the complete management of the Buddhist temple which is justly due to the Buddhists.

Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati,

Calcutta, February 1, 1926’[6]

A few years ago, when I met venerable Bhante Nagarjun Surai Sasai, a Japanese by birth but an Indian in action now and asked him about Bodh Gaya, he told me that it is the birth place of Lord Buddha. I was surprised and shocked when he said that. He explained this to me: Lumbini is the birth place of prince Siddhartha but it is Gaya that gave birth to Buddha hence Bodh Gaya Mahabodhi Vihar is the most sacred shrine for the Buddhists all over the world. Every Indian should be proud of this rich cultural heritage which the world acknowledges.

It is time for the government of Bihar to take a simple decision. The state government can call an all- party meeting and listen to their views. You can tell them the history of this movement and the archaeological findings. For too long has the far right Hindutva leadership asked Muslims to ‘respect’ Hindu sentiments? The Buddhist are asking the same from the Hindus. Will the Hindutva leadership, Congress as well as the Samajwadis learn a few lessons from their own past and correct them? All their top leadership has accepted and supported the Buddhist claim on the Maha Bodhi Vihar, Gaya. The Ambedkarite fraternity in India is already fighting for a peaceful solution through a democratic and law-abiding struggle. All the political parties and organizations that claim to represent Ambedkarite thoughts and people stand in complete solidarity with the Bodh Gaya Maha Bodhi Vihar movement. Will the Bihar government wake up and listen to the voices and reread its history to handover this shrine to the Buddhists.

Nitish Kumar hails from the JP movement and so does Lalu Prasad Yadav. Bihar’s landless people owe a lot to that historic Bodh Gaya Land movement which ultimately paved the way towards redistribution of the thousands of acres of land to landless people illegally occupied by the Matth. Buddhists have been wronged. Buddha and Buddhist past are India’s glorious heritage which makes us proud. Dalits and Ambedkarites were not before a strong force nor and Buddhism was in physical decline in India but Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s historic Deeksha ceremony on October 14, 1956 and subsequent efforts of the Ambedkarites actually revived Buddhism in India and today the number of Buddhists is increasing in both India and abroad.

Today, the Buddhists in India are ready to take this battle to its end. Buddha was a man of peace and non-violence hence the longer this struggle stretches the more bitter would become the relations between the Hindus and Buddhists. The government must ensure that such a bitterness is not allowed to spread widely and it will only be possible if the shrine’s management is handed over to Buddhists of India.

[1] Bengal District Gazetteers, Gaya by L S S O’Malley, ICS, Calcutta, The Bengal Secretariate Book Depot, 1906,  P 50-51

[2] ibid P-52

[3] https://www.telegraphindia.com/culture/books/rabindranath-tagore-a-poem-that-defined-the-buddha-and-sujata-stupa/cid/1818901

[4]    Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34, January 1926 No 1, P 2,

[5] Ibid P 4

[6] Mahabodhi : March 1926 Volume XXXIV     Volume III, Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34 P 165-166

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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India’s internet shutdowns in 2024: a comparative snapshot

In fact, India’s figure of 84 shutdowns in 2024 is surpassed only by Myanmar, which endured 85 shutdowns under the military junta’s rule. This marks a significant shift in the global context as, for the first time in six years, India is no longer the global leader in internet shutdowns. Despite this, the report emphasizes that India remains the country with the highest number of shutdowns among democracies. As Access Now’s report highlighted, the reasons behind these shutdowns vary, with 41 of them linked to protests, 23 tied to communal violence, and others related to elections, government job exams, and regional instability.

State-wise impact: the effect of shutdowns across India

India’s diverse states also bear the brunt of these internet blackouts. According to the report, states such as Manipur, Haryana, and Jammu & Kashmir saw the most significant number of shutdowns in 2024. Manipur, in particular, stood out with 21 shutdowns, which significantly impacted the daily lives of its citizens as Manipur was on the boil since May 3, 2023.

Namrata Maheshwari, Senior Policy Counsel at Access Now, points out the inherent incompatibility between India’s frequent internet shutdowns and its global aspirations. India, which has set ambitious goals in fields like artificial intelligence, digital governance, and skilling, cannot afford to isolate its citizens from the benefits of connectivity. Maheshwari’s statement highlights the stark contradiction between India’s democratic values and the curtailing of rights through such shutdowns. She also draws attention to the lack of oversight and accountability within the current legal framework governing these internet restrictions.

The flaws in India’s Telecommunications Act of 2023

This issue is exacerbated by the Telecommunications Act of 2023 and the Telecom Suspension Rules of 2024, which have been criticized for retaining provisions from the colonial-era Telegraph Act of 1885. The existing framework allows for government-ordered internet shutdowns but does not offer sufficient safeguards, such as independent oversight, to ensure that these shutdowns are necessary, proportionate, and temporary. Currently, shutdown orders are reviewed by a three-member committee, composed of senior government officials, which critics argue lacks transparency and objectivity. These legal loopholes further strengthen the argument for the repeal of rights-violating laws and the establishment of a more robust, rights-respecting framework.

A global concern: the rising number of Internet Shutdowns

Globally, internet shutdowns are becoming an increasingly common tool used by governments to control access to information, especially in times of unrest or political tension. The Access Now report found that in 2024, a total of 296 shutdowns were recorded across 54 countries. Myanmar, India, and Pakistan alone accounted for over 64% of these disruptions. The rise in shutdowns can be linked to conflict, protests, elections, and attempts to cover up human rights abuses, as governments seek to control the flow of information during times of instability.

Digital authoritarianism

The global trend of government-imposed shutdowns reflects a larger movement toward digital authoritarianism, particularly in Asia. Countries like Myanmar, India, and Pakistan have increasingly relied on internet shutdowns to maintain control, suppress dissent, and avoid accountability. Raman Jit Singh Chima, Asia Pacific Policy Director at Access Now, underscores the detrimental effects of such actions, warning that they destabilize societies, hinder digital progress, and create environments where human rights abuses can occur unchecked. With internet shutdowns often serving as a means to suppress protests or cover up crimes, they raise serious concerns about the long-term consequences for democracy and human rights.

Censorship and platform blocking: the global reach of Internet Shutdowns

As the report reveals, platforms like X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, and Signal have frequently been blocked during shutdowns, with X emerging as the most blocked platform globally in 2024. This trend shows a growing pattern of censorship, as governments across the globe target specific platforms in efforts to control the flow of information, limiting access to online spaces where people can organize, communicate, or access critical news.

Legal provisions for Internet Shutdowns in India: concerns and criticisms

The legal provisions for internet shutdowns in India, which are primarily governed by the Telecommunications (Temporary Suspension of Services) Rules, 2024 under the Telecommunications Act, 2023, raise several concerns. While the rules require authorities to publish suspension orders, detailing justifications, geographical scope, and affected services, the lack of independent oversight remains a critical flaw. The suspension duration is also capped at 15 days, but there is little guarantee that these restrictions are temporary, lawful, or proportionate, as mandated by the Anuradha Bhasin case judgment in 2020. The Supreme Court ruling emphasized that internet restrictions must be necessary and balanced, ensuring that they do not disproportionately impact citizens’ rights.

However, the situation in India highlights a broader global dilemma in which governments increasingly view the internet as a tool to maintain control and suppress dissent, rather than a fundamental right for their citizens. As the world moves further into the digital age, it is essential for governments, especially those in democracies like India, to reconsider their approach to internet governance. The onus lies on them to ensure that connectivity is preserved, human rights are respected, and safeguards are put in place to prevent abuse of power.

While the Access Now report provides a comprehensive overview of internet shutdowns in 2024, it also concerns urgent reform in how governments approach digital rights. The hope is that, in 2025, no one will face the risk of being cut off from the internet due to politically motivated restrictions or attempts to silence dissent. The global community must come together to push for a more open, accessible, and accountable digital future, where the fundamental right to access the internet is protected, and where the voices of individuals are not silenced by arbitrary shutdowns.

Full report can be accessed here:

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The association has been urging the state government to expedite measures to fill up the backlog vacancies in state government departments, land titles for the needy, waiving loans availed by tribal women from microfinance companies and infrastructural facilities for schools, healthcare facilities and tribal hostels.

Poor FRA Implementation 

Ever since the FRA was enacted 17 years ago, Tamil Nadu has fared poorly in executing the provisions, aimed at empowering tribals and traditional forest dwellers with regard to their right to land holdings.

Addressing the protesters, state secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], P Shanmugam, said, “In the past 17 years, only 15,442 titles were distributed to the tribals as per the FRA, which is not even 1,000 titles per year. This shows the lack of will from the government and the bureaucracy in implementing the Act”.

The TNTA has accused the administration of rejecting the applications without adequate enquiry and pending of applications due to lack of survey processes. The demands of tribals residing in several tribal hamlets, including Kallakurichi Vellimalai, Tirupathur Javathimalai, Tiruvannamalai Javathumalai, Kollimalai, Salem Kalvarayan Malai, have been pending for several years.

“The state government has constituted a committee headed by the chief secretary to implement FRA, but not even a single meeting has been held so far”, Shanmugam alleged.

Denial of Certificates Affecting Education

Several tribal communities are facing the daunting task of getting their ST community certificates, despite a government order in place to facilitate the same. Communities including Kattunayakan, Malaivedan, Malai Kuravan, Kondareddys, Kurumans, are badly affected by the delay in issuing community certificates, especially with regard to education.

The GO 104 was issued, after the intervention of the Madras High Court to ensure the disbursal of ST community certificates to the children of those parents who are in possession of the ST certificates. The TNTA has accused the district officials of withdrawing the certificates issued to the parents. This hampers the prospects of the tribal students who are longing to pursue higher education and those who seek employment as per the existing reservation rules.

Communities Removed From ST list

Another major demand is the inclusion of communities like Malayali, Kurumans, Pulauan, Vettaikaran and Kuravan from Erode district again in the ST list. The members of the community are left in the lurch after they were removed from the list of ST communities 10 years ago.

During the talks held with the secretary of Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare after the protest, the government informed TNTA that the recommendation to include the communities back to the ST list has been submitted to the union government.

The government also agreed to hold surveys with the help of the tribal youth to ensure the distribution of lands to tribals in Kollimalai, Kalvarayan Malai, Kallakurichi Vellimalai.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post TN: Tribals Flay Govt Delay in Clearing FRA Applications, Issuing ST Certificates appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In the latest of such letters, Stalin writes,

“My dear sisters and brothers from other states, Ever wondered how many Indian languages Hindi has swallowed? Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Braj, Bundeli, Garhwali, Kumaoni, Magahi, Marwari, Malvi, Chhattisgarhi, Santhali, Angika, Ho, Kharia, Khortha, Kurmali, Kurukh, Mundari and many more are now gasping for survival.

“The push for a monolithic Hindi identity is what kills ancient mother tongues. UP and Bihar were never just ‘Hindi heartlands.’ Their real languages are now relics of the past.

Tamil Nadu resists because we know where this ends. தமிழ் விழித்தது; தமிழினத்தின் பண்பாடு பிழைத்தது! சில மொழிகள் இந்திக்கு இடம் கொடுத்தன; இருந்த இடம் தெரியாமல் தொலைந்தன!

#தமிழ்_வாழ்க #LetterToBrethren
#StopHindiImposition #SaveIndianLanguages”

My dear sisters and brothers from other states,

Ever wondered how many Indian languages Hindi has swallowed? Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Braj, Bundeli, Garhwali, Kumaoni, Magahi, Marwari, Malvi, Chhattisgarhi, Santhali, Angika, Ho, Kharia, Khortha, Kurmali, Kurukh, Mundari and… pic.twitter.com/VhkWtCDHV9

— M.K.Stalin (@mkstalin) February 27, 2025

Tamil Nadu goes to the polls next year and this issue of autonomy, federalism and the Tamil language is going to dominate. Last week, in a fiery response to the union’s move on the National Education Policy (NEP), Chief Minister MK Stalin  claimed that this will push Tamil Nadu ‘backward by 2000 years.’ These moves reflect the deep-rooted resistance within the state against the Union government’s continued disregard for federalism and linguistic diversity. Stalin has further emphasised that the NEP, with its centralised approach, ignores the unique educational needs of each state and is a blatant effort to homogenise education across India.

Last week Stalin’s strong and principled opposition to the union government on the imposition of the National Education Policy (NEP) and its three language policy as also the withholding of state funds by the union also echoed on social media garnering widespread support.

This is what you call an Opposition! Bravo! @mkstalin https://t.co/am1ZuKwZvt

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 22, 2025

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Rejecting NEP embodies Tamil Nadu’s fight for federal autonomy

The post ‘TN resists Hindi domination because we know where it ends, the extinguishing of ancient languages’: ML Stalin to DMK cadres appeared first on SabrangIndia.

However, says the statement issued by the DUJ, a pattern is clearly visible in this episode. The DUJ, along with other journalists’ bodies, has been demanding that the authorities reinstate the system of journalists’ passes. The Delhi government seems to be copying the increasingly restrictive methods being employed in Parliament to restrict coverage. The DUJ has repeatedly protested the fact that the Parliament Secretariat now issues only temporary/ sessional passes even for veteran journalists as well as those who fall into the long and distinguished journalists category.

The DUJ has also condemned the basis of the central and state accreditation policies that are discriminatory in composition, favour certain journalists, are biased against independent journalists and even target select unions and associations. These policies and practices should be reviewed.

The Delhi Union of Journalists has urged the Delhi Assembly authorities to immediately issue regular passes for all eligible journalists to cover the Assembly proceedings, in the interests of transparency.

After all, the statement adds, “the nation wants to know. “ The statement has been issued by Sujata Madhok, President, SK Pande, Vice President and Am Jigeesh, General Secretary.

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Hindustan ko bolne do, says DUJ 

The post DUJ condemns denial of media entry into Delhi Assembly by BJP government appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The signs of the rise of the Right are evident across Europe. In France, the National Rally, despite not winning a majority in the end, became a key party in France winning 142 seats out of the National Assembly’s 577 seats. In January 2025, Jean-Marie Le Pen, one of Europe’s most prominent right-wing figures and founder of the National Rally, died aged 96. His daughter, Marine Le Pen, had long led the party he founded in 1972—the National Front (renamed National Rally in 2018). Jean-Marie was expelled from his party in August 2015 amidst a feud with his daughter.

In the National Front’s early days, Jean-Marie Le Pen was a pariah, his radical views on immigration and nationalism relegating him to France’s political fringes. His first presidential bid in 1974 garnered less than 1% of the vote, highlighting his marginal status at the time. In stark contrast, the 2002 election marked a significant leap for Le Pen, as he secured over 15% of the votes in the first round, propelling him into the second round against Jacques Chirac. This dramatic increase in support underscored the growing influence of his far-right ideology and the National Front’s rise from the political fringes to a major force in French politics.

Marine Le Pen transformed the party into a major force, renaming it National Rally to shed its racist and anti-Semitic associations. She softened its rhetoric, distanced it from her father’s extremist views, and rebranded it as a mainstream alternative. This “de-demonization” strategy enabled electoral breakthroughs. The journey from Jean-Marie’s early irrelevance to Marine’s mainstreaming of far-right ideology encapsulates this article’s theme: the rise of far-right movements in Europe, their evolution from marginal to influential players, and the disruptions they pose to the existing world order.

Historical Context

The rise of far-right movements was shaped by socio-economic anxieties, cultural shifts, and political opportunities. Post-war Western Europe experienced economic growth, wealth distribution, and social stability, but as this stability eroded, right-wing extremism and populism found new openings. Immigration, national identity, and sovereignty became central issues for far-right mobilization. The 1973 oil crisis marked the end of post-WWII prosperity, fuelling discontent. Rising opposition to the welfare state, and tax systems, and increased xenophobia amid non-European immigration further accelerated this trend.

Global Catalysts

Several world events reinforced far-right expansion. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 heightened anxieties over national identity and border security. Globalization caused economic disruptions, leaving many feelings marginalized. The rise of multiculturalism and the perceived decline of traditional values triggered a cultural backlash, which far-right movements exploited. These factors deepened insecurity and alienation, making certain segments of the population receptive to far-right rhetoric. It is within these conditions we find homophobia, racism, etc. today in Europe.

National Variations

The far right rose differently across Europe. In Germany, reunification in 1990 created economic and social strains, which the extreme right leveraged. In Austria, Jörg Haider’s Freedom Party (FPÖ) gained influence, entering government in 2000. In France, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front capitalized on economic discontent and anti-immigrant sentiment. These cases illustrate how far-right movements adapted to specific national contexts, exploiting existing grievances to reshape political landscapes.

Current Political Landscape

The contemporary rise of far-right parties across Europe is marked by significant electoral gains and increased visibility. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy has emerged as a dominant nationalist force. Recently, speaking at the United States’ Conservative Political Action Conference, she criticized what she saw as a double standard, noting that when Bill Clinton and Tony Blair built a global left-liberal network in the 1990s, they were hailed as statesmen, whereas figures like Trump, Meloni, Milei (Argentina’s President), and possibly Modi are now labelled as threats to democracy. Giorgia Meloni is arguably the most prominent face of the right-wing conservative parties in Europe although she has been described by some as pragmatic and shrewd in her politics.

In Germany, the AfD has become the second-largest party, capitalizing on economic grievances and anti-immigrant sentiments. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán has embraced far-right policies, consolidating power through nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. And in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally continues to challenge mainstream parties.

Frustration with the welfare state and tax policies, perceived as excessive, has further driven national populism. The failure of centrist parties to address these concerns has created a political vacuum that far-right movements exploit.

Cultural and social factors also play a key role. The 2015 migration crisis intensified fears of cultural displacement and strengthened anti-immigrant sentiments. Many national populist voters seek to reassert national identity, viewing globalization and international institutions as threats to their communities and traditions.

Political factors further enable the rise of the far right. The erosion of liberal and social democratic traditions has weakened centrist alternatives, while anti-establishment sentiment and political distrust push voters toward radical right-wing populism. Crises—whether economic, social, or security-related—provide fertile ground for far-right movements, which thrive on instability, inequality, and mistrust of mainstream politicians.

Understanding the reasons for the rise of Right

Gramscian hegemony provides a lens through which we can view the rise of the far-right as a challenge to the established cultural and political dominance of centrist ideologies. Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist theorist, argued that hegemony is the process by which a dominant group maintains its power not just through coercion, but also through consent. This consent is achieved through cultural and ideological means, making the dominant group’s worldview seem natural and inevitable.

In the context of contemporary Europe, the far-right can be seen as a counter-hegemonic force. They challenge the hegemonic narratives of centrist ideologies, which have long dominated European politics. By questioning the established order and offering alternative visions, far-right movements tap into the frustrations and grievances of segments of the population who feel marginalized or ignored by mainstream politics.

The neoliberal backlash theory suggests that the economic policies of the past few decades have created conditions ripe for far-right populism. Neoliberalism, characterized by free-market policies, deregulation, and reduced government intervention, has led to increased economic inequality and job insecurity. These economic conditions have driven voters to seek alternative solutions, making them more susceptible to the messages of far-right parties.

Far-right movements often capitalize on these economic anxieties by promising to restore economic stability and national pride. They appeal to voters who feel left behind by globalization and economic liberalization, offering a narrative that blames external forces and marginalized groups for their economic hardships.

Empirical research supports these theoretical perspectives. For instance, studies have shown that economic inequality and job insecurity are significant predictors of support for far-right parties.[1] Additionally, qualitative and quantitative analyses of right-wing populist groups across various European countries reveal common themes of anti-immigration sentiment, nationalism, and a rejection of the political establishment.[2]

The formation of the European Union (EU) has had a profound impact on cultural nationalism in Europe. The EU was designed to foster economic and political integration, creating a unified European identity. However, this process has also led to a sense of cultural homogenization, where local traditions and identities are sometimes overshadowed by a broader European culture. This has created a tension between the desire for a unified Europe and the need to preserve national and regional cultural identities.

Eurocentrism and Cultural Nationalism

The dominance of homogenized Western culture, particularly American influence, has further complicated the cultural landscape in Europe. The spread of Western media and multinational corporations has led to concerns about cultural erosion and the dilution of local traditions. This has fuelled a backlash against globalization and has provided fertile ground for cultural nationalist movements. These movements often position themselves as defenders of national identity against external influences, appealing to those who feel their cultural heritage is under threat.

The Rise of Right-Wing Political Parties

The rise of right-wing political parties in Europe can be seen as a response to these cultural and economic anxieties. These parties often capitalize on fears of cultural erosion and economic insecurity, promising to restore national pride and protect traditional values. For example, the refugee crisis in Europe, which brought over a million asylum seekers to Germany between 2015 and 2016, amplified fears of cultural and economic instability, leading to the rise of nationalist parties like Alternative for Germany (AfD). Similar anxieties have driven support for right-wing movements in Scandinavia, where concerns over immigration and cultural identity have surged.

What happened to the Left in Europe?

The European left has declined due to economic shifts, internal divisions, and cultural nationalism. Once dominant, left-wing parties have lost their traditional working-class base, leading to fragmentation between social democrats and progressives. Economic changes, such as the decline of industrial jobs and the rise of precarious labour, have weakened solidarity, while concerns over immigration and national identity have further eroded leftist appeal. Many voters see left-wing parties as ineffective in addressing these issues, fuelling distrust in their leadership.

Right-wing nationalism has surged by capitalizing on cultural anxieties, emphasizing sovereignty, and positioning itself as a defender of national identity. Left-wing parties struggle to counter this narrative, as their focus on economic justice and globalization often overlooks cultural concerns. While some resistance exists—seen in Portugal’s socialist government, Sweden’s centrist-left coalition against the far right, and Italian opposition to Giorgia Meloni—these efforts remain limited.

More recently—in the German elections—while AfD fared well, the Left Party also improved its performance by securing more than 8% of the vote. Although it is lesser than the AfD or the Conservatives, 25% of the young population between the ages of 18-24 voted for the Left Party in Germany. This shows a polarised electorate and indicates that the younger population’s support is up for grabs if the left can put efforts to secure it.

Implications of the Right’s Rise in the EU

The global rise of far-right movements challenges the post-WWII liberal order, undermining cooperation, human rights, and democratic norms. Nationalist policies promote protectionism and isolationism, weakening international institutions and efforts to address global issues like climate change. In Germany, the AfD’s opposition to climate action threatens international agreements. These risks create a fragmented world order where unity and global cooperation become increasingly difficult.

Challenges and Future Outlook

Despite their gains, far-right movements face several challenges. Electoral volatility is a significant factor, as their support can be fickle, often tied to specific issues or crises. Policy implementation is another hurdle, as the far-right’s radical proposals often face resistance from established institutions and the broader electorate. Additionally, shifting demographics, particularly the increasing diversity of European societies, may limit their long-term appeal.

Conclusion

The rise of the far-right in Europe is a complex phenomenon, rooted in historical grievances, economic anxieties, and cultural concerns. The rise of far-right movements in Europe is not an isolated phenomenon but part of a global tide of right-wing nationalism. From India to Argentina and the United States, right-wing parties are forming transnational networks to amplify their influence. Examples include Elon Musk’s support for Germany’s far-right AfD, and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s appearance at the U.S. Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), where she framed herself as part of a global conservative coalition alongside figures like Donald Trump and Narendra Modi. These alliances reflect a strategic effort to legitimize far-right ideologies on the global stage.

Yet, the challenges facing these right-wing coalitions are significant. Their agendas—marked by climate denialism, opposition to immigration, and scepticism toward international cooperation—often clash with urgent global priorities like poverty alleviation and climate action. As scholars like Thomas Piketty have argued, there is a general movement in the world toward more equality and social change. Indeed, the internal contradictions within right-wing movements—such as tensions between economic liberalism and cultural nationalism—may limit their long-term viability.

Moreover, the far right’s reliance on fear and division risks alienating broader electorates, particularly as demographic shifts and civil society resistance intensify. While these parties may temporarily capitalize on instability, their inability to address systemic issues like climate change or inequality without undermining their core ideologies suggests their dominance could be short-lived. As history shows, movements built on exclusion rarely sustain themselves in an interconnected world. The future may yet belong to coalitions that prioritize inclusivity, equity, and global cooperation.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Gagatek, W. (n.d.). Explaining the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe 2. [online] Available at: https://www.martenscentre.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Martens-Centre-Policy-Brief.pdf.

[2] Wodak, R., KhosraviNik, M. and Mral, B., 2013. Right-wing populism in Europe: Politics and discourse (p. 179). Bloomsbury Academic.

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