At the last hearing on June 25, the State had informed the Court, based on written instructions from the Senior Superintendent of Police, Dhubri, that Doyjan Bibi had been handed over to the BSF Sector Headquarters, Panbari, on May 26, 2025 for the purpose of deportation to Bangladesh. This reversal in the claim had come after the Court had been informed, based on verbal instructions received by the counsel of Foreigner Tribunal, that Doyjan Bibi is kept in Kokrajhar Holding Centre. During the June 25 hearing, the State had also sought time to obtain further information from the BSF regarding her current status and location. The Court had then directed the State to provide a specific update on her whereabouts, and if she had been deported, to clarify the location and circumstances of such deportation. However, in the present hearing, the State produced BSF records showing that “a Doyjan Bibi, wife of Abdul Munnaf” had been handed over by Assam Police and pushed back to Bangladesh on May 27, 2025.

However, as the Court pointedly noted that this was not the woman whose custody is being questioned before them. Notably, Citizens for Justice and Peace has been providing legal aid in this case.

Background: A trail of changing claims

Doyjan Bibi’s disappearance has become emblematic of the growing allegations of illegal deportation without due process in Assam. Her family had alleged that she was picked up from their home in Chatabari Gaon, Dhubri district, at approximately 1:00 AM on May 25, by local police. No arrest memo was given. No FIR was registered. No magistrate produced her.

Following this, Abdul Rejjak filed a writ petition in the Gauhati High Court seeking disclosure of her whereabouts and immediate relief.

At the first hearing on June 16, the FT counsel for the State claimed, based only on a verbal telephonic update, that Doyjan was in the Kokrajhar Holding Centre. On this basis alone, the Court allowed the petitioner and one family member to visit the centre and obtain her signature on a vakalatnama.

But when the family reached Kokrajhar, she was not there.

At the next hearing on June 25, the State made a completely different submission—now in writing. It stated that Doyjan Bibi had, in fact, been handed over to the BSF Sector Headquarters, Panbari, on May 26, 2025, for deportation to Bangladesh. No prior notice of this alleged transfer had been issued to the family, nor had she been produced before any magistrate for judicial authorisation of the deportation.

The Court, alarmed by these developments, had directed the State to obtain formal confirmation from the BSF regarding the whereabouts and status of Doyjan Bibi and provide this to the Court by the next date.

Details of the previous hearings may be read here.

Hearing of July 18: The ‘wrong Doyjan’?

At the hearing on July 18, counsel for the State produced a copy of the official communication received from the Frontier Headquarters of the BSF, Guwahati. The document stated that “on the request of Assam Police, amongst others, Doyjan Bibi, wife of Abdul Munnaf, was handed over to them and sent back to Bangladesh from the area of responsibility of the 2503 Battalion BSF, Dhubri, on May 27, 2025.”

However, this update led to immediate confusion in court. Advocate Mrinmoy Dutta, appearing for the petitioner, clarified that the Doyjan Bibi is the wife of Abdul Rejjak—not of Abdul Munnaf. He submitted that there is no such alias in use and that the identity of the petitioner’s husband is well established as Abdul Rejjak alone. He further requested that the State clarify the true identity of the woman who was handed over to the BSF and allegedly pushed back into Bangladesh.

Taking note of the confusion and the unresolved issue of identity, the Court stated on record that if the BSF’s communication relates to a different person—i.e., the wife of Abdul Munnaf—it does not answer the petitioner’s prayer, which concerns the whereabouts of the wife of Abdul Rejjak.

In a stern observation, the Bench told the State that it was their duty to establish the whereabouts of the woman named in the petition—Doyjan Bibi, wife of Abdul Rejjak.

In its order, the Court noted: “The instructions produced by the State pertain to a different individual — Doyjan Bibi, wife of Abdul Munnaf — and are therefore returned. The counsel for FT matters is directed to obtain relevant instructions in this particular case concerning Doyjan Bibi, wife of Abdul Rejjak.”

The matter has now been listed for further hearing on July 25, 2025.

Sharp legal and ethical questions

The case of Doyjan Bibi underscores the wider pattern of irregular and possibly unlawful deportations currently under judicial scrutiny. In similar cases like those of Samsul Ali, Abdul Sheikh, and Majibur Rehman—also argued by Advocate Mrinmoy Dutta with their legal aid being provided by CJP—the Court has taken note of detentions and disappearances of individuals released under long-standing COVID-era bail orders, only to resurface in detention camps or in BSF custody, with no formal arrest documentation.

In the present matter, what began as a disappearance has now escalated into a possible case of mistaken identity, or worse—an undocumented pushback of a woman without verification, paperwork, or judicial authorisation.

The Gauhati High Court, in earlier orders, had made it clear that deportation must follow proper procedures, including production before a magistrate and intimation to the family. That none of these were followed in Doyjan’s case, and that her location is still unknown despite two months having passed, places a constitutional spotlight on the lack of procedural accountability in Assam’s deportation apparatus.

The order may be read here:

Related:

A Targeted Campaign: The orchestrated crackdown on Bengali Migrants and the rising pushback from courts, Bengal government, and civil society

Gauhati HC closes writ petition in Bakkar Ali case after his detained father, Samsul Ali, was recovered and not rearrested

Another Pushback Halted: SC stays deportation of woman declared foreigner, issues notice on challenge to Gauhati HC order

After incorrect detention claim, Gauhati HC was informed that Doyjan Bibi was handed over to BSF

“Bail once granted can’t be ignored”: Gauhati HC seeks legal basis for re-detentions of COVID-era released detainees

The post Gauhati HC orders clarity after state cites deportation of ‘Wrong Doyjan’ in alleged ‘pushback’ case, demands specific reply on her whereabouts appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Judicial Firewall: Calcutta High Court sounds the Constitutional alarm

On July 17, 2025, the Calcutta High Court issued a pointed rebuke to the Union government and state authorities over the sudden and widespread raids conducted in June to identify so-called “illegal Bangladeshis.” As per the report of Times of India, a division bench of Justices Tapabrata Chakraborty and Reetobroto Kumar Mitra posed blunt questions: “What were the reasons for these sudden nationwide raids? Were they pre-planned? On what intelligence were they based?” The Court, hearing habeas corpus petitions concerning the alleged illegal detention and deportation of Bengali-speaking migrants, including a family of three from Birbhum allegedly pushed into Bangladesh, emphasised that such actions, if based solely on language or appearance, risk sending a “wrong and dangerous message.”

The Court directed the West Bengal government, the Delhi Police, and the Union government to file detailed affidavits regarding the legality of the detentions and deportations. As per the report of LiveLaw, State counsel Kalyan Bandopadhyay submitted that it was outrageous to detain or deport any individual solely because they spoke Bengali. “The constable is not the competent authority. You cannot criminalize language. There is a procedure, a legal standard, that must be met to question someone’s citizenship,” he said, demanding data on the number of detainees and those deported.

In response, senior Union government counsel Asoke Kumar Chakraborty questioned whether habeas corpus petitions were maintainable after deportation, revealing that a parallel case had been filed in the Delhi High Court—information which the Calcutta HC had not been told earlier. The Court came down harshly on the petitioners’ lawyer for this procedural suppression. “This is not expected from a senior advocate. Do not try to play tricks with the court,” Justice Chakraborty warned according to the LiveLaw report. Yet, despite these procedural hiccups, the Court refused to dismiss the matter and insisted on detailed disclosures, recognizing the larger human rights issues at stake.

Odisha: Mass detentions, arbitrary identification, and partial relief

The largest cluster of arrests took place in Odisha, where between June and July 2025, 447 Bengali-speaking migrant workers, most of them masons, daily-wage labourers, or street vendors from districts such as Birbhum, Murshidabad, and South 24 Parganas, were rounded up by police, particularly in Jharsuguda, Khurda, and nearby districts. According to a Scroll report, at least 403 detainees have since been released after sustained legal, political, and administrative pressure—but dozens remain in custody, often on specious grounds.

Multiple detainees testified that police refused to accept Aadhaar, voter ID, or even ration cards as legitimate identification. Instead, they were asked to produce birth and school certificates, often impossible for migrant workers who left their villages as teenagers. Others were detained simply for having Bangladeshi phone numbers saved on their mobile phones, which the police used as an alleged indicator of foreign nationality.

As provided in the TOI report, Ajimuddin Sheikh, 22, from Birbhum, was one such migrant detained during a 1 a.m. police raid near Brajarajnagar. “They seized our phones. Even when we showed voter ID and Aadhaar, they said it was not enough,” he recounted, while speaking to the TOI. His 18-year-old cousin, Nijamuddin Sheikh, added that they were interrogated repeatedly, their phones scanned for Bangladeshi contacts, and only released after producing additional documentation and being vouched for by a local guarantor.

Trinamool MP Samirul Islam, who chairs the West Bengal Migrant Workers Welfare Board, confirmed that most of those detained had been working in Odisha legally for several years. He lambasted the Odisha Police for refusing to accept Indian documents and treating labourers like foreign infiltrators. “There is no law that says a Bengali-speaking labourer cannot work in another Indian state,” he said, as per The Indian Express.

Despite some relief after the High Court sought explanations, Islam and MP Mahua Moitra warned that the mass profiling of Bengali-speaking workers is far from over—and that several youth still remain in custody.

Chhattisgarh: From detention to forced repatriation

In Kondagaon, Chhattisgarh, nine Bengali-speaking masons, residents of Krishnanagar in West Bengal, were picked up on July 12 from a school construction site, The Hindu reported. Trinamool MP Mahua Moitra revealed that despite possessing valid documents and being recruited through a verified contractor, the men were detained, denied contact with their families, and allegedly put on buses and sent back to Bengal—without any court order authorizing their removal, reported by TOI.

The Chhattisgarh Police claimed that the men failed to register with local authorities and were detained under preventive sections of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), India’s new criminal procedure code. However, according to IE, Moitra questioned why they were not given access to legal counsel, why their phones were confiscated, and why families were not informed. A habeas corpus petition has now been filed in the Chhattisgarh High Court.

Maharashtra: Matua community targeted, identity cards ignored

In Pune, members of the Matua community, a Dalit religious minority of Bengali origin, were detained by Maharashtra Police on suspicions of being undocumented migrants, according to TOI. Samirul Islam reported that despite furnishing Aadhaar, voter ID, and certificates from the All India Matua Mahasangha, detainees were not released.

Shockingly, even children were among those picked up, and police reportedly refused to recognize documents issued by the AIMM, as per the report. TMC leaders expressed dismay that Santanu Thakur, a BJP MP and Union Minister who himself belongs to the Matua community, remained silent in the face of persecution of his own constituents.

Delhi and Gurugram: Crackdown in the capital

In Delhi, as reported by India Today, the TMC has led a series of protests in Jai Hind Colony, Vasant Kunj, a settlement housing hundreds of Bengali-speaking migrant workers. Despite valid documentation, residents say they have been targeted with evictions, electricity and water cutoffs, and routine harassment by police.

Meanwhile, in Gurugram, at least 26 Bengali-speaking workers from Assam were detained and interrogated over two days. Though eventually released, they alleged that voter ID and Aadhaar cards were rejected and that Muslim workers were disproportionately targeted.

Forced pushbacks and international law violations

Civil rights groups and legal experts have expressed alarm at what appears to be a coordinated “pushback” policy being implemented quietly across multiple states, allegedly under a Union-led directive. According to investigative reports, more than 2,000 persons have been forced across the Indo-Bangladesh border since the initiation of “Operation Sindoor”, which was a military operation ostensibly targeting cross-border terror camps but now being linked to mass civilian expulsions.

These deportations, without legal adjudication, without access to lawyers or courts, and based on profiling, stand in clear violation of Article 21 of the Indian Constitution and India’s obligations under international human rights law, particularly the principle of non-refoulement.

West Bengal Pushes Back: Legal action, street protests, and a linguistic defiance campaign

The West Bengal government, led by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, has mounted one of the strongest political and legal responses yet to the ongoing crackdown on Bengali-speaking migrants across BJP-ruled states. Calling it a “coordinated campaign to erase Bengali identity from the Indian Union,” Banerjee’s administration has launched a multi-pronged resistance: taking the fight to the courts, to Parliament, to civil society, and most strikingly, to the streets.

1. Legal interventions and habeas petitions

West Bengal’s legal machinery was among the first to intervene after news broke in late May and June that Indian citizens, including women and minors, had allegedly been pushed across the Indo-Bangladesh border by Assam and Maharashtra Police.

According to The Telegraph, Maktoob, and Indian Express, the State of West Bengal has taken a proactive legal and administrative stance in ongoing cases concerning the wrongful detention and deportation of Bengali-speaking migrants. It has challenged detentions and deportations carried out without Foreigners Tribunal orders or judicial oversight, particularly in cases where individuals possessed valid Indian documents. The Calcutta High Court has repeatedly flagged these incidents as potentially illegal and directed the State to respond. In compliance, the West Bengal government has dispatched state police and administrative teams to states such as Odisha and Maharashtra to trace missing persons, facilitate their release, and assist with documentation, including the recording of victim testimonies. The State has also filed multiple status reports before the Calcutta High Court, detailing repatriation efforts and procedural violations. Acting on judicial direction, the Chief Secretary has appointed a nodal officer to liaise with the governments of other states and the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to ensure coordinated response mechanisms and prevent further unlawful detentions.

2. Political Leadership: Mamata’s “I will speak more in Bengali” challenge

Mamata Banerjee has not only condemned the raids as unconstitutional but also reframed the issue as a battle for linguistic dignity. On July 16, during a mass rally in central Kolkata, she declared: “I dare you to send me to a detention camp, I will speak more in Bengali,” and “Altogether 1,000 migrant workers have been arrested and detained in BJP-ruled states and many have been pushed back to Bangladesh. People from Birbhum, Cooch Behar, Nadia and other districts are being detained in Odisha and BJP-ruled states,” she said, according to the Economic Times.

Addressing a massive public gathering during the protest march, as reported by Hindustan Times, Mamata Banerjee said, “The BJP calls all Bengali-speaking people Bangladeshi Rohingyas… Rohingyas live in Myanmar. Here, all citizens of West Bengal have proper ID cards and identification. The labourers who have gone outside Bengal have not gone on their own. They have been employed because they have skills… Anyone who speaks Bengali is being arrested and put behind bars. Why? Is West Bengal not a part of India?”

3. Administrative support for victims and families

The West Bengal government has taken several concrete steps to support affected families and challenge interstate detentions:

• Interstate coordination mandated by Court: On direction from the Calcutta High Court, the West Bengal Chief Secretary has appointed a nodal officer to liaise with states like Odisha and Delhi, ensuring the identification and release of Bengali-speaking migrants detained without due process, according to LiveLaw.
• Chief Secretary’s objection to profiling: Chief Secretary Manoj Pant sent a formal letter to the Odisha government objecting to the detention of migrants who had valid Indian documents and condemning demands for ancestral land records as arbitrary and discriminatory, as per Indian Express.
• Verification of migrants across states: Bengal Police has undertaken a large-scale verification drive across multiple states, including Odisha, Maharashtra, and Delhi, covering over 750 cases of suspected wrongful detention. Officials have relied on a mix of local documentation (e.g., ration cards, land deeds, school certificates) to authenticate identity, according to the reports of TOI.
• Interstate legal cell under consideration: According to government officials cited in press briefings, the Home Department may establish a dedicated interstate legal response cell to track migrant-related detentions, deportations, and facilitate legal aid across borders, as provided by New Indian Express.

4. National advocacy

Senior Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury submitted a memorandum to President Droupadi Murmu, demanding her intervention in the said situation. In the said memorandum, as reported by IE, the former Congress MP wrote: “It’s very sad and cruel fact that Bengali-speaking daily wage labourers, who are bonafide Indian citizens, are being targeted due to their physical appearance and accent, which is being mistaken for that of Bangladeshis. This similarity is being used as a pretext to harass, humiliate, physically assault, and hold these innocent people in detention.”

Chowdhury emphasised that these labourers are not only Indian citizens, but also contributors to the national economy. “Now, they are being rendered unemployed, homeless, and stateless,” he said, urging the President to step in to protect citizens from communal profiling and unlawful deportations.

Conclusion: Language on trial, citizenship in crisis

The targeting of Bengali-speaking migrants across Indian states has transformed from isolated administrative excesses into a full-blown constitutional crisis. At its core, this moment tests the strength of India’s federal framework, the sanctity of citizenship, and the basic right to dignity regardless of region, religion, or language. When Indian citizens with valid documents are detained, deported, or denied recognition simply for speaking Bengali, it sets a dangerous precedent—not just for Bengalis, but for all linguistic and regional minorities.

The pushback from the Calcutta High Court, the West Bengal government, and sections of civil society has sparked a vital resistance against arbitrary profiling and extra-legal state action. Yet the broader question remains: will the Union government address the growing pattern of exclusionary policies, or allow language and identity to become fault lines for discrimination?

India was envisioned as a pluralistic democracy where diversity is a foundation, not a fault. The events unfolding today demand urgent legal, political, and moral clarity. The road ahead will determine whether that vision endures—or whether silence enables a slow erosion of constitutional protections, starting with those who speak Bengali.

Related:

Gauhati HC closes Bakkar Ali writ petition as missing detainee Samsul Ali is found, not rearrested

‘Define Special Intensive Revision scope… make it clear not linked to citizenship’: BJP ally TDP writes to CEC Gyanesh Kumar

Bengali Migrant Workers Detained in Odisha: Calcutta High Court demands answers, seeks coordination between states

Bengali-Speaking Migrants Detained En Masse in Odisha: National security or targeted persecution?

Bordering on illegality? 18 alleged Bangladeshis “pushed back” without due process, Legal challenge filed in High Court

SC: ECI’s ‘wisdom’ on revision of electoral rolls challenged, does a disenfranchisement crisis loom over Bihar, with thousands being declared ‘‘D’ (doubtful) voters?

The post Under Siege for Speaking Bengali: Detentions, deportations and a rising pushback against the targeting of Bengali migrant workers across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Professor Mahmudabad, informed the Court that despite its clear directions issued on May 28, the SIT had not only seized his client’s personal electronic devices but had also begun investigating matters wholly unrelated to the social media posts—such as his foreign travel history for the past ten years.

Taking note of these submissions, the Court observed that the SIT appeared to be “misdirecting itself,” and reiterated that its purpose was strictly confined to examining the language and content of the two social media posts in question, and to determine whether the phrasing in those posts constituted any cognizable offence under law.

“We just want to know from SIT…for what purpose they have seized devices. We will call them (officers),” Justice Surya Kant pointedly asked Additional Solicitor General (ASG) SV Raju, representing the State of Haryana, as reported in LiveLaw.

When the ASG argued that the manner of conducting an investigation is within the prerogative of the investigating agency, Sibal countered that the SIT’s approach amounted to a prohibited “roving inquiry.” He also submitted that Mahmudabad had already been summoned four times, had fully cooperated with the probe, and had surrendered all personal gadgets.

The Court was unequivocal in its response, stating that the SIT must conclude its probe within four weeks, and that no further summons were to be issued to Mahmudabad, given that he had complied with all earlier directions. The Bench stated that “Though it may not be expedient or desirable for us to comment on the manner in which SIT has proceeded, we however deem it to remind it the mandate contained in our order dated May 28 and consequently direct the SIT to conclude its investigation with reference to the contents of the two social media posts as early as possible but not later than 4 weeks. Since the petitioner has already joined the investigation and handed over his personal gadgets, it seems to us that it may not be necessary to summon the petitioner again for joining the investigation.”

“You don’t need him, you need a dictionary,” Justice Kant remarked, as per LiveLaw, referring to the fact that the SIT appeared to be misunderstanding or over-interpreting the semantics of Mahmudabad’s posts, which included both a condemnation of terrorism and criticism of right-wing warmongering.

Background of the case

Professor Mahmudabad was arrested on May 18, 2025, by the Haryana Police in connection with two FIRs that accused him of posting comments on Facebook that were allegedly provocative and anti-national. The posts were in the context of the terrorist attack in Pahalgam and India’s retaliatory military action under Operation Sindoor.

The first FIR was filed based on a complaint by a private individual, invoking offences under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) including:

• Section 196: Promoting enmity between groups.
• Section 197: Imputations prejudicial to national integration.
• Section 152: Acts endangering sovereignty and unity.
• Section 299: Culpable homicide (although the applicability of this section remains questionable).

The second FIR was filed by Renu Bhatia, Chairperson of the Haryana Women’s Commission, invoking:

• Section 79: Insult to a woman’s modesty.
• Section 353: Public mischief.
• Section 152: Repeated from the earlier FIR.

Mahmudabad was remanded to judicial custody but was granted interim bail by the Supreme Court on May 21. At that stage, the Court refused to stay the investigation or quash the FIRs. Instead, it directed the Haryana Director General of Police (DGP) to constitute a Special Investigation Team (SIT) composed of senior IPS officers not hailing from Haryana or Delhi, to objectively assess whether the language used in the two posts warranted any criminal charges.

Concerns raised and Court’s May 28 clarification

Following Mahmudabad’s release, his counsel expressed concerns that the SIT might overstep its brief. Taking note of this, the Supreme Court, by its order dated May 28, had expressly clarified that:

• The SIT’s investigation must be limited strictly to the contents of the two FIRs and the two social media posts that form their basis.
• No “fishing or roving inquiries” should be undertaken.
• Accessing digital devices or delving into matters such as travel history would be impermissible.
• The Professor was barred only from writing on the sub judice matter, but remained free to express his views on other unrelated topics.

Despite these directions, Mahmudabad was called repeatedly for questioning and his devices were subjected to forensic analysis. These actions were brought to the Court’s attention during the July 16 hearing.

Detailed report on previous hearing may be read here.

Judicial concerns and oral observations

The Bench also made a number of critical oral observations during the hearing:

• Justice Kant questioned the SIT’s intent, as reported by Bar&Bench, asking “Why is the SIT, on the face of it, misdirecting itself? They can say that the article is an opinion and does not constitute an offence or otherwise. But they cannot widen the probe.”
• When the ASG requested that the Court direct Mahmudabad to continue appearing before the SIT if needed, the Court refused, adding: “You do not need him. You need a dictionary.”
• Additionally, when ASG SV Raju sought more time for the investigation, the Court replied: “SIT can always say that there is nothing in this FIR. But we are examining other issues. Why take two months for this? Then this case can be closed.”

Court’s directions on July 16

In light of the SIT’s conduct, the Supreme Court issued the following clear and binding directions:

1. Time-bound conclusion of investigation: The SIT must conclude its investigation within four weeks, with no extensions.
2. Scope strictly limited: The SIT must restrict itself exclusively to examining the language, phrasing, and content of the two Facebook posts to determine if any offence is made out under the BNS provisions cited in the FIRs.
3. No further summons: The SIT cannot summon Mahmudabad again for questioning, as he has already cooperated fully and handed over his devices.
4. Continued interim protection: The interim bail and protection from arrest granted to Professor Mahmudabad will continue until further orders.
5. No blanket speech restriction: The Court reiterated that Mahmudabad is free to publish or express opinions on any issue except the specific posts or matters currently sub judice before the Court.
6. Reminder of prior judicial direction: The Court reaffirmed its May 28 order, warning the SIT not to exceed the limited remit it was assigned.

This hearing marks a crucial moment in the case, with the Supreme Court decisively upholding the principle that criminal investigations must not become disproportionate intrusions into constitutionally protected freedoms, particularly where expression is concerned. By restraining the SIT from engaging in a sweeping or speculative probe, the Court sought to protect both the integrity of the investigation and the petitioner’s rights under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. In a case that straddles the fine line between national security, free speech, and academic freedom, the Supreme Court has now sent a strong signal against state overreach and in favour of judicially monitored, narrow-scope investigations.

Related:

‘Seeking peace, calling out hate crimes not a crime’: Former Civil Servants Group on Mahmudabad

In Contrast: Nehru’s Take on a Young, Dissenting Irfan Habib and the Modi Govt’s Treatment of Mahmudabad

SC: Interim bail granted to professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad; SIT to probe posts on Operation Sindoor

How high is the price of criticism? Professor Mahmudabad arrested for his criticism of politics of hatred

Full Text | Ashoka University Professor Ali Mahmudabad’s Posts that Haryana Police Calls ‘Sedition’

The post Supreme Court rebukes Haryana SIT for overreach in probe against Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad, reasserts narrow scope of investigation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

At the hearing on July 16, 2025, the Gauhati High Court has formally closed the writ petition filed by Bakkar Ali concerning the disappearance and feared deportation of his father, Samsul Ali, after the Court was informed that the detained person had been recovered in an unconscious state in Bijni, had not been rearrested, and had been produced before police authorities, albeit informally.

At the hearing, counsel for the petitioner submitted that on July 10, 2025, in compliance with earlier court directions, Samsul Ali had been taken to the office of the SP (Border), Chirang. However, the SP was not present at the time, and hence his appearance was not formally recorded. The counsel further submitted that since then, Samsul Ali has been undergoing medical treatment and continues to remain out of custody.

Recording these submissions, the Bench comprising Justices Kalyan Rai Surana and Susmita Phukan Khaund held that the apprehension of deportation no longer survives, particularly as no fresh action had been taken by the State to detain or remove Samsul Ali after his recovery.

Counsel’s submissions

Appearing for the petitioner, Advocate Mrinmoy Dutta submitted that Samsul Ali was produced before the Superintendent of Police (Border), Chirang on July 10, 2025, in compliance with this Court’s earlier order. However, the SP was not present at the time, and as a result, no formal documentation or endorsement of his appearance could be made.

The counsel further submitted that since that date, Samsul Ali has been undergoing medical treatment, and no steps have been taken by the State to re-detain him or initiate any deportation proceedings.

Court’s observations and order

The Bench recorded that “Samsul Ali was found unconscious in Bijni. It has been submitted that the father of the petitioner was produced before the authorities but his presence was not marked because the SP (border), Chirang, was not there. Since then, the father of the petitioner is undergoing some treatment.”

The Court noted that given Samsul Ali’s recovery, the absence of any further custodial action, and the production before the competent authority, the apprehension of deportation no longer survived. The order stated: “Considering that the father of the petitioner has been recovered and not taken into custody, the apprehension of his deportation would also not survive.”

Accordingly, the writ petition was closed. However, the Court granted liberty to the petitioner to approach the Court again if any future grievance or action arises from the State.

Background of the case

The habeas petition was filed following the disappearance of Samsul Ali on the night of May 25, 2025, from his home in Chatiborgaon village, Chirang district. The family claimed he was picked up by local police without arrest memo, warrant, or magistrate production.

Samsul Ali had earlier been declared a foreigner by a Foreigners Tribunal, but was released on bail in 2019 under the Supreme Court’s suo moto COVID-era order (WP(C) No. 1 of 2020), having completed over three years in detention. He had been regularly complying with the condition of weekly reporting to the local police station. His last recorded attendance was on May 21, 2025.

The first hearing took place on June 6, when the Court issued notice and directed the State to disclose the whereabouts of the petitioner’s father. In the June 10 hearing, the FT counsel informed the Court that Samsul Ali had been handed over to the BSF Sector Headquarters, Panbari on May 26. However, the Court expressed concern over the lack of any formal memo or details of the post from where he was allegedly transferred and directed the SP (Border), Chirang to confirm particulars.

At the June 20 hearing, the petitioner informed the Court that Samsul Ali had been found unconscious in Bijni and brought home by local residents. The Court, acknowledging this, directed that Samsul be produced before the SP (Border), Chirang, and stressed that if any deportation was contemplated, due process must be followed.

Legal significance and closure

The present petition is one of several habeas petitions filed in the aftermath of re-detentions and disappearances of individuals previously released on long-standing COVID-era bail. These cases have raised legal concerns about re-arrest without bail cancellation, absence of arrest documentation, and potential deportations carried out without judicial oversight.

By recording that Samsul Ali is no longer in custody, that he has been produced before the appropriate authority, and that he is currently undergoing treatment, the Court held that the basis of the plea no longer survives. However, the grant of liberty to the petitioner to move the Court again ensures that judicial oversight remains available in case of any future illegality.

The petition now stands formally closed.

Details of the background and legal proceedings may be read here.

The order may be read here:

Update on Related Petitions: State files affidavit in Abdul Sheikh and Majibur Rehman cases, next hearing on July 23

In related petitions also heard on July 16, the Gauhati High Court continued proceedings in the cases of Abdul Sheikh (Sanidul Sheikh v. Union of India) and Majibur Rehman (Reijya Khatun v. Union of India), both of whom had been re-detained in May 2025 despite being out on long-standing bail granted under Supreme Court directions during the COVID period. In both cases, the detenues were previously declared foreigners, had completed over two years in detention, and were released under judicially monitored bail in 2021 and 2022, respectively. They had been regularly reporting to their local police stations in compliance with the conditions of their release.

On July 16, the State filed its affidavits in opposition, which were served to the counsel for the petitioners that morning. These affidavits are expected to set out the State’s legal basis for re-detention without first cancelling the bail orders. The petitioners are likely to respond to the new affidavits. The matters have been listed for further hearing on July 23, 2025.

It is essential to note that on the last day of hearing in both the cases, the State was directed to file a detailed affidavit laying out its legal position. The Court had specified that the affidavit must be served at least six days before the next hearing to give the petitioner time to reply. However, the same, as evident from the present proceedings, did not happen.

Details of the background and legal proceedings may be read here.

Related:

Another Pushback Halted: SC stays deportation of woman declared foreigner, issues notice on challenge to Gauhati HC order

After incorrect detention claim, Gauhati HC was informed that Doyjan Bibi was handed over to BSF

“Bail once granted can’t be ignored”: Gauhati HC seeks legal basis for re-detentions of COVID-era released detainees

The post Gauhati HC closes Bakkar Ali writ petition as missing detainee Samsul Ali is found, not rearrested appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dr Krithika Yegna, a biotechnologist formerly affiliated with the Centre for Biotechnology at Anna University, emphasized that genome editing technologies like Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats (CRISPR) are not as precise or predictable as often claimed. In her detailed presentation, she highlighted growing evidence that such edits can result in large-scale genetic damage, citing multiple peer-reviewed studies showing off-target mutations, unintended insertions, and complex genomic rearrangements. These risks, she argued, demand stringent regulatory oversight rather than exemptions from existing GMO norms.

Echoing these concerns, agroecologist Soumik Banerjee spoke about the socio-economic and ecological implications of introducing gene-edited rice varieties. He drew attention to how such technologies threaten India’s indigenous seed diversity and undermine farmer autonomy. He stressed that the central issue is not just scientific risk but also the disruption of existing sustainable agricultural practices rooted in biodiversity and community knowledge systems.

These public concerns, says GM Free India in a detailed note, resonate with mounting international scientific findings. Thus, Research by Kosicki et al. (2018) and Höijer et al. (2021) has demonstrated that CRISPR-Cas9 genome editing can result in extensive deletions, insertions, and chromosomal damage in human and animal cells. Samach et al. (2023) extended this evidence to  plants, finding that CRISPR editing caused chromothripsis-like effects in tomatoes—a catastrophic rearrangement of genetic material that could have dire consequences for crop biochemistry and food safety.

In gene-edited rice, specifically, a study by Biswas et al. (2020) revealed a wide array of unintended on-target and off-target mutations, including large deletions and rearrangements, even when using supposedly stable transformation methods. The findings underscored the unpredictability of gene editing, which could impact not only the targeted traits but also unintended gene functions, possibly resulting in toxic or allergenic compounds.

Similarly alarming findings came from the case of hornless gene-edited cattle. A Nature Biotechnology paper by Norris et al. (2020) exposed that plasmid DNA, including antibiotic resistance genes, had unintentionally integrated into the animals’ genomes—an error missed by the developers but caught by the US FDA. This raises critical questions about self-regulation and transparency in the gene-editing industry.

During the webinar, both Dr Yegna and Banerjee urged policymakers to heed the global body of research calling for caution. They pointed to the need for long-read genome sequencing, environmental risk assessments, and mandatory food safety trials before any commercial release. GM-Free India’s documentation accompanying the webinar further underlines the importance of democratising science and empowering farmer communities in decisions that directly affect their seeds, livelihoods, and ecosystems.

Studies from Europe reinforce these views, says GM Free India. A 2023 review by Koller et al. in Environmental Sciences Europe asserted that new genomic techniques (NGTs) can produce both intended and unintended genetic effects, which may interact in unpredictable ways when released into shared environments. Another review by Eckerstorfer et al. (2021) warned that the assumed precision of gene editing is misleading and that gene-edited organisms must be subject to full biosafety scrutiny under GMO frameworks.

The advocacy by GM-Free India thus seeks to align with global scientific consensus urging caution. Robinson, Antoniou, and Fagan (2018) note, there is no scientific consensus on GMO safety, and the same applies to new gene-editing methods. With insufficient empirical data on food safety and environmental effects, especially in gene-edited plants, moving forward without regulation would be both premature and potentially hazardous.

In conclusion, the convergence of scientific evidence and grassroots advocacy paints a clear picture, believes the advocacy group: genome editing is neither inherently safe nor sufficiently understood to warrant deregulation. The Indian government’s push for gene-edited rice must be re-evaluated in light of these warnings, it insists. Both the precautionary principle and democratic accountability demand that such powerful technologies be subject to rigorous, transparent, and independent oversight before they are allowed into farmers’ fields and citizens’ food plates.

Courtesy: CounterView

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Anjum’s recent YouTube series since Sunday, July 13, containing detailed ground reports from the interiors of Bihar suggested that in some blocks electoral forms were being accepted without photographs and documents or that forms in duplicate were not being supplies by the ECI to voters.

The ongoing ‘special revision’ of the electoral roll has come in for widespread criticism because of the ECI’s self-assumed “demand” that people prove their right to vote and, by implication, their right to citizenship by providing documents which the majority do not possess. The short timeline given for the entire exercise –given that the state assembly elections are due in a few months–is bound to lead to administrative irregularities, something that both journalists like Anjum and some newspapers have exposed through their reportage.

The DUJ statement says that “the fact is that the Bihar government has not cared to issue birth certificates to most of its citizens, few people have caste certificates or domicile documents, the majority do not own property or have documents to prove ownership of land, many are denied schooling and migration is the major survival strategy.” In these circumstances people anxious to stay on the electoral roll are providing whatever they possess. The Election Commission initially refused to accept the basic documents that the majority do have: Aadhar cards and voter identity cards.  It was only after the Supreme Court hearing last week on July 10, that the ECI was compelled to now accept the Aadhar card, or EPIC card or Ration Card. Receipts are not always being provided. The haste of the exercise means that many voters in all likelihood, be denied voting rights.

The DUJ statement asserts that it is evident that (ECI) officials were rattled by the reports of irregularities in the entire process and have, therefore resorted to the FIR against Anjum to deter other journalists from similar coverage. The statement ends by stating that the DUJ “salutes” Ajit Anjum for his bold reporting and demands that the FIR for criminal trespass, obstructing a public servant on duty and other grounds be immediately withdrawn and journalists be permitted to report freely from the state.

Related:

Bihar:  SC signals that ECI should consider Aadhaar, EPIC (Voter ID card) & Ration card for electoral roll revision 

Bihar:  SC signals that ECI should consider Aadhaar, EPIC (Voter ID card) & Ration card for electoral roll revision 

SC: ECI’s ‘wisdom’ on revision of electoral rolls challenged, does a disenfranchisement crisis loom over Bihar, with thousands being declared ‘‘D’ (doubtful) voters?

Bihar: Sinister move by ECI as ‘intensive’ revision of electoral roles set to exclude vast majority of legitimate voters

Bihar 2025 Election: EC drops parental birth document requirement for 4.96 crore electors and their children in Bihar

The post DUJ stands by journalist Ajit Anjum after Bihar government lodges an FIR against him for ground reportage on ECI’s SIR process appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This was not just a death—it was a public indictment of the system, an institutional murder carried out by neglect, indifference, and patriarchal complicity. Her body burned because her voice was buried.

Six months of harassment, two suicide attempts, and deafening silence

The accused, Dr. Samir Kumar Sahu, was head of the Education Department. Over the past six months, he allegedly made sexual advances, then threatened to fail the student in exams and ruin her academic record when she refused, as reported by The Hindu. The student, an active member of Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), submitted formal complaints not only to her college’s Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) but also to Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, and the National Commission for Women (NCW).

But her pleas went unanswered. When she asked the principal, Dilip Ghose, for help, he allegedly mocked her and threatened rustication if she pursued her complaint. According to her family, the student had earlier tried to end her life twice due to the relentless harassment.

On July 1, she submitted a final complaint, warning she was under mental stress and could be forced to take an “extreme step.” On July 9, the college ICC gave a clean chit to Sahu, further isolating her. That same week, police claimed they were still waiting on the college’s response to her complaint before acting, according to the report of Hindustan Times.

The Act of Fire: A final protest no one could ignore

On the morning of July 13, the young woman staged a dharna outside the principal’s chamber. Moments after leaving his office, she poured petrol on herself and set herself ablaze, as caught on CCTV footage. Fellow students rushed to save her, several suffering injuries in the process.

She was rushed to Balasore District Headquarters Hospital and then shifted to AIIMS Bhubaneswar, where a team of 8 specialist doctors took charge of her care. Despite intensive efforts, including mechanical ventilation and renal therapy. She died on the night of July 14, reported by ANI.

In her final hours, President Droupadi Murmu and Odisha Governor Hari Babu Kambhampati visited her at AIIMS, and assured the family of every possible support. But to many watching, their presence seemed symbolic—arriving only after the flames had done their damage.

Arrests after Death: Too late, too convenient

Public outrage following her death forced the state’s hand. The Higher Education Department of Odisha suspended both Sahu and Ghose. Police arrested them for abetment of suicide, criminal intimidation, and for failing to act on sexual harassment complaints, according to Times of India.

But the student’s father, himself a clerk at a local college, said the system had already failed his daughter. As per TOI, he alleged that Sahu constantly harassed her over attendance, despite her having valid health and family emergencies. When she asked for leniency, he demanded sexual favours in return. No internal or police authority took decisive action, even after she detailed her distress.

A State Awash in Sexual Violence: Multiple incidents of rapes, gang rapes in the past one month

Her case is the most tragic, but not the only one. Odisha is now gripped by a disturbing wave of sexual violence, particularly targeting young women, minors, and vulnerable groups.in the month of June, at least seven major gang rape or assault cases were reported:

• June 15: A 20-year-old college student allegedly gang-raped by 10 men on Gopalpur Beach.
• June 16: A 17-year-old girl from Keonjhar allegedly gang-raped and murdered.
• June 17: A disabled woman allegedly sexually assaulted while bathing at a village pond.
• June 22: Two women, including a 22-year-old from Delhi, allegedly molested and attacked in Jajpur.
• June 23: A minor girl allegedly raped by a fake homeopathy doctor in Berhampur, aided by his assistant and an Anganwadi worker.
• June 24: A woman allegedly gang-raped at a deserted dhaba in Mayurbhanj.
• June 28: A Class 7 girl allegedly raped by her relative in Ganjam.

As reported by The Hindu, A white paper on crime, released by the Odisha Home Department in March 2025, recorded 3,054 rape cases in 2024—an 8% increase from 2023.

Political Firestorm: Sympathy, outrage, and damage control

The student’s death has catalysed rare bipartisan outrage. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) announced an All-Odisha Students’ Strike. Former CM Naveen Patnaik called it a “collapse of institutional protection”. The Congress dispatched a 5-member all-women fact-finding team, and the NCW demanded a full inquiry. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) issued notices to the Odisha government on both the self-immolation and the Gopalpur gang rape, as per the report of India Today.

Chief Minister Mohan Majhi visited AIIMS and promised “strict action” and “justice through fast-track courts.” But his government is already under fire for delayed police action, non-functioning ICCs, and an alarming breakdown of law and order, especially in educational institutions.

Conclusion: She burned because they wouldn’t listen

This was not a tragedy of impulse. It was the culmination of a system-wide failure—from the ICC to the police, from the classroom to the state assembly. The student wrote. She warned. She protested. And when no one believed her, she turned her own body into a burning letter of last resort.

If this death is allowed to fade into the next news cycle, it won’t just be an injustice to her. It will be a signal to every other survivor in Odisha, and across India, that silence is still safer than speaking out.

Her name may not be remembered, but the image of a young woman setting herself on fire in front of her college principal’s door, after being denied every possible avenue of justice, must haunt our collective conscience until every ICC function, every complaint is heard, and no girl has to burn just to be believed.

Related:

Beed to Delhi: Lawyer beaten in Maharashtra, judge threatened in Delhi—what the path for justice means for women practioners in today’s India

When Courts Fail Survivors: How patriarchy shapes justice in sexual offence against women cases

From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report

Surviving Communal Wrath: Women who have defied the silence, demanded accountability from the state

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“These lands will host a Rs 40,000 crore project. Tenders will be issued soon,” Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said at a press conference on June 22.

But the land in question is not barren. These are villages inhabited by more than 2,500 families, many of whom have lived there for generations, others who settled after their homes were swallowed by the Brahmaputra due to decades of riverbank erosion. These communities, mostly landless, economically marginalised Muslim families, have now been rendered homeless yet again.

Inhabitants say they were given barely 48 hours to dismantle their lives. No formal notices, no rehabilitation plans, no time to carry away their belongings. Some resistance was seen, but was met with massive police deployment, reportedly in the thousands, and dozens of bulldozers. The eviction drive wiped out homes, belongings, schools, a medical sub-centre, and power supply to the area. Schooling and medical services have ground to a halt.

Among the land being cleared, about 1,000 bighas is reportedly owned by patta (land-title) holders, who are being offered Rs 50,000 compensation and relocation, but even this is being questioned as woefully inadequate. “How can Rs 50,000 compensate for generations of stability, for homes, for access to land and schools?” asked one resident, while speaking to The Scroll.

Echoes of resistance in Bodoland

This is not the first time this patch of Assam has seen attempts to clear land for corporate interests. Earlier, a similar tract in the Parbatjhora area of the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) was marked for acquisition. But that land fell under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, offering protections to tribal areas. Strong opposition from the Bodo community, backed by segments of Assamese civil society, forced the government to halt the project—at least temporarily.

But in Dhubri, where the displaced are mostly Bengali-origin Muslims without political clout or Sixth Schedule protection, the bulldozers moved unhindered.

Goalpara: Second front of displacement

While homes were being razed in Dhubri, another front of mass eviction was underway in Goalpara district. On June 16, authorities cleared over 1,500 bighas of land in Hasila Beel, displacing 667 families and demolishing homes, shops, five lower primary schools, and a Jal Jeevan Mission water project.

Just weeks later, on July 12, eviction resumed in the Paikan Reserve Forest (PRF), a legally protected forest under the Krishnai Range. Officials said the land was notified as a reserve forest in 1982, but the Goalpara Lawyers’ Association has argued that forest rights claims of thousands living in the area remain unresolved. In 2022, they submitted a memorandum demanding compliance with the Assam Forest Regulation of 1891 and a proper settlement process before evictions.

That call went unheeded.

On July 12, 1,080 families, again largely Bengali-origin Muslims, were evicted. Officials confirmed that 2,700 structures were torn down using 40 bulldozers, with over 1,000 police personnel on site. While the administration claimed the operation was “peaceful,” rights groups argue that “peace” enforced by overwhelming force is not consent, and certainly not justice.

Lawyers and local leaders like Jiten Das and Wazed Ali spoke to The Scroll and pointed out that 472 villages in Goalpara have been lost to erosion over four decades, leaving thousands of displaced people with no alternative but to settle in forest or wetland zones. “These people did not invade the land. They escaped disaster and tried to survive,” said a local advocate, as per the report.

A pattern of targeting the vulnerable

In just a month, five major eviction drives have been carried out in four Assam districts, namely Dhubri, Lakhimpur, Nalbari and Goalpara displacing nearly 3,500 families, most of which are Bengali-origin Muslims. In every case, the pattern is disturbingly familiar: bulldozers arrive with little notice, security forces outnumber the unarmed residents, and no meaningful rehabilitation is offered.

The opposition has strongly criticised the government’s actions, calling the eviction policy arbitrary, anti-poor, and communally biased. There is growing concern that migrant Bengali-speaking Muslims are being selectively targeted, branded as “encroachers” or “illegal foreigners”, despite often having lived on the land for decades, even generations.

Many of the affected areas, such as the Brahmaputra basin and wetlands like Hasila Beel, have become refuge zones for communities displaced by environmental collapse. Now, they are being displaced again—this time by the bulldozer in service of “development.”

Bulldozing justice

The humanitarian cost of these operations is staggering: children pulled out of school, medical services shuttered, families forced to live under tarpaulins, and a future reduced to rubble. No comprehensive resettlement plan exists. No legal forum appears to be actively hearing the residents’ claims.

What the Assam government brands as a victory for industrial growth is, for the displaced, a catastrophic collapse of rights, dignity, and survival. And as bulldozers pave the way for corporate projects like Adani’s, what remains buried beneath the newly cleared land are the broken dreams of the very people who built their lives there—one flood, one setback, one shelter at a time.

Related:

India’s Stealthy Pushback: Thousands of alleged “Bangladeshi immigrants” deported without due process across states

Another Pushback Halted: SC stays deportation of woman declared foreigner, issues notice on challenge to Gauhati HC order

After incorrect detention claim, Gauhati HC was informed that Doyjan Bibi was handed over to BSF

“Bail once granted can’t be ignored”: Gauhati HC seeks legal basis for re-detentions of COVID-era released detainees

The post Development by Displacement: Assam evicts thousands for Adani project without due process appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Access to the camp would be through strict security screening to ensure entrants were not Hamas operatives. Once inside, the perimeter would be sealed off by the Israeli military. Palestinians would not be allowed to leave.

Eventually the camp would house the entire 2.1 million population of Gaza.

Camp construction would begin during the proposed 60-day ceasefire being negotiated by Israel and Hamas

‘Illegal and inhumane’

The plan is illegal, inhumane and risks worsening the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

The forced displacement and containment of any civilian population in an occupied territory is a violation of international humanitarian law.

Done on this scale would constitute a war crime and a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute.

The UN Security Council, UN General Assembly and UN Commission on Human Rights have all condemned instances of forced transfer in armed conflicts.

So too, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Red Crescent, which have stressed the fundamental prohibition of forced displacement of a civilian population and the need for all parties to respect this prohibition.

For their own protection?

Katz is describing the camp as a “humanitarian city”. The Israeli military says Palestinians would only be contained for their own protection.

As we have seen, civilian displacement is prohibited. But there is an exception if a case can be made either for military reasons or the protection of the population.

However, this exception only exists for as long as the conditions warrant for it to exist. Anyone subject to such an evacuation must be transferred back to their homes as soon as possible.

Imperative military reasons never justify the removal of a civilian population in order to persecute it. The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement entrenches the duty of international actors to avoid creating the conditions that might lead to the displacement of people.

Aid dilemma

Katz has indicated international organisations would be responsible for managing aid and services inside the area.

But Israel has a history of defying even orders from the International Court of Justice to allow humanitarian aid to reach the Palestinians in Gaza.

If international humanitarian agencies were called upon to service the camp, they would face a dilemma.

They would need to decide whether to cooperate in managing aid under conditions that compromise their neutrality and ethical standards, deny basic human rights and are built on violations of international law.

Aid groups would risk being complicit in a process that sets up a transit camp for Palestinians before possibly expelling them from Gaza altogether.

This “humanitarian city” would essentially become an open-air prison. Palestinians would be reliant on international aid under strict Israeli military control.

Mass expulsion?

Could the Rafah camp be a precursor to mass expulsion from Gaza and what does international law say about that?

Katz has been quoted saying Israel aims to implement “the emigration plan, which will happen” – meaning Gazans will eventually be forced to leave for other countries.

Changing the demographic composition of a territory – ethnic cleansing – achieved through the displacement of the civilian population of a territory is strictly prohibited under international law.

The idea of displacing Palestinians has long been part of Israeli strategic thinking, but this announcement signals a dangerous escalation and intention to permanently alter Gaza’s demographic landscape through displacement and containment.

Voluntary exodus?

According to Katz, Gazans would have the option of “voluntary” emigration.

Indeed, speaking at the White House this week, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said there would be no forced exodus from Gaza:

If people want to stay, they can stay, but if they want to leave, they should be able to leave.

But the scale of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza is incomprehensible.

The population has been displaced multiple times and 90% of homes in Gaza are damaged or destroyed. The healthcare, water, sanitation and hygiene systems have collapsed.

On average 100 Palestinians are killed daily as they try to access food.

These crisis circumstances negate the voluntary nature of any person’s consent to either the transfer to the Rafah camp or ultimately, the departure from Gaza.

According to Amos Goldberg, historian of the Holocaust at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, what the defence minister laid out was clear plans for the ethnic cleansing of Gaza:

[it is] a transit camp for Palestinians before they expel them. It is neither humanitarian nor a city.

Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The full text may be read here:

“This is to draw your attention to the ongoing process of ‘identification of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants’ by the Delhi police and several other agencies under directions from the Home Ministry. We have received several complaints of harassment of genuine citizens of India on
grounds that they speak Bengali. On July 10, 2025, we along with a team of leaders of the CPI(M) from Delhi visited Bawana JJ colony in Delhi and met several of the complainants. We were shocked to find blatant violation of minimum human rights, harassment and in some cases, corruption amounting to extortion.

“We give below some examples:

“1.    Md Nizamuddin, from Godda district, Jharkhand had migrated to Delhi several decades ago. Both he and his wife have family connections in Jharkhand. He was allotted a plot by DDA in 2004 in Bawana JJ colony and presently resides there. On July 5, a team of police personnel from the local thana went to his house and accused him of helping a Bangladeshi to get illegal papers. He explained to the police that the tenant was staying there three years ago and he has no contact and had no idea of the person’s whereabouts. On July 6, the police came back at around 6 am and they handcuffed Nizamuddin and in full public view, as though he is a hardened criminal, literally dragged him to the thana. This time they accused him of being a Bangladeshi. His 28 year old daughter Shabnam followed him to the thana and produced all the documents including the property the family owned in Jharkhand. However, the police beat Nizamuddin abusing him in filthy language asking him to confess that he gave shelter to a Bangladeshi and or else he would be declared a Bangladeshi. The police picked up his entire family including an 11 year old and an 8 year old, abusing them all the time. They were released at 1 am. Again the next day on July 8, at 6 am they were taken to Vijay Vihar police station. Here again they were harassed. Their photographs were repeatedly taken including the photographs of the young women of the family. It is to be noted that no senior officer was present during this period and some junior personnel, including someone from the SHO’s office were doing the interrogation, threatening, abusing and intimidating. After some time they were released. However in the next few days, teams of police from different thanas have been going to their house demanding to see their papers. They were told that all their photographs have been uploaded on a police site and therefore they should expect such police inquiries. This case is a clear example of the lawless behaviour of the police to harass law abiding citizens of India. This family’s reputation, particularly those of the young women, have been shredded by the repeated visits of the police. All such photos should be deleted from police records as the family are bonafide Indian citizens who have committed no crime. Also action should be taken against those who beat Nizamuddin in custody.

“2.    Sajan Saudagar Das who lives in the jhuggi settlement in Bawana C block was picked up by the police on May 6. He was taken to Pritampura thana and was badly beaten there by two policemen who abused him saying that he should confess that he is a Bangladeshi. When he pleaded with them, they hit him with lathis, threw him on the ground and kicked him on his ears with their boots. One ear was badly injured. Another police officer checked his mobile phone and then said that he was picked up “by mistake.” They later told him they had got “information” that he was speaking in Bengali and so they picked him up. This is another clear case of human rights violation.

“3.    We met three aged women from 60 years to 70 years who were brought to India from Bangladesh by their parents decades ago when they were children. Their parents have died years ago. These women have married in India, their children have been born and educated here and have their own families. All three of them are widows. They were picked up by the police and taken to the police chowki in Sector 5 where they were kept for three days and nights. All their documents were taken away from them. They were produced before an officer in RK Puram, their bio-metrics taken and then they were sent back to their jhuggis. Here too police from different thanas are going to their jhuggis to question them. They have lived in India for decades and their children are Indian citizens by birth. They have no families in Bangladesh. They live in terror every day that they will be forcibly deported. This treatment to such poor, vulnerable single women is inhumane and unjust.

“4.    Similar instances are there from other places in Delhi. For example in May, in Vivekanand Camp, Chankayapuri, the police took away all ID papers of Bengalis living in the area. It was also reported that police personnel were demanding money to return the papers. When some responsible social activists inquired into this and met the police, the senior officer said he had not given any such orders. Later, the papers were returned. In two other instances, the Crime Branch personnel from Kamla Nagar and Malviya Nagar picked up two citizens of India, who are Bengali Muslims and kept them in custody. They had proof of their birth and home in West Bengal, yet they were harassed. This happened on June 24.

“5.    On June 26, in a shocking incident, eight Bengali migrant workers living and working in Delhi were forcibly sent to Bangladesh despite having proof of their residence in Paika village in Birbhum district, West Bengal. Among them were a woman and a five-year-old child. What would be their plight in Bangladesh? Now their family members in Paika village are forced to undertake the expensive and difficult task of approaching the courts for justice. The process of identification of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh in the capital of India is an example of violation of minimum human rights. In the process, genuine Indian citizens are being targeted on grounds of language and religion. Is it now a crime in India to speak Bengali? Further, are all Bengali speaking Muslim citizens of India to be treated as criminals and illegal immigrants? We would like to remind you that 26 per cent of the population of West Bengal are Bengali speaking Muslims. Also, there are international norms for deportation of illegal immigrants. The present
methods of identification in Delhi violate all such norms.

“We hope you will consider these issues and intervene to restore human rights, humane behaviour of the law enforcement agencies and adequately compensate the victims for their losses.

Thanking you,
Yours sincerely,
Brinda Karat
(Special Invitee, CC & Ex-MP)
Anurag Saxena
(Delhi State Secretary & Member, CC)”

Related:

Bengali Migrant Workers Detained in Odisha: Calcutta High Court demands answers, seeks coordination between states

Bengali-Speaking Migrants Detained En Masse in Odisha: National security or targeted persecution?

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