He highlights the alleged vote theft incident in the Aland constituency of Karnataka. He said that in the Aland constituency of Karnataka, 6,018 votes were found to have been deleted. Gandhi stated that person was caught by co-incidence. A booth-level officer noticed that her own uncle’s vote had been deleted

He continued to explain that when the BLO checked who deleted the vote, it appeared to be a neighbour. However, it was not the neighbour. The person whose vote was deleted and the person whose name was used to delete it were both unaware of the act. The real culprit, he alleged, was a different force that had “hijacked the process” and “used the software that deleted the voters.” This was not a human crime, but a crime of a system, a “centralised criminal operation to steal elections.”

LIVE: Special Press Conference – Vote Chori Factory https://t.co/ne8cdFCnMs

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) September 18, 2025

Modus Operandi: fake logins and hijacked identities

The modus operandi of the perpetrators was cunning. Rahul Gandhi presented evidence during the Press Conference that a 63-year-old woman named Godabai had a fake login created in her name and was used to delete 12 voters from Aland, Karnataka. When Gandhi’s team investigated, she claimed that she didn’t file any application to delete any votes.

Evidence of alleged voter fraud in Aland constituency, Karnataka

In support of his allegations on the Aland constituency, Rahul Gandhi presented five key pieces of evidence to show how the alleged fraud occurred:

1. Fake logins and impersonation: Fake logins were allegedly created in the name of a 63-year-old woman named Godabai to delete 12 voters. Rahul Gandhi’s team found that Godabai had not filed any such applications. The fraud was further evidenced by the use of mobile numbers from different states to delete 12 neighbours.
2. Identity hijacked for mass deletions: The identity of Suryakant Govin, a 67-year-old retired college principal, was allegedly hijacked. His credentials were used to file nine applications to delete voters, a fact he was unaware of. These applications were used to delete 12 voters in just 14 minutes.
3. Humanly impossible application speed: The press conference showed evidence of two applications being filed and submitted within just 36 seconds, which was described as “humanly impossible.” This points to the use of an automated program rather than individual human action.
4. Automated program targets: It was alleged that the perpetrators used an automated program that ensured the first voter of a booth was always the applicant. This pattern of using the credentials of the first or second voter on a local list to file deletion requests for others was presented as a clear sign of a sophisticated, automated operation.
5. Targeted deletions in strongholds: The deletions were not random. The evidence presented alleged that they were a “planned operation” with “targeted deletions in strong congress booths.” It was noted that the top 10 booths with the maximum number of deletions were Congress strongholds, where the party had won 8 out of 10 booths in the 2018 elections.

Based on this evidence, Rahul Gandhi asserted, “there is undeniable proof that CEC Gyanesh Kumar is protecting vote theft.”

The Original PPT on The Aland Files, presented by Rahul Gandhi can be read here

CID’s stalled investigation and unanswered letters

Rahul Gandhi revealed that, the investigation by the Karnataka Criminal Investigation Department (CID) into the alleged fraud has been stalled. The timeline presented reveals a pattern of persistent requests from the CID to the Election commission of India (ECI) that have allegedly gone unanswered.

• February 2023: an FIR was filed following the discovery of the fraudulent applications.
• March 2023: the Karnataka CID wrote to the ECI, requesting all details related to the applications to further their investigation.
• August 2023: the ECI provided only partial portal information, which included dynamic IP addresses that were linked to over 200 users each, leaving the CID with an impossible task.
• January 2024 to present: the Karnataka EC has been repeatedly requesting full information from the ECI, including the crucial destination IP and destination port details needed to identify the culprits. Rahul Gandhi stated that the Karnataka CID has sent a total of 18 letters to the election commission, but the ECI has not replied, effectively stalling the investigation.

The Vote Chori Factory: a multi-state scam

In addition to the Aland case, Rahul Gandhi referred to a similar scam in Maharashtra’s Rajura assembly, calling it the “same scam in Rajura assembly.” He noted that while the Aland case focused on “deletions,” the Rajura scam involved “additions.” The press conference highlighted “6850 fake online additions” in Rajura using “fake names, fake addresses.” This was presented as evidence that the “same vote chori factory” was operating across different states with different tactics.

Election Commission of India must stop protecting Vote Chors.

They should release all incriminating evidence to Karnataka CID within 1 week. #VoteChoriFactory pic.twitter.com/Abiy1OHLQP

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) September 18, 2025

Rahul Gandhi’s allegations against the Election Commission

Addressing the media, Rahul Gandhi briefed the story from Aland. He alleged that “the one who’s deleting votes, the one whose vote is being deleted, both don’t know about it.”

He asserted that the use of mobile numbers from outside states and the lack of response from the ECI proved a coordinated effort.

He further alleged that “CEC Gyanesh Kumar is protecting Vote-Chors (theft)” and that “The Chief Election Commissioner of India is protecting those who have destroyed Indian democracy.”

He ended his press conference with a final plea, suggesting that “people from within ECI (officials) are now coming forward with inside information.” This was not just a demand for information; it was a challenge to the integrity of an institution that is the bedrock of India’s democracy.

CID probe and challenges in investigation

The case was handed over to Karnataka’s Criminal Investigation Department (CID), which soon uncovered a meticulously planned operation. The thousands of forged Form 7s were submitted online through the ECI’s official platforms: the National Voter Service Portal (NVSP), the Voter Helpline app (VHA), and the Garuda app.

The ECI initially shared a data dump with the CID in September 2023. This included the mobile numbers used to create login IDs on the apps and the Internet Protocol (IP) logs associated with the submissions. But this data only deepened the mystery. Investigators tracked down nine of the mobile numbers. They belonged to people in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, many of whom were digitally illiterate and swore they had never created accounts on any ECI app.

The IP logs presented an even bigger challenge. The culprits had used dynamic IP addresses, which are temporary and assigned to multiple users by internet service providers. The data provided by Telecom Service Providers pointed to IPV4 addresses, with each address linked to over 200 users. This left the CID facing an impossible task, sifting through over 8 lakh potential devices.

Investigation stalled due to concealment of critical data

To cut through this digital fog, the CID identified the need for two specific data points: the Destination IP and the Destination Port. Unlike a dynamic source IP, these details provide a unique digital address for the server that received the application and the specific endpoint of the communication. This information would allow investigators to drastically narrow their search and pinpoint the actual devices used to perpetrate the fraud. This is where the investigation stalled.

CID’s repeated requests ignored by Election Commission

A cache of official letters, six from the CID to the Karnataka Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), laid bare the investigators’ mounting frustration. Rahul Gandhi stated that the “Karnataka CID sent 18 letters to the Election Commission,” and the “Election Commission did not reply to the CID’s letter.”

The documents revealed a paper trail of urgent and unanswered requests. In a letter dated February 1, 2025, the CID Investigating Officer states plainly, “During the course of investigation, the IP Logs are provided. On perusal the Destination IP and Destination Port are missing. Therefore, it is requested to direct the concerned to provide the same.” This wasn’t a one-off request. The letter referenced a previous communication from January 15, 2025.

CID letter dated 01.02.205 can be read here

Further letters were sent on February 15 and February 25, each one repeating the exact same plea for the missing data.

CID’s letter to CEO, Karnataka on 15.02.2025 can be read here

CID’s letter to CEO, Karnataka on 25.02.2025 can be read here

The letters also reveal deeper concerns about the security of the ECI’s own applications, with the CID posing pointed questions about the existence and implementation of OTP/Multifactor authentication on its platforms—questions that have allegedly gone unanswered.

Confidential records further show that the Karnataka CEO’s office has been diligently forwarding these urgent requests to the ECI headquarters in New Delhi. Communications on this matter were sent on February 4, 2025.

Karnataka CEO’s letter dated 04.02.2025 can be read here

Again, on March 14, 2025, explicitly asking the ECI’s ICT division to provide the information sought by the CID. Yet, the data remains elusive, and the investigation remains frozen.

CEO, Karnataka’s letter to ECI dated 14.03.2025

Background: discovery of the conspiracy

The alleged conspiracy first came to light in the politically charged weeks of February 2023. B.R. Patil, a senior Congress leader, received a disturbing tip. A local Booth Level Officer (BLO) discovered a startling online application to delete a voter’s name, a Form 7, had been filed to remove her own brother from the electoral rolls.

He was a known supporter of Patil’s, and he had made no such application. “The application was made in the name of another voter in the same village, who was also not aware of it. This tipped us off,” said Patil, who had narrowly lost the 2018 election by just 697 votes.
What started as a single fraudulent form quickly snowballed into a deluge. An on-ground verification ordered by the Aland Returning Officer, Mamata Devi, scrutinised 6,018 Form 7 applications. The findings were staggering as only 24 were genuine.

The remaining 5,994 applications were forgeries, a systematic attempt to wipe legitimate voters off the list. An FIR was filed, and an investigation was launched to find the masterminds behind this digital conspiracy. The evidence pointed to a sophisticated operation using “automated filing of online EC forms, Mobile numbers from outside Karnataka, and Targeting Congress votes.”

Notably, the forged applications to delete the names of both Barabayi and Ali were filed in the name of Suryakant Govin, a 67-year-old retired college principal. Govin was shocked to learn his identity had been hijacked. “There were nine applications made in my name to delete voters… I don’t know how the miscreants did it,” he explained. “While my other credentials, including EPIC number and photo are correct, phone numbers are different in each application. None of them belong to me,” The Hindu reported on September 7, 2025.

This pattern repeated itself across the constituency. The credentials of the first or second voter on a local list were frequently misused to file deletion requests for others. Entire families were targeted, as was the case with Veeranna Honashetty, a retired policeman, who discovered applications to delete eight votes in his household, including that of his wife, Revamma. The targets, Patil alleges, were overwhelmingly his supporters, as reported

In light of these allegations and the stalled investigation, Rahul Gandhi laid down a clear demand that “Gyanesh Kumar should stop protecting vote chors.” He demanded that the ECI must release all incriminating evidence related to the Aland, Rajura, and Mahadevapura cases to the Karnataka CID within one week.

Related

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Bihar 2025 Election: EC drops parental birth document requirement for 4.96 crore electors and their children in Bihar

Bihar: Sinister move by ECI as ‘intensive’ revision of electoral roles set to exclude vast majority of legitimate voters

The post “Vote Chori Factory”: Rahul Gandhi accuses ECI of protecting electoral fraud, demands action in 7 days appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Periyar’s interaction in the north India with began with his visit to Kashi in 1904 where he suffered humiliation due to caste discrimination by the local priests. But as a political activist Periyar’s formal interaction started with his visit to Kanpur in 1944 5o participate in All India Backward Non-Brahmin Hindus conference from December 29 till December 31^st, 1944. Periyar was well aware of things happening in the north particularly the movement being led by Baba Saheb Ambedkar. It is not known to many people that Periyar had translate Baba Saheb’s extraordinary work of Annihilation of Caste in Tamil. Mr S V Rajadurai in his wonderful conversation with me brought these amazing facts about Periyar’s north Indian relations in the recently published book ‘Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism’. Periyar was also the vice President of ‘Jat Pat Todal Mandal’ but refused to change his stand as what were the reasons of caste discrimination which he felt emanates from the Varna system. I had raised the issues of Periyar’s north Indian engagement with Mr Rajadurai and he really worked hard to bring these facts of life to all the people.

Periyar visited Kanpur on February 8^th, 1959 on the invitation of Republican Party of India and some of his admirers like Chhedi Lal Saathi and others. Periyar addressed a huge gathering of RPI activists at Ganga Prasad Memorial Hall Lucknow where Dr Chhedi Lal Saathi translated his speech. Socialist leader Raj Narain too hosted a tea party his honour. Periyar continued to speak at different platforms in Lucknow, Kanpur, Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta and Pune. He tried to strengthen Republican Party of India after the demise of Baba Saheb Ambedkar by addressing their different gatherings. Those who speak against Periyar should know this fact of his Periyar was highly influenced by Baba Saheb’s philosophy but he admired him and promoted his work after his demise.

It is not that Periyar spoke with the political gatherings. He also spoke at Lucknow University who were protesting against him in the beginning but later understood his stand on social justice, OBC and Dalit reservation and cheered for him. Dr K Veeramani translated his speech at the Lucknow University campus on February 11^th, 1959. Periyar also addressed students at the Siddhartha College, established by Baba Saheb Ambedkar in Mumbai on February 25^th, 1959. He visited Lucknow again in 1968.

One of the most outstanding admirers of Periyar and who promoted his work in the north India was Lalai Singh Yadav, a humanist rationalist and part of well-known social movement called ‘Arjak Sangha’. Arjak Sangh was promoting the enlightenment, rationalist thinking and warning the Bahujan communities against rituals and blind beliefs. For all such thoughtful people, Periyar along with Baba Saheb Ambedkar remained their heroes. Lalai Singh Yadav translated Periyar’s work on Ramayana under title ‘Sachchi Ramayana’ i.e., True Ramayana. The Uttar Pradesh government banned the book and confiscated its copies on December 9, 1969. Arjak Sangh and Lalai Singh Yadav condemned the incident and challenged the government order under the pretext of ‘law and order trouble due to hurt sentiments of the people’, at the Allahabad High Court which declared the ban on book as invalid. Uttar Pradesh government went in the Supreme Court against this order challenging the lifting of ban by the Allahabad High Court. On September 16^th, 1976, Supreme Court delivered a historic verdict which upheld the high court order and dismissed government’s review petition. Justice Krishna Iyer, Justice P N Bhagwati and justice Syed Murtaza gave a verdict. Delivering the verdict Justice Iyer said, ‘A government can always learn from the criticism of its opponents than from the eulogy of its supporters. To stifle that criticism is, at least, ultimately, to prepare its own destruction.’

The verdict of the Supreme Court was the best tribute to the icon of reason and humanism, Periyar on the eve of his 97th birthday. This was the period RPI in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere was virtually moving towards political extinction and got divided into various fractions but Arjak Sangh was the only non-political movement for humanist values and social change. It carried the legacy of spreading Periyar’s work in common parlance in Uttar Pradesh. As Arjak Sangh was anti superstitious, Periyar’s rationalism and other such actions influenced them. The image creation of Periyar revolving around Arjak Sangha was mostly as an idol breaker. His issues of social justice, women’s liberation, self-respect marriages, proportional representation are frankly still not in wider circulations among political as well as cultural activists. Though Arjak Sangh was still working but its sharpness continued to decline after the demise of leaders like Ramswaroop Verma and Lalai Singh Yadav.

In 1990 when V P Singh was the prime minister and accepted implementation of 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the Central government job, a new movement was building up in north India. Ambedkar Phule Periyar became immensely popular with the Dalit Bahujan activists and intellectuals. Ambedkarites were writing about Periyar and his work. Parallel to them was the rise of Bahujan Samaj Party, which filled the vacuum created by the marginalisation of Republican Party of India. The ‘demise’ of RPI in Uttar Pradesh gave rise to the growth of BSP in the 1980s and in 1993 the party made a historical alliance with Samajwadi Party and came to power in Uttar Pradesh. Slogans like ‘Mile Mulayam Kanshiram: Hawa ho Gaye Jaishriram’ simply translate as when The Slogan Jaishriram would be worthless once Mulayam and Kanshiram join hand. BSP was that time aggressively speaking about Ambedkar and Periyar in north India. The alliance of SP-BSP collapsed due to contradictions and political ambitions of leaders. BSP formed government with the support of BJP in Uttar Pradesh. It was a big shock but people accepted it as long as they felt their ‘interests’ were not being compromised. The first thing BSP announced after assuming power was installing big iconic statutes of Dalit Bahujan Icons and celebration of ‘Periyar Mela’ in the heart of Lucknow city. The declaration of a Periyar Mela to be organised in Lucknow city angered the alliance partner BJP and they protested terming Periyar as anti-North and anti-Ram, they threatened to pull out of the government. Since then, BSP does not use Periyar’s photograph in its political work. In the initial phases, it was BSP workers who used to speak a lot of Periyar but afterwards slowly political realities of the state forced them to abandon Periyar completely. Now, BSP does not want to any way affiliate with the memory of Periyar. The crisis of the other parties in north India particularly Samajwadi Party, Janta Dal or RJD is much more serious as most of them can’t afford to lose their community votes they avoid Periyar. These parties actually were formed by those inspired by socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia and Jai Prakash Narain. Politically, it was just RPI or BSP which promoted Periyar in the north India. Socially, Arjak Sangh’ which was actually led by the leaders from backward communities but Periyar’s political message in the north India was carried out by RPI and BSP (in the beginning) and BAMSCEF and mostly all of them led by Ambedkarites. So, one thing is clear, Periyar in north India has not been read or promoted by the backward communities because of the abject failure and opportunism of the political parties claiming to represent the politics of ‘social justice’ particularly those intellectuals who used him just to make their juicy references on religion rather than looking his monumental work of Self Respect Movement that brought the backward communities and Dalits to the power structure in the Dravida land. Ambedkar, Phule and Periyar were revolutionary icons who challenged the Brahmanical hegemony which most of the political parties are not ready to challenge yet social movements, rationalist, humanist activists, Bahujan social cultural leaders continue to be inspired by Periyar and his monumental work to liberate Dravidian masses in Tamilnadu and empower them socially, culturally and politically.

The vast treasure of work brought out by Mr S. V. Rajadurai on Periyar is a must read for all. Now, the book titled ‘Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism: S V Rajadurai in Conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat’, published by People’s Literature Publication, Mumbai, is now available on Amazon and Flipkart. Those who are interested in Periyar’s north Indian engagement along as well as many other critical issues of Periyar’s understanding on Dalits, untouchability, Land questions as well as communism, would get extremely rare and important information about the same.

Periyar ignite the heart and minds of all the humanists. Let his spirit of enlightenment and rational humanist thought grow everywhere.

Related:

Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism

Why is Periyar not taught in Indian schools and colleges?

Opinion: Bahujans need to spread Phule and Periyar’s message in person, not just on social media

The post Periyar the icon of social justice and humanism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These divergences were evident during the ECI’s third Conference of Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs), held on September 10, 2025, at the India International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Management (IIIDEM), New Delhi. Chief Election Commissioner Shri Gyanesh Kumar and Election Commissioners Dr. Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Dr. Vivek Joshi assessed state-wise readiness. CEOs presented updates on elector counts, digitisation progress, voter mapping, and polling station rationalisation—capped at 1,200 electors per booth.

ECI holds conference of Chief Electoral Officers of all States/UTs to assess
preparedness for nationwide SIR

Read more : https://t.co/nZ9mVaBY7g pic.twitter.com/8QdkGBEWi0

— Election Commission of India (@ECISVEEP) September 10, 2025

Why the different approaches of the ECI’s SIR in Bihar and West Bengal?

The ECI is clearly applying varied approaches to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, with the methodology and parameters in each state appearing to be influenced by specific legal and historical contexts. While the ECI’s stated and overarching goal is a single, nationwide exercise, the on-the-ground implementation reveals significant procedural differences from one state to another.

Parameters of the Bihar SIR: legal and procedural re-enumeration

The approach to the SIR in Bihar is defined by two key parameters, a comprehensive house-to-house (H2H) enumeration and a documentation process under judicial direction. Burden has been placed on the individual elector to ‘submit’ her/his form, in duplicate (though complaints have surfaced that only single forms have been supplied, rendering the efficacy or intent behind the house-to-house survey questionable. The methodology, as outlined by the Chief Electoral Officer of Bihar, requires a complete re-enumeration of voters, with Booth-Level Officers (BLOs) visiting every household multiple time to distribute and collect pre-filled forms. This process is not a simple update but an attempt to rebuild the voter list from scratch. Conduct of some of the BLOs—and the short time span and pressure put on them –has also raised more questions than what the ECI has been inclined to answer.

The June 24 notification from the ECI outlined a mixed motive of the ECI in the entire exercise. Apart from this being sudden and hurried –especially given that a revision of rolls for the poll-bound state had already taken place in January 2025—the wording of the notification clearly indicated that the poll body was stepping outside of its statutory mandate and actually assessing/evaluating people’s citizenship.

The Election Commission, in its June 24 order stated that “in case ERO/AERO doubts the eligibility of the proposed Elector (due to non-submission of requisite documents or otherwise), he/she will start a suo moto inquiry and issue notice to such proposed Elector, as to why his/her should not be deleted. Based on field inquiry, documentation or otherwise, ERO/AERO shall decide on inclusion of such proposed Electors in the Final Rolls. In each such case, ERO/AERO shall pass a speaking order. Also, EROs will refer cases of suspected foreign nationals to the competent authority under the Citizenship Act, 1955. For these purposes, AERO shall exercise ERO’s powers independently u/s 13C(2) of the RPA, 1950.”

Following the outrage caused in the launching of this exercise and several challenges to the Bihar SIR posed by organisations like the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR) and political players, the course of the exercise changed.

Crucially, now, the documentation parameter in Bihar is being shaped by the Supreme Court. While the ECI initially sought a list of 11 indicative documents to be submitted by individual electors, the court directed the inclusion of Aadhaar as the 12th prescribed document at its last hearing on September 8, 2025. This court order mandates that Aadhaar can be used as a standalone form of identity, a significant deviation from the ECI’s original plan and a parameter that has been set by legal intervention rather than the poll body alone. This makes the Bihar model a test case for how judicial oversight can directly influence the operational details of the SIR.

Despite initial reservations regarding the acceptability of Aadhaar, the Supreme Court, in its order dated September 8, 2025, clarified the legal position on its use for electoral purposes. The Court stated:

“The short issue pertains to the acceptability and status of the Aadhaar card. In view of the statutory status assigned to Aadhaar under the Aadhaar Act, the Aadhaar card is not proof of citizenship. However, keeping in view Section 23(4) of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, the Aadhaar card is one of the documents that may be used to establish the identity of a person. Learned Senior Counsel for the Election Commission of India (ECI) has confirmed that the Aadhaar card shall be taken into consideration as one of the documents for establishing identity for inclusion or exclusion in the revised voter list for Bihar.”

The Court further held that the Aadhaar card shall be treated as the 12th document for identity verification purposes by the authorities, authorities are entitled to verify the authenticity and genuineness of the Aadhaar card, Aadhaar shall not be accepted as proof of citizenship and the ECI shall issue relevant instructions accordingly.

In compliance with the Supreme Court’s direction, the Election Commission of India issued instructions to the Chief Electoral Officer, Bihar, on September 9, 2025, regarding the use of Aadhaar during the Special Summary Revision (SIR). Aadhaar shall be treated as the 12th document for establishing identity, in addition to the 11 documents listed in Annexure C and D of the SIR Order dated June 24, 2025; it is to be accepted solely as proof of identity and not as proof of citizenship, in line with Section 9 of the Aadhaar Act, 2016. Under Section 23(4) of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, Aadhaar is already recognized as a valid identity document. DEOs, EROs, AEROs, and all concerned authorities were directed to ensure strict compliance, with any refusal to accept Aadhaar being treated with utmost seriousness.

ECI’s instruction on Aadhaar dated 09.09.2025 can be read here

The question that now arises is has the Supreme Court’s cautionary orders to the constitutional body governed its approach on electoral roll revision in Bengal? Then again comes the question, how come and on what justification has the ECI chosen selectively different parameters for the electoral poll revision in Assam?

Parameters of the West Bengal SIR: historical mapping and administrative overhaul

In West Bengal, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has adopted a distinct approach to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), anchored in a historical baseline. Rather than initiating a fresh enumeration, the ECI has ordered a house-to-house mapping exercise to cross-check the current electoral roll against the 2002 list—the last time an intensive revision was conducted in the state.

Booth-level officers (BLOs) have been tasked with visiting households of voters listed in the 2002 roll to verify if they still appear on the draft rolls for 2025. Electors will be informed of their original number (booth or constituency) and serial numbers, while children of those voters—if enrolled after 2002—can use their parents’ details during the upcoming SIR. BLOs will also record information about unregistered children of 2002 voters to streamline their inclusion.

According to the Telegraph, “The BLOs will verify each name on the current electoral rolls with the 2002 rolls. Those whose names figure in both the lists will not be required to submit any other documents. Their children, if they were enrolled after 2002, will also be able to use their parents’ details to fill in the forms during the SIR. The BLOs will also note down the details of the children of the 2002 electors in case they were not enrolled that year,” said a source.

Alongside this groundwork, the ECI has directed a significant administrative shift, the delinking of the Chief Electoral Officer’s office from the state’s Home and Hill Affairs Department and its relocation to Central Government premises. This move purportedly underscores the Commission’s concern over electoral integrity and highlights its intention to ensure a neutral administrative environment before launching the full-scale revision.

Delhi: on standby

Despite no imminent polls, Delhi’s electoral machinery is in high gear. Officials are training BLOs and rationalising polling stations as part of advanced-stage preparations.

“We want to be prepared whenever the exercise is launched,” an official stated, aligning with the ECI’s directive for all states to be SIR-ready, the Rediff reported. Ironically while some select media outlets have disclosed details of these varied, distinctive methodologies in the revisions, there appears to be no officially disclosed statement of the ECI endorsing these.

Assam: citizenship and political overtones

In Assam, the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has taken on a distinctly political tone, closely tied to the state’s long-standing debates around citizenship and alleged “illegal entries” in voter rolls. With assembly elections expected early next year—marking the first since the redrawing of all 126 constituencies in 2023—the urgency is palpable. The ECI notification is available on social media and may be read here.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has positioned the SIR as a crucial step toward cleansing the electoral rolls, citing opposition comments as inadvertent justification for the revision. The last intensive revision in the state took place in 2005, and the updated voter list from that year is now being circulated among political parties, reported the TOI.

To meet the tight timeline, on August 4, 2025, Assam’s Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Anurag Goel has issued a high-priority directive instructing all district election officers to ensure full preparedness within 15 to 20 days, ahead of the Election Commission’s official schedule announcement. This includes confirming the deployment of electoral registration officers (EROs), assistant EROs, and booth-level officers (BLOs), along with identifying additional BLOs for newly formed polling stations, as reported.

The directive also prohibits reassigning election personnel or data entry staff to other duties—especially in the Bodoland Territorial Council areas, which are simultaneously gearing up for autonomous council elections, likely in September.

Bihar: judicial oversight as a national test case

Bihar’s SIR, considered the model for the national rollout, is under the microscope of the Supreme Court. Justices Surya Kant and Joymalya Bagchi have warned that any legal irregularity in Bihar could jeopardise the entire nationwide exercise. The Supreme Court clarified that the publication of the final voter list would not affect the adjudication of the matter, assuring the petitioners that it would step in if any illegality were found. “What difference will it (the final publication of the list) make to us? If we are satisfied there is some illegality, we can…,” Justice Kant remarked, as reported by Live Law.

The court has scheduled final arguments for October 7 and emphasised that its verdict will apply pan-India.

The Court has also intervened on documentation as Aadhaar has now been mandated as the 12th acceptable identity document, despite ECI’s initial reluctance. While not proof of citizenship, the court clarified it can be verified for authenticity, thereby adding a critical layer of judicially enforced uniformity to an otherwise flexible process.

A ‘unified’ framework, applied differentially

The ECI is attempting to manage a multifaceted, nationwide exercise with a consistent approach, but the ground-level implementation reveals significant variations. The ECI’s conference with CEOs on September 10, 2025, confirmed its plan to roll out the SIR with a “single schedule.” The ECI’s press note from that day further details this strategy, mentioning a review of documents to ensure “ease of submission” for eligible citizens and a focus on “rationalisation of polling stations” to have no more than 1,200 electors per booth.

However, the ECI’s actions in West Bengal, with its emphasis on a 2002-based mapping exercise, stand in contrast to the broader, more exclusivist approach discussed at the CEO conference. While ECI sources stated that the “SIR order of June 24 holds for entire country,” they also hinted that the “list of documents could be made more inclusive when the schedule was announced,” suggesting a potential for state-specific adaptations.

The Election Commission’s push to delink the CEO’s office in West Bengal from state government control—invoking the Representation of the People Act, 1950—raises questions about consistency in administrative principles. West Bengal, governed by the opposition party TMC, has long had a tense relationship with the ECI, and this move appears to reflect a deeper tension rather than a neutral policy shift. Is the emphasis on administrative “independence” truly about institutional integrity—or is it shaped by the political context of an opposition-ruled state?

This apparent paradox – a single, unified plan with state-specific execution—is a defining characteristic of the ECI’s current movement. The national training program for BLOs promotes uniformity in understanding the SIR module, yet the pre-revision activities across states tell a different story. Manipur, Sikkim, Mizoram, Goa, and Arunachal Pradesh have each conducted state-specific consultations or training sessions, reflecting a decentralised pattern. However, most of these states are either governed by the BJP or its allies, casting doubt on whether this flexibility is uniformly available. The framing of these variations as tailored administrative responses should be viewed critically—especially when similar room for adaptation appears contested in states with non-BJP governments.

This approach, while perhaps practical, also raises questions about whether the final electoral rolls will be a truly uniform product, or a collection of lists prepared under different, albeit ECI-approved, methodologies.

Related

89 lakh complaints of irregularities during Bihar SIR were rejected by ECI: Congress

Bihar SIR: New elector applications doubled in just 2 days, showing a 96.6% increase

99.8% of 65 lakh voter deletions go unchallenged on 13th day of objection period

The post ECI’s nationwide SIR plan: a ‘unified’ push, applied differentially across states appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Prof. Jagdeep Chhokar, 81, who is survived by his wife Kiran, began his career in the Indian Railways and was drawn into academia after pursuing an MBA degree from the Faculty of Management Studies Delhi University. He then went on to complete his PhD from the Louisiana State University following which he joined the Indian Institute of Ahmedabad as a Professor in the Organisational Behaviour Area in 1985.

He retired in November 2006.

But what brought and kept him in public life was his activism for improving democracy and governance in the country.

In 1999, with a few of his IIMA colleagues, which included Tirlochan Shastry, 14 years his junior, he founded the ADR, which has since played a critical role in enhancing transparency in Indian elections for over two and a half decades. The ADR has won several notable cases at the Supreme Court including the one which paved for the scrapping of the Electoral Bonds scheme. More recently, it is the lead petitioners in the challenge to the ongoing Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls in Bihar.

A fellow petitioner in the Dr Manoj Kumar Jha, Rajya Sabha member with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) expressed his strong sentiments at the demise of Prof. Chhokhar on ‘X’ (formerly twitter. He said, “He believed that democracy is not sustained by the noise of elections, but by their fairness, transparency, and accountability. He reminded us, time and again, that clean politics cannot emerge from tainted processes. His departure leaves behind a void, but also a legacy—an unfinished task that belongs now to all who care about democracy. We must also renew our pledge to the cause he lived for: that elections in India be not just contests of power, but rituals of trust.”

Cannot believe this news!!!
The passing of @JagdeepChhokar is not just the loss of a man; it is the silencing of a conscience that spoke relentlessly for the integrity of India’s democracy. As founder of the Association for Democratic Reforms, he forced the nation to look into… pic.twitter.com/Nv8IoKaxua

— Manoj Kumar Jha (@manojkjhadu) September 12, 2025

His body was donated for medical research. Acknowledging this, the official account of LHMC & Associated Hospitals, New Delhi, India, a premier Central Govt. Institute under Dte General Health Sevices & MoHFW stated, “Department of Anatomy humbly acknowledges the voluntary body donation of late Jagdeep Singh Chhokhar –founding member of the Association for Democratic Reforms & former Dean, IIMA. Our gratitude to Ms. Kiran Chhokhar and family for their invaluable contribution to advancing medical education.

Former Election Commissioner (EC), Election Commission of India, Ashok Lavasa, also expressed his sentiment on social media. “The loss of Prof Jagdeep Chhokhar is tragic. He spearheaded the Association of Democratic Reforms, which has rendered yeoman service in maintaining high standards of electoral democracy. People like him and ADR are vital for questioning authorities.”

Prof Chhokar was also a prolific writer and researcher. His research appeared in several international journals, such as the Journal of Applied Psychology, Columbia Journal of World Business (now called the Journal of World Business), International Labour Review, Industrial Relations, Journal of Safety Research. He also contributed chapters to edited books and has written several teaching cases. His also wrote many columns and articles for leading media houses.

Chhokar has also taught in several countries including Australia, France, Japan, and the US. Since his retirement, he had also been associated with ‘Aajeevika’ Bureau for over a decade, working on internal migration related issues.

A little-known aspect was his love for birds. Prof Chhokar obtained a certificate in ornithology from the Bombay Natural History Society in 2001 and enjoyed the company of birds on the IIMA campus and wherever he travelled.

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The post Jagdeep Chhokar: A relentless pursuer of electoral and democratic reforms passes away appeared first on SabrangIndia.

PUCL has announced that it will lobby with the Governor and the President to prevent the bill from receiving assent, arguing that its legality is questionable and that it infringes upon the fundamental right to freedom of conscience, free speech, interfaith dialogue, equality, and individual choice. The organisation has warned that the bill’s punitive provisions are excessive and likely to be struck down by the courts if challenged.

Key concerns with the bill

PUCL pointed to several problematic provisions across the bill:

1. Overbroad definitions: The definitions under Section 2 are excessively wide, arbitrary, and untested for reasonableness. Concepts such as “allurement” and “coercion” are defined in ways far broader than similar state laws, and they introduce psychological pressure as a basis for criminal liability, which current police frameworks are ill-equipped to handle.
2. Prohibitory and punitive provisions: Section 3 declares conversions unlawful and, when read alongside Section 5, makes even voluntary adult conversions punishable. The bill also criminalises any form of abetment or “convincing,” which could include ordinary interfaith discussions, thereby stifling free expression.
3. Marriage and interfaith implications: The bill contains new restrictions affecting the right to marry, including potential implications for same-sex marriages.
4. ‘Ghar Wapsi’ and ambiguities: Section 3’s explanations, including provisions for “reconversion” to one’s previous faith, are vague and could be interpreted to support forced reconversions (“ghar wapsi”) targeting Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, and Ambedkarite communities. The law fails to clarify temporal limits for prior conversions, leaving room for discriminatory enforcement.
5. Draconian sentences: Punishments are extraordinarily severe: a minimum of seven years imprisonment (extendable to 14 years) and fines of ₹5 lakh for general violations; longer sentences and higher fines apply for women, minors, SC/ST individuals, and mass conversions. PUCL asserts that such mandatory sentencing is unconstitutional.
6. Invasive administrative oversight: The bill mandates intrusive District Magistrate inquiries into every conversion, potentially affecting interfaith marriages. Parties who “counsel, convince, or procure” conversions are criminalised, which constitutes a disproportionate restriction on free speech and interfaith dialogue.
7. Burden of proof on the accused: Section 12 places the burden of proof on individuals accused of facilitating conversions, violating the fundamental principle that the prosecution bears the burden of proof.

Conclusion

The PUCL asserts that the Rajasthan anti-conversion bill is an unconstitutional, overreaching law that undermines democratic principles and individual liberties. By attempting to regulate personal faith and interfaith interactions through coercive administrative and punitive measures, the bill threatens to marginalise minority communities and stifle free expression. The organisation is committed to lobbying at the highest levels of the state and central government to prevent the bill from becoming law.

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The post PUCL slams recently passed Rajasthan anti-conversion bill as “draconian and unconstitutional” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is ‘nine-eleven’ once again! A day pregnant with memories! Memories of violence and suffering; of hate and division. On the other hand, the day is also one of promise –of truth and non-violence; of justice and peace; of hope, for new beginnings, a new dawn! Our world today, is gripped with hate and violence; wars and conflicts; discrimination and division; prejudice and racism; corruption and communalism! One sees and witnesses this everywhere!

In neighbouring Nepal for one, it is a youth uprising against a corrupt regime; reminiscent of what happened in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh not too long ago! A warning for the corrupt and communal regime in India!

The plight of the Palestinians, particularly in Gaza, continues for almost a year now. Despite condemnation from most parts of the world, the Israeli regime has not stopped its brutal, violent, inhuman attacks on a beleaguered and starving people; the Israeli Government, even bombed Qatar yesterday.

Violence from Ukraine to Manipur continues unabated. The military-industrial complex is having a hay-day profiteering on the blood of innocent victims. All this and more, happening today, on ‘nine-eleven!’

There are memories of ‘nine-eleven’, today!

On this day, in 1906, Mahatma Gandhi launched his non-violent resistance campaign at a historic mass meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa. It was the birth of a new movement ‘Satyagraha’ – the relentless pursuit of truth and justice.  Gandhi believed that they were non-negotiables; two-sides of a coin. More than three thousand Indians (both Hindus and Muslims) and others, gathered to support the beginning of civil obedience. Later with ‘Ahimsa’ (non-violence), ‘Satyagraha’ would ultimately become Gandhi’s twin-doctrine in belief and in practise. He used it effectively in his struggle against British colonial rule in India. Several world civil rights leaders, like Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela, later embraced this twin doctrine.

Sadly, we still do not learn from the past; racism, xenophobia, jingoism, exclusiveness, pseudo-nationalism, discrimination and divisiveness seem to have a stranglehold on nations and peoples across the globe. The emergence of the ‘extreme-right’ ideology wedded to fascism and fundamentalism is a growing cause of concern. Some want to ‘build walls and fences’ to keep people out. ‘Satyagraha’ was a movement to make people realise that all humans have dignity and are created equal in the image and likeness of God! Our responsibility is to help build bridges and not walls!

There are memories of ‘nine-eleven’, today! In 1893, on this day, at the very first World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, Swami Vivekananda gave a powerful and passionate speech. He made a fervent plea to end every form of sectarianism, bigotry, fanaticism and violence from this earth, by fostering the values enshrined in every religion. He spoke emphatically, saying, “I fervently hope that the bell which tolled this morning in honour of this convention, may be the death-knell of all fanaticism, of all persecutions with the sword or with the pen, and of all uncharitable feelings between persons, wending their way to the same goal”. Ironically enough, his clarion call does not seem to evoke any positive response from ‘hindutva’ fundamentalists today. They continue with their fascist and fanatic agenda, demonizing and attacking the minorities (particularly Muslims, Christians and Sikhs) of the country, in a very meticulous manner. 

There are memories of ‘nine-eleven’, today! What happened in the United States on this day in 2001, will always be etched in human memory!  Any and every form of violence, is non-acceptable and needs to be strongly condemned. No violent act can be justified, whatever the provocation! That unprecedented violence in the US is remembered and defined today by a date “9/11.” The very utterance of it evokes all kinds of emotions: from undiluted hatred to a feeling of utter helplessness, in the face of rabid terror; from inconsolable grief at the loss of a loved one to heated debates on imponderables. A visit to ‘ground zero’ brings back painful memories of the almost three thousand lives, which were lost in just one place. One is also reminded of the millions of people who suffer every day in Palestine and Yemen, Syria and Iraq, DR Congo and Sudan, Myanmar and Afghanistan, Venezuela and El Salvador and so many other parts of the world. The world should also never forget the terror attacks that were unleashed on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Vietnam and Cambodia, Iraq and Iran and other parts of the world! We need to stop all war and violence just now; we must close down the military-industrial complex and all nations need to de-nuclearize immediately!  Do we, as citizens of the world who genuinely desire sustainable peace, have the courage to say ‘never again’ this 9/11?

There are memories of ‘nine-eleven’, today! The great Gandhian, Vinoba Bhave, was born on this day in 1895! He is widely regarded as the spiritual successor of Mahatma Gandhi; a strong advocate for nonviolence and human rights. He initiated the ‘Bhoodan Movement’, a nonviolent land gift campaign to redistribute land to the poor. He translated the ‘Bhagavad Gita’ into the Marathi language. He is regarded as the National Teacher of India. He died in November 1982 and was posthumously awarded the ‘Bharat Ratna’.

Swami Agnivesh, the well-known social reformer died on this day in 2020. He was known for his work against bonded labour through the ‘Bonded Labour Liberation Front’, which he founded in 1981.He was also a founder of the World Council of Arya Samaj. He championed freedom of religion and the rights of workers. He was an unwavering voice for the excluded and the exploited and for the victims of injustice! If he was alive today, he would have taken on the Rajasthan Government on their draconian anti-conversion law and also the Gujarat Government for increasing the working hours of factory workers to 12 hours a day. Both laws were passed yesterday.

Significantly, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, also died on this day in 1948. He was a barrister and politician. He served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913, until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947.

There are memories of ‘nine-eleven’, today! So much happening all over. We are in the midst of the ‘Season of Creation’ – yet parts of Punjab and Pakistan have been devastated by floods. Recent earthquakes in Afghanistan and Greece taking a toll on lives and livelihood, mean nothing to many, the rich and the powerful continue to destroy mother earth.  A terrible reality grips the lives and destinies of many people because of incompetent, autocratic, biased, violent and insensitive leaders everywhere. Marketing and manipulations greatly contribute to the fact that they are in power. These people use every trick in the book to keep people divided. Today (9/11) is surely about commemorations: the sad, tragic ones: a day of mourning! Nevertheless, it is also about new beginnings: of healing, building bridges, hope and resilience. Becoming pilgrims of hope!

As if on cue, the Catholic Liturgy of today provides us with a direction. In his letter to the Colossians St. Paul writes, “put on, as God’s chosen ones, holy and beloved, compassionate hearts, kindness, humility, gentleness, and patience, bearing with one another and forgiving one another, if one has a grievance against another; as the Lord has forgiven you, so must you also do. And over all these put on love, that is, the bond of perfection.”  In the Gospel of Luke, Jesus exhorts us, “to you who hear I say, love your enemies, do good to those who hate you, bless those who curse you, pray for those who mistreat you.” Are we listening? Will we act? Memories of ‘nine-eleven’ today, must help us to do so!

(The author is a human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/writer)

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The post Memories of ‘Nine Eleven’ today appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Frankly—call it my inertia or whatever—I am not very familiar with Sainath’s recent writings, though from time to time I do read some of the very in-depth reports focusing on rural India on the excellent site he has been running for about a decade, People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), which is, for all practical purposes, a virtual database for learning or understanding anything about how people live and work in rural India.

Not that I wasn’t familiar with Sainath earlier. As part of a Times of India project, I remember reading his in-depth reports in the paper in the 1990s, after I joined in Ahmedabad in 1993. However, at that time, from what I can remember, he concentrated more on doing stories on rural India. The latest lecture, which he gave in Ahmedabad on September 6, 2025, for the first time familiarised me with his worldview on the increasing concentration of wealth in India—especially in the media—and how it is adversely impacting Indian democracy.

According to Sainath, this concentration of wealth began soon after Independence, when the Nehru government, in its bid to give a helping hand, gave away land to top media houses for peanuts at prime spots—for instance, in Nariman Point in Bombay (now Mumbai) and Bahadurshah Zafar Marg in Delhi. This, he said, turned them into real estate barons: building multi-storey buildings on these prime plots, the media houses rented out all other floors—except for one, kept for publishing the newspaper—helping them amass huge wealth.

Today, said Sainath, these media houses are also powerful real estate developers. He quoted an interview Vineet Jain, one of the owners of the Times of India group, gave to the New Yorker. Jain, according to him, said, “We are not in the newspaper business; we are in the advertising business.”

I immediately wondered if this was a sharp change from the view held in the mid-1990s, when, while addressing a few of us “seniors” of the Times of India, Vineet Jain’s elder brother, Samir Jain, had said we should remember the paper was in the business of news, emphasising that the Times of India was a family business and had no social agenda. Then he turned to the whiteboard behind him and wrote “liberal social agenda”, crossing it out. He turned to me to ask if I agreed, and out of curiosity, I asked him, “Sir, what about a liberal political agenda?” Visibly embarrassed, he quietly said, “That of course is there…”
Stating how media has changed over time with the rise of television and digital media, Sainath said the corporate hold over media has further solidified, with top tycoon Mukesh Ambani controlling nearly 40 percent of all media in India today, buying up stakes in one outlet after another. Also referring in passing to Gautam Adani’s takeover of NDTV, he pointed out that politicians too are now deeply involved in the media business—owning several TV channels across India, especially in the South.

Stating how this has adversely impacted media coverage, Sainath said, there are several reporters covering Bollywood and business, but was for poverty and rural India, which makes up to nearly two thirds of India, there is no reporter.

Giving figures worth trillions of rupees related to corporate ownership of Indian media, Sainath then discussed how, with the rise of digital media, there has been further concentration of wealth. According to him, four major corporate houses across the globe now control the strings of digital media—they have access to all the data uploaded to digital platforms. With the Government of India seeking to further control digital media by proposing new laws, an attack on press freedom seems imminent, he added.

Giving examples, Sainath said there was an attempt during the Covid period to control media after Reporters Without Borders ranked India 161st out of 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index. A committee was formed, consisting mainly of government bureaucrats, to counter the index results. Only two journalists—including himself—were included. He said he joined on the condition that media freedom would be ensured. However, after finding his interventions too strong, the committee, which was headed by the Cabinet Secretary, eventually “disappeared”.

Now, said Sainath, there is a move to introduce a law that would impose a huge income tax on non-profit media houses. Pointing out that non-profit organisations like PARI, which he owns, and The Wire, are likely to suffer the most as a result of this move, he said the intention is to squeeze independent media outfits that have emerged over the last decade. This would take away ₹1 crore out of the approximately ₹2.5 crore that PARI raises annually to run its digital operations. He called upon the largely receptive audience—gathered at the invitation of top veteran Gujarat economist Prof. Indira Hirway—to financially support such independent media.

Later, talking informally, I asked Sainath a pointed question: would PARI, which is a digital media platform, have been possible 10 or 15 years ago, when internet penetration was low? He replied that he had started thinking of the PARI project 15 years ago. However, he admitted it was impossible for him to go into print or TV media, as it was too costly—one reason why he opted for the digital route.

I further asked him whether it was possible for ordinary journalists or people aspiring to share news to do so 15 years ago, as is now possible through blogging platforms and social media. To this, he replied that reaching out to readers is a huge issue. Algorithms control what gets propagated. If you’re willing to pay for services on platforms like X, for instance, you have a chance of reaching a wider audience—otherwise not.

Courtesy: CounterView

The post From news to real estate: P Sainath on how corporate power is undermining media freedom appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On September 3, 2025 the Maharashtra Cabinet approved a series of labour law amendments to increase the length of the working day, working hours without rest intervals, working hours per week, and limit of the overtime period. These amendments are based on recommendations of a central task force on labour reforms in order to “attract investment, expand industries, and create more employment opportunities.” The Maharashtra decision aligns with states such as Karnataka, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, and Tripura – which have already enacted similar “reforms.”

The PUCL statement states that it must not be forgotten that the State is the biggest employer both in industries and establishments and is therefore required to ensure that workers are not exploited and their fundamental rights to a decent, safe and healthy work environment are protected. Yet it fails to do precisely that.

The State Government has made many lofty claims in support of these “reforms,” that are presumably in the interests of both labour as well as capital. The amendments will facilitate “protection of labour rights” while “improving the ease of doing business.” They will help “attract investment” as well as “increase employment opportunities in the state.”¹ But it is obvious that extending working hours, and removing smaller establishments from the purview of the law is meant to reduce or remove protections for workers, not to expand them, says the PUCL.

Today, even in the industrial sector in India, contractual workers are already working 12-hour shifts (without overtime). In effect, the amendments aim to legalise what is already happening in fact – depriving workers of the legal safeguards against super-exploitation. They seem to be a way of coercing a shrinking permanent workforce into this inhuman work regime. Besides, far from increasing employment, as is claimed, this step will reduce the organised work force to two thirds of its size by replacing 8-hour shifts with 12-hour ones. It is no surprise that the Karnataka State IT/ITeS

1 See the post by the Chief Minster of Maharashtra on the social media platform X:

मंत्रिमंडळ निर्णय : कामगार विभाग@Dev_Fadnavis#Maharashtra #मंत्रिमंडळनिर्णय #CabinetDecision #DevendraFadnavis pic.twitter.com/oTZrwmsHOp

— CMO Maharashtra (@CMOMaharashtra) September 3, 2025

Employees Union (KITU) labelled similar amendments proposed in Karnataka as “inhuman attempt to impose modern-day slavery” upon them.²

In line with the state cabinet’s decision, the proposed amendments will be carried out in the Factories Act of 1948 and the Maharashtra Shops and Establishments (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 2017. In the Factories Act, the amendments proposed are: (a) Under Section 65, the workday shall be extended from the present 9 hours up to 12 hours; (b) Under Section 55, the rest period which was half an hour after the first five hours shall be made half an hour after six hours; (c) Under Section 56, the maximum number of working hours (spread over) in a day from 10.5 hours to 12 hours; (d) Under Section 65, the maximum number of hours of overtime in a quarter shall be increased from the present 115 to 144 hours (the original limit had been laid down as 75 hours). Under the Shops and Establishments Act the government intends to (a) increase working hours from 9 to 10 hours; (b) exclude establishments having less than 20 workers (the current number of 85 lakh establishments covered by this Act will be reduced to about 56,000).

While the State Labour Secretary has claimed that overtime work will be paid at double the rate of basic wages and allowances for every such increase in working hours, and that such overtime shall be subject to worker’s consent, these assurances have to be tested upon the actual language of the proposed amendments, particularly the fine print. While the decisions have yet to take the shape of a bill/ordinance for amending the Factories Act in the state, it is very likely that the amending bill/ordinance shall be on the lines of similar amendments made in Rajasthan and Gujarat.

In the Gujarat Ordinance No. 2 of 2025, issued on July 1, 2025, for instance, at Section 6, it is stated that Section 59(1) of the Factories Act shall be substituted by:

“Where a worker works in any factory:-

• for more than nine hours in any day or for more than forty-eight hours in any week, working for six days in any week;
• for more than ten hours in any day or for more than forty eight hours in any week, working for five days in any week;
• for more than eleven and a half hours in any day working for four days in any week, or works on paid holidays; he shall in respect of overtime work be entitled to wages at the rate of twice his ordinary rate of wages.”

In effect this means that overtime will not be calculated on a daily basis, but on a weekly basis, and a worker may work for eleven and a half hours each day for four days in a week without being eligible for overtime. This amounts to squeezing out the maximum from workers, and if they do not consent to overtime, subjecting them to artificial breaks in service jeopardising their permanent status.

The Rajasthan Bill contains another dangerous clause, namely 6(v):

“A worker may be required to work for overtime subject to the consent of such worker for such work except worker required to work for safety activities.”

 2 See the statement “12-hour work day in Karnataka’s IT Sector; Modern-Day Slavery in the Making: KITU Urges Employees to Unite and Resist” by the Karnataka State IT/ITeS Employees Union
https://kituhq.org/recent/6836e0f7e83575020247d3d1

Thus, a maintenance worker may be forced to work overtime all the year round. Given the current situation in the country of a large informal sector, underemployment, low wages, and unpaid work – workers will give “consent” out of fear or desperation, not choice. The provision of “consent” will be little more than legal subterfuge to conceal a new form of servitude.

It is a serious concern that while average working hours in wealthy countries have reduced by roughly half over the last 150 years – moving from over 50 hours per week to around 25-35 hours per week in recent times – India is reverting to colonial era standards by increasing working hours. In France, for instance, the standard full-time work week is 35 hours, with a daily cap of 10 hours; hours beyond the 35 hour threshold are considered overtime.

Finally, the PUCL statement states that the working class all over the world has fought a long battle to establish its right to an 8- hour working day so that workers may also have 8 hours of rest and 8 hours of personal time in which to achieve their full potential as citizens and as human beings. It must be recalled that the International Workers Day originates from the demand for an eight hour working day. Labour Day commemorates the sacrifice of union organisers – who were framed after the Haymarket protest on false charges of causing a riot – during a strike and demonstrations of Chicago workers in 1886. It has origins in the American Federation of Labour’s call: “eight hours shall constitute a legal day’s labour from and after May 1st, 1886”. After the International Labour Organisation (ILO) was founded in 1919, the first instrument ratified by it was the one regulating working hours. The second article limited working hours to 8 hours per day and 48 hours per week. India was one of the first signatories of the ILO’s “Hours of Work Convention” in 1921. India has itself witnessed valiant struggles of textile workers in the year 1911 to reduce working hours which finally under the pen of Dr B.R. Ambedkar were enshrined in the Factories Act, 1948 in the form of the 8-hour work day. The government’s decision in effect seeks to extinguish in one stroke the rights that working people have won with great sacrifice and struggle over more than a century.

It is widely acknowledged that long hours of work does not increase worker productivity, on the contrary, they drastically increase incidents of workplace accidents. Such long hours of work can only lead to sweat labour and hazardous work conditions. It will adversely impact health of workers by increasing exhaustion and stress, and increase their exposure to occupation-linked diseases and medical conditions. It is equally well known that workers in establishments with 12- hour shifts are rarely able to unionise. Longer working hours are discriminatory towards women workers because women bear a significant burden of care work in their homes. If the government was serious about increasing productivity, employment opportunities and welfare of workers, they would introduce progressive amendments to reduce working hours without any reduction in wages.

The PUCL Maharashtra has therefore demanded that the full texts of the proposed amendments be made available in the public domain in both in Marathi and English, and in all offices of the Labour Department so that trade unions and organisations can scrutinise the fine print of these so- called “reforms.” We demand that this decision to amend the Factories Act and the Shop and Establishments Act along the lines of other state governments be immediately revoked. Any proposed labour reforms in the state must only be considered after a series of consultations with trade unions and workers’ organisations, after which they ought to be opened to the broader public for suggestions and objections.

The PUCL, has also stated that the organization, in alliance with trade unions and informal sector workers organisations will campaign against the extension of work hours. It will also lobby with the Standing Committee in the Legislative Assembly and with opposition party MLAs to not accept these changes, and if required challenge these amendments in the courts. The statement was issued by Shiraz Bulsara Prabhu, President of PUCL, Maharashtra and   Sandhya Gokhale, General Secretary.

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The post Labour rights, health of workers hit in the name of “reform”: PUCL Maharashtra appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ever since the introduction and passage of the controversial law, a unique alliance of people’s organisations and opposition political parties have come together, on four separate occasions to protest this law that spells doom for free expression, the right to protest and dissent. In April 2025 and then again in July 2025, there have been protests around this legislation.

Pune: Call to resist “state repression”

In Pune, under the leadership of Supriya Sule (MP), National Working President of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), a mass gathering was organized at the Babasaheb Ambedkar Memorial near Pune Station. City NCP president Prashant Jagtap called on citizens to resist the law, warning that it empowers the state to directly imprison dissenters and silence public opposition.

1 of 7

Mumbai: Opposition Action Committee leads joint protest

In Mumbai, the Janasuraksha Bill Opposition Action Committee led a protest at Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Maidan, Dadar, from 4–8 pm. The meeting was chaired by Com. Prakash Reddy (CPI) and attended by leaders across the political spectrum:

• Congress – Dhananjay Shinde
• NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) – Rupesh Khandke
• CPI(M) – Com. Shailendra Kamble
• CPI – Com. S.K. Rege, Amir Kazi, Com. Nana Parab
• Peasants and Workers Party – Com. Rajendra Korde
• Hum Bharat Ke Log – Feroze Mithiborwala
• CPI(ML) – Com. Vijay Kulkarni
• APCR – Shakir Shaikh, Adv. Inamdar
• Autonomous women’s organisations and civil liberty activists from Forum against Oppression of Women among others.

A message of solidarity was also sent by MLA Sachin Ahir (Shiv Sena–UBT). Multiple people’s organisations pledged participation.

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Loh and Rural Maharashtra: Constitution and democracy defended

In Loh, a demonstration began with floral tributes at the statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, followed by slogans:

• “Long Live the Constitution”
• “Repeal the Anti-People Public Security Act”
• “Down with the Fadnavis-Shinde-Ajit Pawar Government”

Leaders including Com. Rameshwar Pawal (CPI-M), Milind Sawant (Congress), Rameshwar Bahirat (Shiv Sena–UBT), and Bhai U.R. Thombal (Shetkari Kamgar Paksha) condemned the Act as an assault on democratic rights. Protesters reminded that 10 lakh signatures and over 1.24 lakh written objections were submitted to the Governor, but the government still “bulldozed” the Bill through the Assembly.

1 of 4

Other District Actions

• Kolhapur: Maha Vikas Aghadi held a sit-in at the Collector’s office, led by Congress’s Harshvardhan Sapkal and district leaders; a memorandum was submitted.

महाराष्ट्र प्रदेश काँग्रेस कमिटीच्या आदेशानुसार व प्रदेशाध्यक्ष हर्षवर्धन सपकाळ साहेबांच्या नेतृत्वात महाराष्ट्र जनसुरक्षा विधेयका विरोधात राज्यव्यापी आंदोलन करण्यात आले.
कोल्हापूर जिल्हा काँग्रेस कमिटी व महाविकास आघाडीच्या वतीने जिल्हाधिकारी कार्यालय,कोल्हापूर येथे ठिय्या आंदोलन… pic.twitter.com/q2wPjfi8cL

— Maharashtra Congress (@INCMaharashtra) September 10, 2025

• Solapur: Protesters burnt an effigy of the Act in a symbolic rejection.

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• Manchar: A large gathering under MVA banner denounced the Act.

• Palghar district: Demonstrations were staged at Dahanu, Palghar, Vasai, Wada, Vikramgad, Jawhar, and Mokhada.

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• Beed, Shevgaon (Ahmednagar), Hingoli, Dhule, Gadchiroli, Gondia: District-level agitations with party workers and civil society activists submitting memoranda.

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Opposition’s Stand

Across locations, including Shahada, Nandurbar, Shambhajinagar and Satara, western Maharashtra, speakers reiterated that the MSPS Act violates Articles 14, 19, and 21 of the Constitution, criminalises dissent, and grants unchecked powers to the state. They demanded its immediate repeal, warning that Maharashtra risks becoming a “police state.”

Slogan on everyone’s lips was: Not Public Security, but Public Oppression Bill!”

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The post Protests across Maharashtra denounce the Public Security Act as unconstitutional and anti-democratic appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“An Election Commission bent on striking off names is bound to disenfranchise large sections of undocumented and vulnerable citizens,” he said, adding that this undermines trust in the fairness of elections.

Pointing out that the credibility of the Commission has historically been the backbone of India’s democratic resilience, he criticised the current system of appointing Election Commissioners, where the government retains decisive control, despite the Supreme Court recommending the inclusion of the Chief Justice of India in the process. “If the Commission is seen as partisan, the public will view elections as a fixed match,” Mr. Hegde warned.

The lecture traced the historical background to Citizenship and why the election commission’s doings first in Assam (over the exclusions in the National Register of Citizens –NRC and now the SIR) in Bihar are now spreading a fear and panic. The ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process since June 2025 has faced criticism politically and even in the Courts, where judicial orders have had to be resorted to, to ensure a measure of accountability and inclusion.

Journalist Dinesh Amin Mattu described the current controversies surrounding electoral processes as “symptoms” of a deeper malaise within India’s election system. Speaking on electoral accountability, he noted that while debates once centred on EVMs and now on voter rolls, the underlying problem was the lack of structural reform. “The real issue is not just in Bihar or elsewhere; it is the larger disease that has crept into the system,” Mr. Mattu said.

In the panel discussion that followed, activists and civil society representatives voiced concerns over large-scale exclusions from electoral rolls in Bihar and the continuing uncertainty around the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam. Participants flagged the notification of a “special intensive revision” of voter lists in Bihar as deeply flawed, noting that it seeks to weed out “illegal immigrants” — a mandate that goes beyond the Election Commission’s role. Concerns were also raised about privileging certain groups such as bureaucrats and sportspersons while subjecting ordinary citizens, especially minorities, women, and migrant workers, to scrutiny. Teesta Setalvad, co-convenor of Vote for Democracy (VFD) led the panel discussion with participation from Tara Rao from Edelu Karnataka.

A lively discussion on what lay in store for Indian democracy followed. Opposition parties from Bihar like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Indian National Congress (INC) have over the past two and a half weeks been conducting a ‘Voter Adhikar Yatra’ in Bihar. Meanwhile independent journalists and Digital Platforms, including You Tubers have been reporting on the ground on gross anomalies and errors in the manner in which the SIR that has –initially excluded a staggering 65 lakh persons—been conducted. The Supreme Court is currently still hearing the matter. On claims of ‘weeding out 3 lakh illegal immigrants’ and those who are ‘dead’ or ‘permanently shifted’, or have ‘duplicate voter cards’ in fact, marginalised communities –Dalits, Muslims and women from across the spectrum face the serious threat of being denied their constitutional right to Universal Adult Franchise under Article 326 of the Constitution.

Journalist Gauri Lankesh’s immediate family, Kavitha Lankesh and her neice Esha Lankesh were present on the occasion.

Related:

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Election Commission of India says voters’ names not to be removed without prior notice

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