The association has been urging the state government to expedite measures to fill up the backlog vacancies in state government departments, land titles for the needy, waiving loans availed by tribal women from microfinance companies and infrastructural facilities for schools, healthcare facilities and tribal hostels.

Poor FRA Implementation 

Ever since the FRA was enacted 17 years ago, Tamil Nadu has fared poorly in executing the provisions, aimed at empowering tribals and traditional forest dwellers with regard to their right to land holdings.

Addressing the protesters, state secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], P Shanmugam, said, “In the past 17 years, only 15,442 titles were distributed to the tribals as per the FRA, which is not even 1,000 titles per year. This shows the lack of will from the government and the bureaucracy in implementing the Act”.

The TNTA has accused the administration of rejecting the applications without adequate enquiry and pending of applications due to lack of survey processes. The demands of tribals residing in several tribal hamlets, including Kallakurichi Vellimalai, Tirupathur Javathimalai, Tiruvannamalai Javathumalai, Kollimalai, Salem Kalvarayan Malai, have been pending for several years.

“The state government has constituted a committee headed by the chief secretary to implement FRA, but not even a single meeting has been held so far”, Shanmugam alleged.

Denial of Certificates Affecting Education

Several tribal communities are facing the daunting task of getting their ST community certificates, despite a government order in place to facilitate the same. Communities including Kattunayakan, Malaivedan, Malai Kuravan, Kondareddys, Kurumans, are badly affected by the delay in issuing community certificates, especially with regard to education.

The GO 104 was issued, after the intervention of the Madras High Court to ensure the disbursal of ST community certificates to the children of those parents who are in possession of the ST certificates. The TNTA has accused the district officials of withdrawing the certificates issued to the parents. This hampers the prospects of the tribal students who are longing to pursue higher education and those who seek employment as per the existing reservation rules.

Communities Removed From ST list

Another major demand is the inclusion of communities like Malayali, Kurumans, Pulauan, Vettaikaran and Kuravan from Erode district again in the ST list. The members of the community are left in the lurch after they were removed from the list of ST communities 10 years ago.

During the talks held with the secretary of Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare after the protest, the government informed TNTA that the recommendation to include the communities back to the ST list has been submitted to the union government.

The government also agreed to hold surveys with the help of the tribal youth to ensure the distribution of lands to tribals in Kollimalai, Kalvarayan Malai, Kallakurichi Vellimalai.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post TN: Tribals Flay Govt Delay in Clearing FRA Applications, Issuing ST Certificates appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In the latest of such letters, Stalin writes,

“My dear sisters and brothers from other states, Ever wondered how many Indian languages Hindi has swallowed? Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Braj, Bundeli, Garhwali, Kumaoni, Magahi, Marwari, Malvi, Chhattisgarhi, Santhali, Angika, Ho, Kharia, Khortha, Kurmali, Kurukh, Mundari and many more are now gasping for survival.

“The push for a monolithic Hindi identity is what kills ancient mother tongues. UP and Bihar were never just ‘Hindi heartlands.’ Their real languages are now relics of the past.

Tamil Nadu resists because we know where this ends. தமிழ் விழித்தது; தமிழினத்தின் பண்பாடு பிழைத்தது! சில மொழிகள் இந்திக்கு இடம் கொடுத்தன; இருந்த இடம் தெரியாமல் தொலைந்தன!

#தமிழ்_வாழ்க #LetterToBrethren
#StopHindiImposition #SaveIndianLanguages”

My dear sisters and brothers from other states,

Ever wondered how many Indian languages Hindi has swallowed? Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Braj, Bundeli, Garhwali, Kumaoni, Magahi, Marwari, Malvi, Chhattisgarhi, Santhali, Angika, Ho, Kharia, Khortha, Kurmali, Kurukh, Mundari and… pic.twitter.com/VhkWtCDHV9

— M.K.Stalin (@mkstalin) February 27, 2025

Tamil Nadu goes to the polls next year and this issue of autonomy, federalism and the Tamil language is going to dominate. Last week, in a fiery response to the union’s move on the National Education Policy (NEP), Chief Minister MK Stalin  claimed that this will push Tamil Nadu ‘backward by 2000 years.’ These moves reflect the deep-rooted resistance within the state against the Union government’s continued disregard for federalism and linguistic diversity. Stalin has further emphasised that the NEP, with its centralised approach, ignores the unique educational needs of each state and is a blatant effort to homogenise education across India.

Last week Stalin’s strong and principled opposition to the union government on the imposition of the National Education Policy (NEP) and its three language policy as also the withholding of state funds by the union also echoed on social media garnering widespread support.

This is what you call an Opposition! Bravo! @mkstalin https://t.co/am1ZuKwZvt

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 22, 2025

Related:

Rejecting NEP embodies Tamil Nadu’s fight for federal autonomy

The post ‘TN resists Hindi domination because we know where it ends, the extinguishing of ancient languages’: ML Stalin to DMK cadres appeared first on SabrangIndia.

However, says the statement issued by the DUJ, a pattern is clearly visible in this episode. The DUJ, along with other journalists’ bodies, has been demanding that the authorities reinstate the system of journalists’ passes. The Delhi government seems to be copying the increasingly restrictive methods being employed in Parliament to restrict coverage. The DUJ has repeatedly protested the fact that the Parliament Secretariat now issues only temporary/ sessional passes even for veteran journalists as well as those who fall into the long and distinguished journalists category.

The DUJ has also condemned the basis of the central and state accreditation policies that are discriminatory in composition, favour certain journalists, are biased against independent journalists and even target select unions and associations. These policies and practices should be reviewed.

The Delhi Union of Journalists has urged the Delhi Assembly authorities to immediately issue regular passes for all eligible journalists to cover the Assembly proceedings, in the interests of transparency.

After all, the statement adds, “the nation wants to know. “ The statement has been issued by Sujata Madhok, President, SK Pande, Vice President and Am Jigeesh, General Secretary.

Related:

Stop covering up tragedies, say NAJ-DUJ to govt

NAJ, DUJ, APWJF Welcome Bail to Journalists

Hindustan ko bolne do, says DUJ 

The post DUJ condemns denial of media entry into Delhi Assembly by BJP government appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The signs of the rise of the Right are evident across Europe. In France, the National Rally, despite not winning a majority in the end, became a key party in France winning 142 seats out of the National Assembly’s 577 seats. In January 2025, Jean-Marie Le Pen, one of Europe’s most prominent right-wing figures and founder of the National Rally, died aged 96. His daughter, Marine Le Pen, had long led the party he founded in 1972—the National Front (renamed National Rally in 2018). Jean-Marie was expelled from his party in August 2015 amidst a feud with his daughter.

In the National Front’s early days, Jean-Marie Le Pen was a pariah, his radical views on immigration and nationalism relegating him to France’s political fringes. His first presidential bid in 1974 garnered less than 1% of the vote, highlighting his marginal status at the time. In stark contrast, the 2002 election marked a significant leap for Le Pen, as he secured over 15% of the votes in the first round, propelling him into the second round against Jacques Chirac. This dramatic increase in support underscored the growing influence of his far-right ideology and the National Front’s rise from the political fringes to a major force in French politics.

Marine Le Pen transformed the party into a major force, renaming it National Rally to shed its racist and anti-Semitic associations. She softened its rhetoric, distanced it from her father’s extremist views, and rebranded it as a mainstream alternative. This “de-demonization” strategy enabled electoral breakthroughs. The journey from Jean-Marie’s early irrelevance to Marine’s mainstreaming of far-right ideology encapsulates this article’s theme: the rise of far-right movements in Europe, their evolution from marginal to influential players, and the disruptions they pose to the existing world order.

Historical Context

The rise of far-right movements was shaped by socio-economic anxieties, cultural shifts, and political opportunities. Post-war Western Europe experienced economic growth, wealth distribution, and social stability, but as this stability eroded, right-wing extremism and populism found new openings. Immigration, national identity, and sovereignty became central issues for far-right mobilization. The 1973 oil crisis marked the end of post-WWII prosperity, fuelling discontent. Rising opposition to the welfare state, and tax systems, and increased xenophobia amid non-European immigration further accelerated this trend.

Global Catalysts

Several world events reinforced far-right expansion. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 heightened anxieties over national identity and border security. Globalization caused economic disruptions, leaving many feelings marginalized. The rise of multiculturalism and the perceived decline of traditional values triggered a cultural backlash, which far-right movements exploited. These factors deepened insecurity and alienation, making certain segments of the population receptive to far-right rhetoric. It is within these conditions we find homophobia, racism, etc. today in Europe.

National Variations

The far right rose differently across Europe. In Germany, reunification in 1990 created economic and social strains, which the extreme right leveraged. In Austria, Jörg Haider’s Freedom Party (FPÖ) gained influence, entering government in 2000. In France, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front capitalized on economic discontent and anti-immigrant sentiment. These cases illustrate how far-right movements adapted to specific national contexts, exploiting existing grievances to reshape political landscapes.

Current Political Landscape

The contemporary rise of far-right parties across Europe is marked by significant electoral gains and increased visibility. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy has emerged as a dominant nationalist force. Recently, speaking at the United States’ Conservative Political Action Conference, she criticized what she saw as a double standard, noting that when Bill Clinton and Tony Blair built a global left-liberal network in the 1990s, they were hailed as statesmen, whereas figures like Trump, Meloni, Milei (Argentina’s President), and possibly Modi are now labelled as threats to democracy. Giorgia Meloni is arguably the most prominent face of the right-wing conservative parties in Europe although she has been described by some as pragmatic and shrewd in her politics.

In Germany, the AfD has become the second-largest party, capitalizing on economic grievances and anti-immigrant sentiments. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán has embraced far-right policies, consolidating power through nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. And in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally continues to challenge mainstream parties.

Frustration with the welfare state and tax policies, perceived as excessive, has further driven national populism. The failure of centrist parties to address these concerns has created a political vacuum that far-right movements exploit.

Cultural and social factors also play a key role. The 2015 migration crisis intensified fears of cultural displacement and strengthened anti-immigrant sentiments. Many national populist voters seek to reassert national identity, viewing globalization and international institutions as threats to their communities and traditions.

Political factors further enable the rise of the far right. The erosion of liberal and social democratic traditions has weakened centrist alternatives, while anti-establishment sentiment and political distrust push voters toward radical right-wing populism. Crises—whether economic, social, or security-related—provide fertile ground for far-right movements, which thrive on instability, inequality, and mistrust of mainstream politicians.

Understanding the reasons for the rise of Right

Gramscian hegemony provides a lens through which we can view the rise of the far-right as a challenge to the established cultural and political dominance of centrist ideologies. Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist theorist, argued that hegemony is the process by which a dominant group maintains its power not just through coercion, but also through consent. This consent is achieved through cultural and ideological means, making the dominant group’s worldview seem natural and inevitable.

In the context of contemporary Europe, the far-right can be seen as a counter-hegemonic force. They challenge the hegemonic narratives of centrist ideologies, which have long dominated European politics. By questioning the established order and offering alternative visions, far-right movements tap into the frustrations and grievances of segments of the population who feel marginalized or ignored by mainstream politics.

The neoliberal backlash theory suggests that the economic policies of the past few decades have created conditions ripe for far-right populism. Neoliberalism, characterized by free-market policies, deregulation, and reduced government intervention, has led to increased economic inequality and job insecurity. These economic conditions have driven voters to seek alternative solutions, making them more susceptible to the messages of far-right parties.

Far-right movements often capitalize on these economic anxieties by promising to restore economic stability and national pride. They appeal to voters who feel left behind by globalization and economic liberalization, offering a narrative that blames external forces and marginalized groups for their economic hardships.

Empirical research supports these theoretical perspectives. For instance, studies have shown that economic inequality and job insecurity are significant predictors of support for far-right parties.[1] Additionally, qualitative and quantitative analyses of right-wing populist groups across various European countries reveal common themes of anti-immigration sentiment, nationalism, and a rejection of the political establishment.[2]

The formation of the European Union (EU) has had a profound impact on cultural nationalism in Europe. The EU was designed to foster economic and political integration, creating a unified European identity. However, this process has also led to a sense of cultural homogenization, where local traditions and identities are sometimes overshadowed by a broader European culture. This has created a tension between the desire for a unified Europe and the need to preserve national and regional cultural identities.

Eurocentrism and Cultural Nationalism

The dominance of homogenized Western culture, particularly American influence, has further complicated the cultural landscape in Europe. The spread of Western media and multinational corporations has led to concerns about cultural erosion and the dilution of local traditions. This has fuelled a backlash against globalization and has provided fertile ground for cultural nationalist movements. These movements often position themselves as defenders of national identity against external influences, appealing to those who feel their cultural heritage is under threat.

The Rise of Right-Wing Political Parties

The rise of right-wing political parties in Europe can be seen as a response to these cultural and economic anxieties. These parties often capitalize on fears of cultural erosion and economic insecurity, promising to restore national pride and protect traditional values. For example, the refugee crisis in Europe, which brought over a million asylum seekers to Germany between 2015 and 2016, amplified fears of cultural and economic instability, leading to the rise of nationalist parties like Alternative for Germany (AfD). Similar anxieties have driven support for right-wing movements in Scandinavia, where concerns over immigration and cultural identity have surged.

What happened to the Left in Europe?

The European left has declined due to economic shifts, internal divisions, and cultural nationalism. Once dominant, left-wing parties have lost their traditional working-class base, leading to fragmentation between social democrats and progressives. Economic changes, such as the decline of industrial jobs and the rise of precarious labour, have weakened solidarity, while concerns over immigration and national identity have further eroded leftist appeal. Many voters see left-wing parties as ineffective in addressing these issues, fuelling distrust in their leadership.

Right-wing nationalism has surged by capitalizing on cultural anxieties, emphasizing sovereignty, and positioning itself as a defender of national identity. Left-wing parties struggle to counter this narrative, as their focus on economic justice and globalization often overlooks cultural concerns. While some resistance exists—seen in Portugal’s socialist government, Sweden’s centrist-left coalition against the far right, and Italian opposition to Giorgia Meloni—these efforts remain limited.

More recently—in the German elections—while AfD fared well, the Left Party also improved its performance by securing more than 8% of the vote. Although it is lesser than the AfD or the Conservatives, 25% of the young population between the ages of 18-24 voted for the Left Party in Germany. This shows a polarised electorate and indicates that the younger population’s support is up for grabs if the left can put efforts to secure it.

Implications of the Right’s Rise in the EU

The global rise of far-right movements challenges the post-WWII liberal order, undermining cooperation, human rights, and democratic norms. Nationalist policies promote protectionism and isolationism, weakening international institutions and efforts to address global issues like climate change. In Germany, the AfD’s opposition to climate action threatens international agreements. These risks create a fragmented world order where unity and global cooperation become increasingly difficult.

Challenges and Future Outlook

Despite their gains, far-right movements face several challenges. Electoral volatility is a significant factor, as their support can be fickle, often tied to specific issues or crises. Policy implementation is another hurdle, as the far-right’s radical proposals often face resistance from established institutions and the broader electorate. Additionally, shifting demographics, particularly the increasing diversity of European societies, may limit their long-term appeal.

Conclusion

The rise of the far-right in Europe is a complex phenomenon, rooted in historical grievances, economic anxieties, and cultural concerns. The rise of far-right movements in Europe is not an isolated phenomenon but part of a global tide of right-wing nationalism. From India to Argentina and the United States, right-wing parties are forming transnational networks to amplify their influence. Examples include Elon Musk’s support for Germany’s far-right AfD, and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s appearance at the U.S. Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), where she framed herself as part of a global conservative coalition alongside figures like Donald Trump and Narendra Modi. These alliances reflect a strategic effort to legitimize far-right ideologies on the global stage.

Yet, the challenges facing these right-wing coalitions are significant. Their agendas—marked by climate denialism, opposition to immigration, and scepticism toward international cooperation—often clash with urgent global priorities like poverty alleviation and climate action. As scholars like Thomas Piketty have argued, there is a general movement in the world toward more equality and social change. Indeed, the internal contradictions within right-wing movements—such as tensions between economic liberalism and cultural nationalism—may limit their long-term viability.

Moreover, the far right’s reliance on fear and division risks alienating broader electorates, particularly as demographic shifts and civil society resistance intensify. While these parties may temporarily capitalize on instability, their inability to address systemic issues like climate change or inequality without undermining their core ideologies suggests their dominance could be short-lived. As history shows, movements built on exclusion rarely sustain themselves in an interconnected world. The future may yet belong to coalitions that prioritize inclusivity, equity, and global cooperation.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Gagatek, W. (n.d.). Explaining the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe 2. [online] Available at: https://www.martenscentre.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/Martens-Centre-Policy-Brief.pdf.

[2] Wodak, R., KhosraviNik, M. and Mral, B., 2013. Right-wing populism in Europe: Politics and discourse (p. 179). Bloomsbury Academic.

The post The Rise of the Far-Right in Europe: From margins to mainstream appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Chief Minister MK Stalin’s fiery response to the NEP, which he claims will push Tamil Nadu ‘backward by 2000 years,’ reflects the deep-rooted resistance within the state against the Union government’s continued disregard for federalism and linguistic diversity. Stalin has further emphasised that the NEP, with its centralised approach, ignores the unique educational needs of each state and is a blatant effort to homogenize education across India.

This is what you call an Opposition! Bravo! @mkstalin https://t.co/am1ZuKwZvt

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 22, 2025

Tamil Nadu’s long-standing resistance to Hindi imposition

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to Hindi imposition is deeply entrenched in its socio-political fabric. The anti-Hindi movement in the state has a long and vibrant history, beginning as early as 1937, when the C. Rajagopalachari-led Congress government in the Madras Presidency attempted to introduce Hindi in schools. This triggered a massive outcry, leading to widespread protests by students, teachers, and political leaders who saw this as an attempt to undermine Tamil language and culture

The language protests reached a boiling point in 1965 when the Indian government attempted to replace English with Hindi as the sole official language of the country. Students, intellectuals, and political leaders took to the streets, culminating in violent protests that ultimately forced the Centre to relent and retain English as an associate official language alongside Hindi. These events cemented Tamil Nadu’s defiant stance against linguistic imperialism.

Nehru’s 1959 promise and the betrayal

In the wake of these protests, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, in 1959, assured the people of Tamil Nadu that English would continue as an official language for as long as non-Hindi speaking states wanted it. However, successive governments have tried to renege on this promise, subtly pushing Hindi through policies like NEP. The so-called three-language formula is nothing but a tool to coerce non-Hindi speakers into learning Hindi while Hindi-speaking states face no such compulsion to learn southern languages.

A flawed model: Hindi-speaking states lagging in education

The Centre’s argument that Hindi is necessary for national integration crumbles under scrutiny. Hindi-speaking states consistently perform poorly in education, employment, and economic indicators. Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, the heartlands of Hindi, have some of the lowest literacy rates in the country, proving that Hindi is not a magic wand for progress. If anything, Tamil Nadu, which has refused to embrace Hindi, has done far better in education, employment, and social development.

The NEP and its assault on federalism

The NEP is not just about education; it is a direct attack on the federal structure of the Constitution. Education, which was originally in the State List, was forcibly moved to the Concurrent List in 1976, taking away states’ autonomy over a crucial subject. The NEP exacerbates this by allowing the Centre to dictate syllabi, control educational institutions, and impose a uniform framework that disregards regional languages and cultures. The Tamil Nadu government’s demand to restore education to the State List is, therefore, not just about resisting Hindi but about reclaiming constitutional federalism.

Succinct. Articulate. Objections to Bill both national and a federal, serious federal concern. This unikn govt is a hatchet regime rejecting the tenets of the Indian Constitution! @mkstalin https://t.co/2tyC8P3bU7

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 23, 2025

Mohan Bhagwat’s questionable advice to ‘ditch English’

Amid this policy battle, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat has added fuel to the fire by advising Hindus to stop speaking English and embrace Indian languages instead. Ironically the RSS that claims itself to be a merely ‘cultural outfit’ is not simply the backbone of the three times elected Modi regime, but often wades in everything that is political.

Withholding funds: The centre’s strong-arm tactics

Tamil Nadu’s refusal to implement the NEP has led to the Union withholding Rs 2,150 crore in education funds, a clear act of coercion. This financial strangulation tactic is reminiscent of colonial-era policies where dissenting states were punished. The Union’s message is clear: ‘Implement our policies or face financial retribution.’ But Tamil Nadu is not one to bow down and its chief minister M.K. Stalin in fact said he is not ready to accept NEP even if centre offered Rs. 10,000 crores.

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the NEP and Hindi imposition is not just about language—it is about protecting the rights of states, preserving linguistic diversity, and upholding the federal structure of India. The state has historically been at the forefront of social justice movements, and its current stand against NEP is another chapter in its fight against central overreach.

The Union must realise that a one-size-fits-all policy will never work in a country as diverse as India. Until then, Tamil Nadu will continue to resist, unyielding and unapologetic.

Related

Indian federalism is a dialogue: SC

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In context, the Court’s decision is a part of its ongoing investigation into genocide and crimes against humanity committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar from 2012 to 2018. Welcomed as an impartial and independent decision by international human rights organisations, this decision marks a critical moment in the long and challenging pursuit of justice for the Rohingya: This is the first time that arrest warrants have been ordered in relation to the Myanmar military’s genocide against the Rohingya in 2017.

A perusal of this order issuing arrest warrants show that they are not determinative of guilt or responsibility for these international crimes, but instead aim to summon the 25 named individuals to testify before the Court as part of its investigation. We believe these individuals will be treated in accordance with standards of international justice, including the affordance of due process and the opportunity to present evidence in their defence.

If these warrants are taken to their logical end, an impartial inquiry into justice and accountability, not only for the Rohingya but for all people of Myanmar, the Argentinian government has now been called upon to request Interpol to issue Red Notices for the 25 named individuals to initiate their extradition to Argentina.

Details of the suit under universal jurisdiction

Tomas Ojea Quintana is the human rights lawyer who served as U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar between 2008 and 2014. In this case, he has represented the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., which filed a case in an Argentine court in 2019 that allege genocide and crimes against humanity were committed by senior Myanmar military officials against Rohingya Muslims. An interview with him may be read here.

The arrest warrants were issued for those named in the suit including the de facto leader of the democratically-elected government, Aung San Suu Kyi. Aung San Suu Kyi was

Removed from power when the military took over the country in a 2021 coup and is reportedly under house arrest but the junta has not disclosed her exact location. Interestingly, the Argentine suit was filed under the principle of “universal jurisdiction” enshrined in Argentina’s constitution, which holds that some crimes are so heinous that alleged perpetrators thousands of miles away can be tried. The reasons why members of the now deposed civilian government are named in the suit because they were in charge of the government in 2017, and Aung San Suu Kyi defended the military’s actions in 2019 to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, the Netherlands. However, members of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, made up of other leaders deposed by the coup and their allies, have requested that Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders be removed from the arrest warrant because the Rohingya could be unfairly blamed for adding a blemish to the reputation of Myanmar’s most popular political figure. But Quintana said the court decided that she and the others must be included to show that the court is impartial. 

Independent International Fact-Finding Report, 2018, UN response

A report by the United Nations in September 2018 severely indicted the Myamar military on the mass persecution of the Rohingyas. The present development therefore follows the release of a report into the circumstances surrounding the mass exodus of more than 700,000 Rohingya people from Myanmar, beginning in mid-August 2017 – events previously described by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”.

The crimes committed include murder, rape, torture, sexual slavery, persecution and enslavement, according to the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar.

Speaking to journalists in Geneva, the investigators – Marzuki Darusman, Radhika Coomaraswamy and Christopher Sidoti – underlined the horrific and organised nature of the brutality meted out on civilians in Myanmar’s Rakhine state since 2011, as well as Kachin and Shan states. “The fact-finding Mission has concluded, on reasonable grounds, that the patterns of gross human rights violations and serious violations of international humanitarian law that it is found, amount to the gravest crime under international law,” Mr. Sidoti said.

“These have principally been committed by the military, the Tatmadaw,” he added, referring to Myanmar’s armed forces. “The Mission has concluded that criminal investigation and prosecution is warranted, focusing on the top Tatmadaw generals, in relation to the three categories of crimes under international law; genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.”

This case

According to the news available with the United Nations on this crucial matter affecting human rights, in November 2019, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK filed a petition on behalf of Rohingya victims requesting the Argentinian courts to open an investigation into the role of Myanmar’s military and civilian leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. The details are available here. Two years later, on November 2021, an investigative judge of the Federal Criminal Court of Argentina commenced investigations, and in 2022, delegated investigative powers to the Federal Prosecutor’s office. Since then, the Mechanism has been assisting and sharing evidence with the Prosecutor’s office following a request for its support. In pursuance of the matter, last year, in June 2024, the Federal Prosecutor petitioned the Federal Criminal Court to issue 25 arrest warrants for 25 suspects from the Myanmar military, security forces and civilian government.  Thereafter, on February 13, 2025, the Federal Criminal Court ordered the arrest of these suspects. The arrests aim to bring the suspects before the court for a preliminary hearing, which is part of the investigative stage. The court may then decide whether to refer any suspects to trial on specific charges.

What is universal jurisdiction?

This principle means that some crimes are so serious in nature that a national court may, depending on their laws, prosecute alleged perpetrators even if there is no connection between the crime and that country. Based on universal jurisdiction, perpetrators of serious international crimes may be prosecuted by a national court irrespective of where the crimes were committed or the nationality of the perpetrator or victim. For more information, see the OHCHR website.

How does the Mechanism support universal jurisdiction cases?

The Mechanism has a mandate to support universal jurisdiction cases that concern serious international crimes committed in Myanmar through sharing evidence and analysis with relevant investigative, prosecutorial or judicial authorities, as long as the jurisdiction in question provides basic guarantees for a fair trial that meets international standards and cannot impose the death penalty. Since 2021, the Mechanism has been an Associate Member of the European Network for investigation and prosecution of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, also known as the European Genocide Network. This enables cooperation with national investigative and prosecutorial authorities across Europe and other jurisdictions.

Related developments

Turkey: In March 2022, the Myanmar Accountability Project submitted a complaint to the Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul concerning crimes committed by the military following the coup. The Turkish authorities have yet to announce any response to the complaint.

Germany: In January 2023, 16 applicants from Myanmar, supported by the non-governmental organization Fortify Rights, submitted a criminal complaint to the Federal Public Prosecutor General of Germany against senior military officials and others. The Federal Prosecutor has rejected this complaint in September 2023.

Philippines: In October 2023, five victims and their families filed a joint criminal complaint before the National Prosecution Services in the Philippines alleging the commission of certain war crimes in Chin State, Myanmar, in 2021. The Philippines authorities have yet to announce its response to the complaint.

United Kingdom: The Counter Terrorism Command of the UK Metropolitan Police has opened structural investigations for each of the situations under investigation by the International Criminal Court, which includes Bangladesh/Myanmar. This means that the case is ongoing, under investigation and they are identifying potential witnesses and examining the alleged crimes.

Related:

Killing by Hunger: Rohingya Muslims starved after Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine state, UN denied access: Myanmar

Cut in WFP funding threatens Rohingyas with hunger, deprivation: Bangladesh

Rohingyas sue Facebook for $150 billion over failing to police communal hate speech

The post Rohingya Genocide 2012-2018: Argentinian Court issues arrest warrants to Myanmar military leaders appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In addition, power sector employees will also take part in the nationwide strike being planned by central trade unions in May against the government’s move to implement the four labour codes.

These two decisions were taken at the National Convention of the Electricity Employees and Engineers held in Nagpur, Maharashtra, on February 23, 2025, according to a press statement released by the Electricity Employees Federation of India (EEFI).

The national convention, which discussed the “multi-pronged attacks on the public electricity sector and the energy security of our country”, also noted the “growing attacks” on the democratic right of electricity employees and consumers, especially in Uttar Pradesh.

“After being elected for the third time, the NDA government has become desperate to privatize all the public electricity utilities. Under the diktat of the Central government, the Chandigarh UT Administration forcefully privatized its highly profitable, efficient and low tariff Power Utility in an irregular manner,” the statement read.

EEFI also noted the “desperate attacks of privatisation” unleashed on Purvanchal Vidyut Vitaran Nigam Ltd. (PVVNL) and Dakshinanchal Vidyut Vitaran Nigam Ltd. (DVVNL) of Uttar Pradesh, which, it said, would put the service of 27,000 employees and engineers and 50,000 contract workers at stake.

“Electricity employees and engineers of UP are fighting for last 87 days defying the instigation and attacks of the UP administration,” it added.

EEFI also flayed the Rajasthan government that has started the  bidding process to privatise “generation and battery storage projects”, as also plans by the Telangana government to hand over electricity distribution service of the South Hyderabad Circle to the Adani group.

“Actually, the Central government is in real haste to privatize the state DISCOMs. A unique regional meeting on Power sector with States and UTs of Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh has been held on 20th February, New Delhi,” it said, citing a Power Ministry press release saying, “the States have urged Centre for support in privatization of distribution” and “Listing of Utilities will be taken up by States to bring investment.”

Calling upon electricity employees to unite and fight privatisation moves, EEFI noted that to facilitate its privatisation project, a Group of Ministers had been formed by the Centre with the UP Energy Minister as its convenor, who is “infamous for his privatization drives,” as also the new draft of the Electricity Amendment Bill being prepared by the Centre.

“Certainly, it is the final course of attack on India’s public electricity distribution sector. It will lead to massive de-electrification and food security of our country will be jeopardized. It is an attack on federal structure of India,” it said.

EEFI said its June 25 strike had already received support from central trade unions as well as the Samyukta Kisan Morcha, which has for long been opposing the new Electricity Bill.

In preparation for the countrywide sectoral strike, EEFI said it would hold regional meetings, and state-level mass conventions.

“Four massive rallies will be held in UP in the March 2025, against the privatisation attempt of the UP government,” it added.

EEFI called upon all power sector employees as well as consumers to make the strike actions a “great success”.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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Main Points:

Hizb ut-Tahrir was founded in 1953 in Jerusalem by Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, a scholar of Islamic jurisprudence and former member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a strict interpretation of Islamic governance. It rejects nationalism, democracy, and secularism, advocating instead for the revival of a unified Caliphate under Islamic law.

Hizb ut-Tahrir remains one of the most enigmatic and controversial Islamist movements in the modern era. With a highly disciplined structure and a clear ideological vision, it has survived despite decades of repression.

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT), an international pan-Islamic political organization, has long been controversial and debated. Established in 1953, its stated objective is the re-establishment of the Islamic Caliphate, which it sees as the only legitimate governing system for Muslims worldwide. While the group insists on non-violent means to achieve its goals, many governments have outlawed it due to its radical political ideology.

This article explores the origins, ideological framework, leadership perspectives, and legacy of Hizb ut-Tahrir, relying extensively on quotes from its leaders and publications.

Origins and Early History

Hizb ut-Tahrir was founded in 1953 in Jerusalem by Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, a scholar of Islamic jurisprudence and former member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. Nabhani, disillusioned with what he saw as the secularization of the Arab world and the failure of existing Islamist movements, sought to create a political party that would focus on re-establishing the Caliphate as a comprehensive solution for Muslim governance.

Al-Nabhani emphasized that HT’s methodology was unique compared to other Islamic movements:

“We do not engage in practical politics in the sense of seeking power through participation in existing regimes. Our work is solely intellectual and political, aimed at changing the minds of the Ummah (Muslim community).”

From its inception, HT focused on recruiting members through intensive ideological training rather than mass activism. The party quickly spread to Jordan, Syria, and other parts of the Middle East, but it faced immediate repression from regional governments, many of which saw its calls for an Islamic state as a direct threat to their authority.

Ideological Framework

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a strict interpretation of Islamic governance. It rejects nationalism, democracy, and secularism, advocating instead for the revival of a unified Caliphate under Islamic law.

The Role of the Caliphate

The Caliphate, according to HT, is the only legitimate system for Muslims because it is divinely mandated. The party argues that all Muslim-majority countries today suffer from “man-made” laws rather than divine rule, leading to corruption, oppression, and weakness.

As Abdul Qadeem Zallum, a later leader of HT, wrote:

“The Ummah has been living in darkness since the destruction of the Caliphate in 1924. Only by re-establishing it will Muslims regain their dignity and rightful leadership in the world.”

HT envisions a Caliphate that stretches across all Muslim lands, ruled by a single leader (Caliph) implementing Islamic law (Sharia) in all aspects of life—governance, economy, and society.

Rejection of Democracy

Hizb ut-Tahrir firmly rejects democracy, arguing that it is a Western-imposed system incompatible with Islam. In HT’s view, sovereignty belongs to Allah alone, not to the people.

Al-Nabhani argued in his writings:

“Democracy places legislation in the hands of humans, whereas in Islam, legislation comes only from Allah.”

HT considers electoral politics under secular governments to be illegitimate and sees participation in them as a betrayal of Islamic principles.

Opposition to Nationalism and the Nation-State

One of HT’s most distinctive ideological positions is its absolute rejection of nationalism. It views national borders in the Muslim world as artificial divisions imposed by colonial powers to weaken Islamic unity.

Zallum, elaborating on this point, stated:

“The so-called Arab world, the so-called Muslim world—these are colonial constructs. Our loyalty is to Islam, not to nations.”

This anti-nationalist stance has often put HT at odds with various governments that see national identity as crucial to their stability.

Methodology: Non-Violent but Radical

Despite its radical rhetoric, Hizb ut-Tahrir claims to follow a non-violent methodology. The group insists that it seeks to bring about the Caliphate through intellectual and political work, rather than armed struggle.

One of HT’s spokespersons stated:

“We reject terrorism and violence. Our method is one of ideological struggle, exposing the corruption of existing regimes and preparing the Ummah for Islamic rule.”

However, critics argue that HT’s rhetoric can inspire extremist violence by portraying secular governments as illegitimate and Western influence as a form of colonialism.

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s Global Expansion

Since its founding, Hizb ut-Tahrir has spread far beyond the Middle East. Today, it operates in over 40 countries, with strongholds in Central Asia, South Asia, and Europe.

Presence in the Middle East

HT’s attempts to gain traction in the Arab world have been met with repression. Many Middle Eastern governments, particularly in Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, have outlawed the group and imprisoned its members.

Despite this, HT continues to have underground networks in many Arab countries, particularly in Syria, where it has attempted to influence Islamist factions.

Strength in Central Asia

HT has a significant presence in Central Asia, particularly in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. The governments of these countries view HT as a major security threat, accusing it of attempting to radicalize the population and undermine state authority.

The Uzbek government has been particularly aggressive in cracking down on HT, imprisoning thousands of its suspected members.

Growth in South Asia

HT has made notable inroads in Pakistan and Bangladesh, where it has targeted the military and educated elites for recruitment. It has repeatedly called for a military coup in Pakistan to establish an Islamic state.

A prominent HT leader in Pakistan stated:

“The Muslim armies must remove the traitorous rulers and establish the Caliphate, for they hold the power to do so.”

This open call for military intervention has led to multiple government crackdowns on HT activities.

European Presence

HT has also gained a following in Western countries, particularly in the UK, where it has a visible presence in Muslim communities. While it is banned in Germany and Russia, it continues to operate legally in some Western countries under the banner of free speech.

HT’s European branches focus heavily on intellectual debates, organizing lectures and conferences that critique Western democracy and foreign policy.

Legacy and Controversy

Impact on Islamist Movements

Hizb ut-Tahrir has played a significant role in shaping Islamist discourse. While it has never succeeded in establishing a Caliphate, its emphasis on the unity of the Muslim world has influenced many contemporary Islamist movements.

Some jihadist groups, including al-Qaeda and ISIS, have been indirectly influenced by HT’s vision of the Caliphate. However, HT officially rejects these groups’ use of violence, creating a paradox where it shares a similar ideological goal but differs in methodology.

Government Crackdowns and Bans

Many governments view Hizb ut-Tahrir as a threat to stability and have banned it. Countries that have outlawed HT include: Egypt, Pakistan, Russia, Germany, China (particularly in Xinjiang, where HT is accused of inciting separatism)

Despite bans, HT continues to operate clandestinely in many of these regions.

Internal Challenges

HT has faced internal struggles, including leadership disputes and strategic debates over whether to engage with existing political structures or continue its purist approach.

Additionally, the rise of violent extremist groups has made it difficult for HT to maintain its image as a non-violent organization. Many view its ideology as a stepping stone to radicalization.

Hizb ut-Tahrir remains one of the most enigmatic and controversial Islamist movements in the modern era. With a highly disciplined structure and a clear ideological vision, it has managed to survive despite decades of repression.

While it has not achieved its goal of restoring the Caliphate, HT’s impact on Islamic political thought is undeniable. Whether it will ever translate its ideology into tangible political power remains to be seen, but its presence in global Islamist discourse is unlikely to fade anytime soon.

A Detailed Refutation of Hizb ut-Tahrir’s Ideology: Voices from Moderate Islam

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) presents itself as an intellectual and political movement dedicated to restoring the Islamic Caliphate. While it claims non-violence, its ideological underpinnings—rejection of democracy, nationalism, and participation in existing political systems—have made it a source of concern for governments and moderate Muslim scholars alike.

Throughout Islamic history, numerous respected scholars and leaders have espoused views that directly contradict HT’s core beliefs. This article presents a comprehensive refutation of HT’s ideology using insights from classical Islamic scholars, modern Muslim intellectuals, and contemporary political figures who argue for a more balanced and pragmatic understanding of Islam.

1. The Misuse of the Caliphate: A Historical and Theological Perspective

HT’s Claim:

Hizb ut-Tahrir asserts that the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 marked the beginning of the Muslim world’s decline. It claims that re-establishing a centralized Caliphate is a divine obligation and the only solution to the problems faced by Muslims today.

“The Ummah has been living in darkness since the destruction of the Caliphate in 1924. Only by re-establishing it will Muslims regain their dignity and rightful leadership in the world.” – Abdul Qadeem Zallum, former HT leader

Refutation: The Caliphate is Not a Religious Pillar

Islamic scholars throughout history have debated the nature and necessity of the Caliphate. While governance in Islam is important, it is not one of the five pillars of Islam (Shahada, Salah, Zakat, Sawm, Hajj), nor is it a core tenet of faith.

1.1 Classical Scholars on the Caliphate

The famous Islamic jurist Imam Al-Ghazali (1058–1111) argued that the unity of Muslims is more about faith and moral values than a political structure:

“The welfare of the people is not dependent on the existence of one ruler or a single Caliphate, but rather on the just administration of affairs, ensuring security, and upholding the principles of Islam.” – Al-Ghazali, Ihya Ulum al-Din

Similarly, Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), the great historian and sociologist, observed that political leadership in Islam evolved naturally over time and that power should be based on the needs of society rather than rigid historical models:

“The Caliphate as envisioned in early Islam was suitable for that time. Governance is shaped by economic and social conditions, and no single model can be deemed mandatory for all ages.” – Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah

1.2 Contemporary Scholars on the Caliphate

Renowned modern Islamic scholar Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi (1926–2022) refuted the idea that a single political entity is necessary for the Muslim world:

“Nowhere in the Qur’an or authentic Sunnah is there a command that Muslims must have only one ruler. Unity in faith and cooperation in good deeds are required, but political unity under one state is neither a necessity nor a divine obligation.” – Yusuf al-Qaradawi

Even within early Islamic history, the concept of the Caliphate evolved and was never universally agreed upon. The Rightly Guided Caliphs (632–661) ruled differently from the later Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphs, demonstrating that governance structures changed according to circumstances.

The insistence on reviving the Caliphate as an obligation ignores both historical realities and Islamic jurisprudence. Justice, security, and good governance—rather than a single political entity—are the true Islamic ideals.

2. Rejection of Democracy and Elections: A False Dichotomy

HT’s Claim:

Hizb ut-Tahrir rejects democracy, arguing that only divine law (Sharia) should govern Muslims and that elections under secular systems are illegitimate.

“Democracy places legislation in the hands of humans, whereas in Islam, legislation comes only from Allah.” – Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, HT founder

Refutation: Islam Encourages Shura (Consultation) and Public Participation

HT’s opposition to democracy stems from a rigid and literalist interpretation of governance. However, Islam itself encourages Shura (consultation), accountability, and public participation, all of which align with democratic principles.

2.1 Qur’anic and Hadith Evidence for Consultation

The Qur’an explicitly commands consultation in governance:

“And those who have responded to [the need for] their ruler with consultation among themselves, and who spend from what We have provided them.” – (Qur’an 42:38)

The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) practiced consultation in state matters. He sought advice from his companions before major decisions, even when he had divine guidance. If democracy is about accountability and consultation, how can it be un-Islamic?

2.2 Statements from Muslim Scholars Supporting Democratic Principles

Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), an Egyptian reformer, argued that democracy was in line with Islamic principles of justice and consultation:

“The essence of democracy—justice, accountability, and consultation—is what Islam calls for. The problem is not democracy itself but those who misuse power under any system.”

Similarly, Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (1925–2021), an Indian Islamic scholar, defended democracy by emphasizing that Islam is against dictatorship:

“A government chosen by the people and accountable to them is closer to Islamic values than authoritarian rule. Tyranny is haram, whether in the name of religion or secularism.”

HT’s rejection of democracy is based on a false understanding of Islamic governance. The Qur’an and Sunnah encourage consultation, participation, and accountability, all of which align with democratic principles.

3. Nationalism and the Muslim Identity: A Misplaced Opposition

HT’s Claim:

HT rejects nationalism, claiming that it is a colonial construct that divides the Muslim Ummah.

“The so-called Muslim world—these are colonial constructs. Our loyalty is to Islam, not to nations.” – HT statement

Refutation: Islam Recognizes Diversity and Local Identity

HT’s rejection of nationalism contradicts Islamic teachings that acknowledge diversity and local identities as part of God’s creation.

3.1 Qur’anic and Prophetic Recognition of National Identity

The Qur’an states:

“O mankind, We have created you from a male and a female and made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another.” – (Qur’an 49:13)

This verse clearly recognizes that different identities exist, and they are not inherently un-Islamic. The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself acknowledged tribal affiliations but condemned racism and oppression.

3.2 Scholars on Nationalism and Islam

Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), a philosopher and poet of South Asia, argued that Islam could accommodate nationalism within a broader spiritual framework:

“Love for one’s country does not negate love for Islam. A Muslim can be a patriot without abandoning his religious identity.”

Similarly, Prince Hassan of Jordan, a modern Islamic scholar, stated:

“Islamic unity is a spiritual bond, but political unity is not always practical. A just ruler, whether in a Muslim-majority or non-Muslim state, is preferable to an unjust Caliph.”

HT’s rigid opposition to nationalism ignores Islamic teachings that recognize diversity and local governance. Unity in faith does not require the dissolution of nation-states.

Final Thoughts: The Way Forward

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a selective and rigid interpretation of Islamic history, ignoring centuries of jurisprudential development and political realities. Scholars from classical to modern times have consistently advocated for justice, consultation, and adaptability, rather than an uncompromising, monolithic state.

The real challenge for the Muslim world is not the re-establishment of a Caliphate but the promotion of justice, education, and good governance. As the Qur’an states:

“Indeed, Allah commands justice, good conduct, and giving to relatives and forbids immorality, bad conduct, and oppression.” – (Qur’an 16:90)

A better future for Muslims lies in progress, knowledge, and ethical leadership, not in romanticizing a political model that no longer fits the modern world.

Grace Mubashir is a PhD scholar at Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia and a freelance journalist based at Delhi

Article was first published on New Age Islam

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The imam, a religious reformer and an activist, was ambushed by two masked men in a pick-up truck while visiting the southern city of Gqeberha on Saturday. While police have yet to establish the motive for the hate crime, political parties and LGBTQ+ organizations say Hendricks was targeted because he started a mosque in Cape Town for gay Muslims and called for members of the LGBTQ+ community to be welcomed into Islam. And was not deterred by the many death threats he had received over several years.

IMSD stands by the dictum: “No God, gods, goddesses, prophets or saints may be invoked to justify the killing and/or terrorising of fellow human beings”.

A statement issued by the departed Imam’s colleagues at the Center for Contemporary Islam at University of Cape Town said: “His theology was a liberation theology: God is a God of radical love and justice for all human beings. The safe space created by his work brought relief beyond the community of queer Muslims, extending to refugees, people who were homeless, those marginalised without community and belonging, for whom he provided a space of inclusion”.

Deploring the fact some Muslims were condoning the imam’s assassination on social media, the statement bemoaned that “the compounded horror of such violence and brutality has brought into sharp focus the intense homophobia permeating the Muslim community”.

IMSD notes with concern that this intense homophobia permeating the Muslim community is sadly as true of South Africa as it is of the global Muslim community, India included.

We recall our statement issued in March 2023 strongly condemning the concerted effort by the Muslim rightwing in Kerala — including leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), and some Muslim-run websites — to ridicule, vilify, denigrate and demonise Muslims who are part of the LGBTQIA+ community.

IMSD stands in solidarity with the South African colleagues of the departed Imam and fully supports the call by the US-based Muslims for Progressive Values (MPV) on all Muslims worldwide, “to build a culture of tolerance and curiosity for various interpretations of Islam”.

We call on Indian Muslims in particular, who as a community have been relentless targets of hate politics and hate crimes in today’s ‘new India’, to deplore and eschew any hatred or violence in Islam’s name. Signatories:

1. Anand Patwardhan, IMSD, Documentary Film-maker, Mumbai
2. Arshad Alam, IMSD Co-convenor, Columnist, Delhi
3. Askari Zaidi, IMSD, Senior Journalist, Delhi
4. Feroze Mithiborwala, IMSD Co-Convener, Mumbai
5. Ghulam Rasool Dehlvi, an Alim and Fazil (a classical Islamic scholar), having graduated from a leading Islamic seminary of India, Jamia Amjadia Rizvia (Mau, U.P.)
6. Hasan Ibrahim Pasha, IMSD, Writer, Allahabad
7. Javed Anand, IMSD Co-convener, CJP, Mumbai
8. Kasim Sait, Businessman, Social Activist, Chennai
9. Lara Jesani, Advocate, PUCL, Mumbai
10. Madhu Prasad, IMSD, Social Activist, Delhi
11. Mohammad Imran, PIO, USA
12. Muniza Khan, Citizens for Justice and Peace, Varanasi
13. Qaisar Sultana, Home Maker, Allahabad
14. Qutub Kidwai, IMSD, Islamic Feminist/ Peace Activist, Secretary General AMAN International, Mumbai
15. (Prof) Mohammad Sajjad, Historian, AMU, Aligarh
16. (Dr) Shahnawaz Alam, UP
17. Shamsul Islam, Author, Activist, Delhi
18. Sultan Shahin, Editor-in Chief, New Age Islam, Delhi
19. Teesta Setalvad, IMSD, Secretary CJP, Mumbai
20. Zakia Soman, Co-Convener, Bhartiya Muslim Mahila Andolan
21. Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Islamic Scholar, Director general, Wisdom Foundation, IMSD, Mumbai

Related:

Progressive Muslims condemn the assassination in South Africa of the world’s first gay Imam

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