While the Valley remains steeped in grief, the ripple effects of the attack have reached far beyond Jammu and Kashmir, causing a fresh wave of anxiety and hostility towards Kashmiri students studying across India. Reports of targeted harassment and violence have surfaced, prompting urgent responses from community organisations and political leaders alike.

Advisory Issued by the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association (JKSA)

In light of rising tensions and threats following the attack, the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association (JKSA) has issued an urgent advisory to all Kashmiri students pursuing education across various Indian states. The association appealed for restraint, advising students to remain indoors unless absolutely necessary, refrain from engaging in political discussions, and avoid posting sensitive content online.

Nasir Khuehami, National Convenor of JKSA, emphasised the volatile nature of the current environment. “We appeal to all Kashmiri students to maintain calm, avoid political debates or provocative content on social media, and not venture out unnecessarily,” he said through his social media account. The association also provided helpline numbers and has activated a dedicated response team to support students in distress and coordinate with local authorities where needed.

Pahalgam Bloodshed | J&K Students Association Issues Helpline & Advisory for Kashmiri Students

In the wake of the tragic Pahalgam attack that claimed over 28 innocent lives, the J&K Students Association (JKSA) has issued a safety advisory for Kashmiri students across India.

We… pic.twitter.com/Wf5acUieKA

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

Ummar Jamal, the National President of JKSA, condemned the terror attack unequivocally, calling it a “cowardly and inhumane act.” As per report of Rising Kashmir, Jamal reiterated that terrorism has no religion or justification and must be countered with unity and resolve. Expressing solidarity with the victims’ families, the association urged students to focus on their safety and academics, warning against being misled by those seeking to exploit the tragedy for political purposes.

Wave of Harassment against Kashmiri Students

In the immediate aftermath of the Pahalgam attack, JKSA reported a disturbing spike in harassment, abuse, and violence targeted at Kashmiri students in several Indian states, including Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, and Punjab.

• Uttarakhand (Dehradun): Around 20 Kashmiri students fled to Jolly Grant Airport after being threatened by members of the Hindu Raksha Dal. The group circulated videos threatening students with violence if they did not leave by a set deadline. Later, it was provided by Khuehami that an FIR has been registered against the members of the Hindu Raksha Dal, and arrests will follow shortly.

Uttrakhand:

I have spoken to the DGP of Uttarakhand, Deepam Seth Ji, regarding the open threats issued by members of the Hindu Raksha Dal to Kashmiri students, including an ultimatum asking them to vacate the state. I’ve been told FIR has been registered and arrests will follow…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

Lalit Sharma of Hindu Raksha Dal has ordered Kashmiri Muslims to leave Uttarakhand by tomorrow. He claims that their ‘teams’ will go on rounds from tomorrow and deal with any Kashmiri Muslim in their own way. This comes a day after the #pahalgamattack pic.twitter.com/F75WrdRV3n

— Amil Bhatnagar (@AmilwithanL) April 23, 2025

• Himachal Pradesh (Arni University, Kathghar and Kangra): Kashmiri students were assaulted in their hostel rooms by individuals who forcibly entered, broke doors, and physically attacked them while hurling communal slurs and branding them as terrorists.

Now Himachal Pradesh.

The situation is turning grim and deeply concerning. We have received frantic distress calls from Kashmiri students from Arni University, Kathghar (Indora), in Kangra, Himachal Pradesh who are being harassed, abused, and physically attacked by right-wing…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Punjab (Universal Group of Institutions, Derabassi, Chandigarh): Students were beaten up by a group of unidentified locals who stormed the hostel premises late at night armed with sharp weapons. One student suffered serious injuries; others were left shaken.

7th Incident:

Recieved Distress Calls from Universal Group of Institutions, Derabassi, Chandigarh, where Kashmiri students were brutally attacked inside the hostel premises during the night. Students said that, local individuals and other students forcefully entered the hostel… pic.twitter.com/QDf1iYjMlk

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

• Uttar Pradesh (Prayagraj): Reports emerged of students being asked to vacate accommodations by landlords and being forced to leave due to threats from local groups and police inaction.

Received multiple distress calls from Kashmiri students and youth in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. Landlords are asking them to vacate immediately, citing security concerns. Some have already left under pressure. This is alarming. Prayagraj is a sensitive region, and there are…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Noida (Amity University): As per The New Indian Express, a Kashmiri student was allegedly beaten severely on campus grounds. The matter has been brought to the attention of JKSA, which is in touch with university officials.
• Written threats to institutions (Dehradun): The Hindu Raksha Dal issued letters and warnings to various colleges, demanding the expulsion of Kashmiri Muslim students and threatening consequences if their demands weren’t met.

5th Incident: Now in Dehradun.

Hindu Raksha Dal and other Right Wing Elements has issued written threats to several colleges in Dehradun Uttrakhand, demanding the expulsion of Kashmiri Muslim students and setting a chilling ultimatum of 10 AM tomorrow. Just now, Around 20…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Social media threats: Viral videos have surfaced showing fringe groups inciting violence against Kashmiris, with direct calls for assault, eviction, and boycott—contributing to a climate of fear.

Political leaders and civil society react

The severity of the situation has prompted appeals from political leaders and civil society groups. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah confirmed that the state government is in touch with counterparts in other states to ensure the safety of Kashmiri students. “I’ve requested my counterpart Chief Ministers to take extra care,” he said in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

The J&K government is in touch with the governments of the states where these reports are originating from. I’m also in touch with my counterpart Chief Ministers in these states & have requested they take extra care. https://t.co/oMTx06o08Y

— Omar Abdullah (@OmarAbdullah) April 24, 2025

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti also expressed deep concern. In a statement, she said she had spoken with Union Home Minister Amit Shah, offering condolences for the victims of the attack while urging his immediate intervention to protect Kashmiris facing threats in various parts of the country. She condemned the role of extremist elements in inciting hate and stressed the need for the Centre to act decisively.

Spoke with Home Minister @AmitShah ji to extend my deepest condolences & also express solidarity with bereaved families of the Pahalgam terror attack. We stand with the nation in this hour of mourning. Also requested him to intervene in the wake of certain elements openly…

— Mehbooba Mufti (@MehboobaMufti) April 24, 2025

Sajad Lone, President of the People’s Conference, echoed these sentiments, calling on the Union Government to protect the lives and dignity of Kashmiri students. “They are being bullied, beaten, and evicted.” he stated.

There have been many incidents across the country wherein Kashmiri students are being harassed, beaten up, bullied and even asked to vacate their residential premises.
I request the union government to please ensure the safety of Kashmiri students.

— Sajad Lone (@sajadlone) April 24, 2025

A targeted campaign of hate

JKSA convenor Nasir Khuehami strongly criticised the coordinated nature of these incidents. “This is not just about security. It is a calculated, targeted campaign of hate and vilification against students from a specific region and identity,” he said

I have spoken to the office of the Leader of Opposition, @RahulGandhi Ji, regarding the growing incidents of harassment, intimidation, and threat calls targeting Kashmiri students across the country. LoP has expressed deep concern over these disturbing developments and assured…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

With at least seven major incidents of violence or harassment reported since the Pahalgam massacre, the situation remains deeply alarming. The JKSA continues to monitor developments closely, provide support to those affected, and appeal to national and state authorities for immediate action.

Conclusion: Urging unity, not vengeance

In the face of tragedy, the JKSA as well as the politicians of Jammu and Kashmir have consistently called for calm, compassion, and community support. It has reiterated that violence cannot be met with hate and scapegoating. As the country mourns the victims of the Pahalgam attack, there is an urgent need for national unity—not only against terror, but against the communal rhetoric that threatens to unravel social harmony.

For now, the focus remains on ensuring the safety and well-being of vulnerable students. Helpline numbers are operational, and support networks are being strengthened. But unless state authorities act swiftly and decisively, the consequences of unchecked bigotry could spiral further, exacerbating the very divisions that terrorists seek to exploit.

Related:

A Tranquil Paradise Shattered: The Pahalgam terror attack

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Muslims in Kashmir & across India strongly condemn Pahalgam terror attack

Indian Muslims, others, condemn the heinous massacre of tourists near Pahalgam, Kashmir

The post Pahalgam attack sparks nationwide turmoil, Kashmiri students face a chilling wave of hate across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Declared a ‘foreigner’ by Foreigners’ Tribunal No. 10 in Nagaon on October 31, 2016 (Case FT(D) No. 24/2015), Matleb had managed to secure bail from the Gauhati High Court in February 2017. But in September 2024, the same court upheld the Tribunal’s declaration. He was detained and sent to the Matia Transit Camp — Assam’s largest and newest detention facility — on December 5, 2024.

For five months, Matleb remained incarcerated in this high-security detention camp, far from his home in Hojai. He was seriously ill for much of that time of detention— taken to hospitals several times, even admitted for 17 days before Eid. Yet, according to his family, he had no serious health issues before his detention. Whatever illness consumed him began only after he was imprisoned. Even as he deteriorated, his family was never provided with a single medical record — neither during his detention, nor after his death.

On the evening of April 17, 2025, the family received a call from Matia officials. Matleb’s condition had worsened, they were told, and they should come see him. Given the long journey — over 300 kilometres from Hojai to Goalpara — the family asked if they could leave the next morning. The officials agreed. But just a few hours later, around 1 a.m., another call came. Matleb had been shifted to the Guwahati Medical College and Hospital (GMCH).

His wife, Husanara Begum, and her brother, Sarmul Islam, immediately left for Guwahati at 3 a.m. They reached the hospital by morning. But instead of finding Matleb under treatment, they were met with silence and evasion. It wasn’t until 3 pm — after hours of waiting and pleading — that Sarmul was allowed into the morgue. That is where he finally saw his brother-in-law, lifeless.

Abdul Matleb was the sole breadwinner for his family — a wife and four daughters, three of them still in school. He worked as a rock breaker, a job his wife also took up to support the household. But now, caught in mourning rituals and with no son to assist her, she cannot return to work. The family is left with no income, no explanation, and no justice.

Even during his medical visits, Matleb was treated as a criminal. He was often taken to hospitals in handcuffs. “Where would he run in that condition?” his brother-in-law had asked the police once. Only then were the cuffs removed.

In the most heart-wrenching moment of this story, the authorities who had insisted Matleb was a Bangladeshi handed over his body to be buried in the land where he was born, lived, and worked all his life. Initially, the family refused to accept the body. “If he was Bangladeshi, send his body there,” they told the officials. But eventually, they relented. His daughters, they felt, should have the chance to see their father one last time.

He was buried in a small graveyard just a few steps from his home in Hojai — the same place his ancestors were buried. A man declared a foreigner by the State was returned in death to the soil of his birth.

This tragedy did not happen in isolation. Similar deaths have occurred in Assam’s detention centres — and in each case, the bodies were quietly returned to their families in India. These stories lay bare the moral and administrative collapse of the state’s ‘foreigner detection’ mechanism.

When a team from Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) visited the family, there were no words that could make sense of the grief. Matleb’s youngest daughter, Abida, who studies in Class IV, could not speak. Her eyes were dry, her face blank. Her smile, her family said, has not returned.

Sarmul Islam, her maternal uncle, recounted the events while speaking to CJP Assam team, and said:

      “We got a call at 9 pm on April 17 saying his health was failing. We told them we’d come early next morning. They said okay.      Then around 1 am, they said he had been shifted to Guwahati. We left at 3 am. But when we reached, they kept us waiting for hours. Finally, after 3 pm, they showed us the body.”

      “We didn’t want to accept the body. If he was a foreigner, send him to Bangladesh, we said. But we thought of the girls. They should at least get to see him one last time.”

      “He never had a serious illness. All of this happened after he was taken to detention. He was taken to hospital four or five times. Only once was he in Guwahati for 13–14 days. They would call us, but never give us any reports. And every time, he was in handcuffs. Only once, after we requested, they removed them.”

“He had all his documents. This happened only because of two names — Abdul Matleb and Matleb Ali. That’s it. No one else in the family has a case. His parents, his relatives — all here. If he’s Bangladeshi, then they are too. But it was just him.”

Assam’s detention regime operates on a cruel paradox. People are declared foreigners on the flimsiest of grounds — spelling errors, document mismatches, legacy data discrepancies. They are then locked away in high-security camps, often far from their families, with little transparency, few legal safeguards, and no meaningful remedy.

Worse still, the system makes no sense even on its own terms. If Matleb was not Indian, why was his body given to his family in Hojai? Why was he buried in the local graveyard? The State has no answer. On behalf of CJP, a team of five set out early in the morning and travelled over eight hours to reach Abdul Matleb’s grieving family. But once there, we were left speechless. The pain in that home was beyond words, the moment beyond description. What can be said when a system, in the name of identifying ‘foreigners’, inflicts such relentless cruelty on its own people? Assam’s Foreigners Tribunals and detention camps have become a dark stain on our democracy—where those who belong are treated like criminals, and where justice is lost to bureaucracy and bias.

This issue has been raised repeatedly — by human rights organisations, especially CJP, in the national media, even in the Assam Legislative Assembly. Yet, the cycle of injustice grinds on.

Abdul Matleb was handcuffed in life and returned as an Indian only in death. In seeking to identify ‘foreigners’, the Indian State is erasing the dignity of its own citizens — and in cases like this, even their lives.’

Related:

CJP triumphs in securing bail for Assam’s Sahid Ali: A step towards restoring citizenship

Ajabha Khatun, among the 63 facing detention in Assam, seeks Supreme Court intervention, emphasis on pending legal remedies

SC: Only 10 deported, 33 of 63 contest foreigner status from the Matia Transit Camp, Assam

SC: Only 10 deported, 33 of 63 contest foreigner status from the Matia Transit Camp, Assam

The post Foreigner in Life, Indian in Death: The cruel end of Abdul Matleb in assam’s detention camp appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Sindhudurg, a formal memorandum was submitted to the District Collector by Shri Bhaskar Kasar, representing the coordinated anti-bill movement. Addressed to DM Walawalkar, the memorandum called for the scrapping of the MSPS Act, citing its unconstitutional overreach and misuse of the term ‘public security’ to suppress dissent and target marginalised communities.

In Nanded, members of the Jan Suraksha Vidhayak Virodhi Samiti staged a Satyagraha, sitting in peaceful protest under a banner demanding the immediate withdrawal of the Bill. Community leaders and activists took turns addressing the gathering, warning of the chilling implications of this law for citizens’ rights and democratic discourse.

Symbolic acts of protest also marked the day’s events. In a striking demonstration held in Goregaon (West), protesters staged a dharna to denounce what they called the “insidious intention of the State” in introducing a bill “mischievously titled” as a Jan Suraksha (Public Security) Act. One protester commented that “even canines have understood the threat to democracy,” referencing the presence of a protest dog draped in a sloganed banner—a biting visual critique of the government’s attempt to silence criticism.

At Beed district, part of the Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar (Aurangabad) division, a mass sit-in was held outside the Collector’s Office. People’s movements and Left front parties jointly led the action, warning that the Bill aims to usher in an era of “autocratic rule” by robbing citizens of their constitutionally guaranteed freedoms. Placards and speeches throughout the day declared: “Under the guise of Jan Suraksha, they are snatching away our right to speak, to organise, to protest. This is not security—this is suppression.”

In Raigad, parallel protests took place both at the District Collector’s Office and the Tehsildar’s Office in Uran.

While Mumbai’s Bandra Collectorate saw a gathering of progressive groups rallying under the slogan: “Awaken, progressive society of Mumbai! Join the protest against the anti-people Maharashtra Public Security Act on April 22nd at 3 PM in front of the Bandra Collector’s Office. Scrap the Jan Suraksha Act. Inquilab Zindabad!”

In Nanded, the Jan Suraksha Vidhayak Virodhi Samiti held a Satyagraha demanding the scrapping of the Maharashtra Public Security Bill 2024. Protesters gathered under a large tent bearing banners that read “Jan Suraksha Vidhayak Radd Karo”, asserting that the law was aimed at silencing dissent and eroding constitutional freedoms.

Speeches were delivered by Comrade Sanjay Nangare (Shiv Sena UBT), Adv. Avinash Magre (Congress), Dr. Amol Phadke (Congress), and Dattatray Funde (Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana), all sharply criticising the Bill’s provisions and the threat they pose to democracy. A memorandum was submitted to Tehsildar Prashant Sangade during the demonstration.

Key attendees included Com. Adv. Subhash Lande (CPI), Bhagwanrao Gaikwad, Babanrao Pawar, Dattatray Are, Vaibhav Shinde, Ram Lande, Vishnu Gore, Balasaheb Mhaske, Ashok Najan, Adv. Afroz Shaikh, Babulal Sayyed, Geeta Thorve, Anjali Bhujbal, Mrs. Sable, and others.

In Thane, members of the Bharat Jodo Abhiyan and the Maharashtra State Workers’ Union (Thane district) staged a protest outside the District Collector’s office, decrying the Maharashtra Public Security Bill 2024 as anti-democratic and anti-worker.

The diverse and decentralised nature of these protests reflects the intensity of opposition to the MSPS Bill across Maharashtra.

Critics of the Bill have raised serious constitutional and legal objections. The Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 allows the state to declare any organisation “unlawful” for acting against the “security of the state” or “public order”—terms that remain undefined and dangerously vague. The Bill gives sweeping powers to the police, including warrantless searches and seizures, extended pre-trial detention, and immunity from prosecution. It also empowers the government to seize the property of those accused, even before conviction, and criminalises ‘support’ to unlawful organisations in ways that can encompass mere association, speech, or financial transactions.

Legal experts and rights defenders have warned that the legislation mirrors the most repressive features of central laws like the UAPA and the erstwhile TADA, but with weaker procedural safeguards. It also bypasses judicial scrutiny by allowing the executive to set up “Public Security Councils” to take punitive action. These measures, protestors argue, are not about ensuring safety but about consolidating power and shrinking democratic space.

As the protests continue to gather momentum and testimonies of resistance pour in from across the state, the message is clear: the people of Maharashtra are not willing to cede their rights in the name of a security paradigm that criminalises dissent.

Related:

Maharashtra Rises in Protest: State-wide agitation against draconian Maharashtra Public Safety Bill on April 22

Understanding the Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024 | Threat to Civil Liberties?

CJP sends objections against Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024, citing grave threats to civil liberties

Press Release: Experts warn, Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill a threat to civil liberties

Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill: Bogey of “urban naxals” invoked to legitimise clamping down of dissent?

The post From Sindhudurg to Mumbai, Maharashtra erupts in protest against repressive public safety bill appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This selective censorship doesn’t just stifle dissenting voices — it shapes the nation’s cultural memory. By muting anti-caste icons, distorting histories of resistance, and erasing portrayals of state brutality, the CBFC is actively curating what stories are allowed to be told, and by extension, what truths can be collectively remembered. What remains is a sanitised cinematic landscape, stripped of its radical edges and emptied of the marginalised voices that once sought to fill its frames.

Phule: When telling the truth becomes ‘too casteist’

Ananth Mahadevan’s Phule, a biopic starring Pratik Gandhi and Patralekhaa, tells the story of Jyotiba and Savitribai Phule — pioneering 19th-century anti-caste reformers who fought Brahminical patriarchy, opened schools for women and Dalits, and laid the foundation for radical social change. The film was timed to release on April 11, 2025, Jyotiba Phule’s birth anniversary, but was postponed to April 25— after the CBFC demanded the removal or alteration of multiple words and lines related to caste and historical oppression.

Among the cuts were references to specific caste groups (“Mahar”, “Mang”), systems (“Manusmriti”), and regimes (“Peshwai”), as well as lines like “3,000 saal purani gulaami” (3,000-year-old slavery), which the CBFC asked to be softened to “kai saal purani hai” (it is ancient). References to Manu, caste, and the ideological roots of the Varna system were deemed “sensitive,” effectively scrubbing the Phules’ own language and political vocabulary from their story.

These interventions came after lobbying from Brahmin organisations such as the Brahmin Federation, led by Anand Dave, who claimed the film unfairly demonised Brahmins and failed to acknowledge those among them who had supported Phule. This is despite the fact that Phule’s writings — including Gulamgiri — explicitly and systematically critiqued Brahminism and caste violence. By censoring casteist realities, the CBFC has not just interfered with a film; it has interfered with a historical reckoning.

As director Mahadevan put it while speaking to Times of India, “We should not sugarcoat history.” He revealed that the film’s script was based on extensive archival research, including Phule’s own writings, government records, and educational archives. He had deliberately chosen not to romanticise or soften the injustices of the time. That the CBFC found the truth too inflammatory speaks volumes.

Political leaders like Jitendra Awhad (NCP-SP) publicly condemned the CBFC’s decision, accusing the board of succumbing to pressure from upper-caste groups. “What is true must be shown,” Awhad stated, warning against the sanitisation of social justice struggles in popular media. The episode reignites long-standing questions: whose history is acceptable to depict on screen? And who gets to decide?

Silencing the struggles of the marginalised

Phule is not the only film to face such erasure. In fact, its very existence is an exception — Hindi cinema has rarely engaged with Dalit-Bahujan histories in a meaningful or centralised way. Earlier Marathi films like Mahatma Phule (1954) and Satyashodhak (2023) have attempted to honour his legacy, but no Hindi-language film with a nationwide release has previously placed Jyotiba or Savitribai at the centre of the frame.

The CBFC’s actions have the potential to ensure that such legacies remain ghettoised within regional spheres. Its interventions render Phule’s politics legible only in diluted, caste-neutral terms — which is antithetical to the very purpose of their lives’ work. This signals a broader refusal to engage with the intellectual and political lineage of caste annihilation movements. In censoring Phule, India is not just denying a film; it is denying memory.

Punjab ’95: Sanitising the state’s sins

In a similar vein, Punjab ’95 — directed by Honey Trehan and starring Diljit Dosanjh — faced an even more severe gauntlet from the CBFC. The film is a biopic of Jaswant Singh Khalra, the human rights activist who exposed the illegal mass cremation of over 25,000 Sikhs killed in fake encounters during the Punjab insurgency. The CBFC initially demanded 85 cuts, later escalating to nearly 120, including removing references to specific locations, Sikh scriptures, international bodies, and — most damningly — Khalra’s name and the film’s title.

Khalra’s widow, Paramjit Kaur Khalra, had condemned the demands, reminding the public that the film had been made with the family’s full consent. As per Hindustan Times, she had noted, “Hiding Punjab’s truth will benefit no one.” The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) also defended the film’s accuracy and called for its unaltered release. The struggle that movies who depict a historical event of India’s past, which might want to be forgotten or ignored, is emblematic of how truth itself is policed.

The politics of what gets censored — and what doesn’t

These censorship decisions are not isolated or apolitical. Films like MSG-2: The Messenger (2015), which portrayed Adivasis as “shaitans” (devils), were allowed to release — and even received enthusiastic endorsement from followers of Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, despite his criminal convictions. The Kashmir Files (2022) and Kerala Stories (2023), accused of communal polarisation, received tax exemptions and direct political promotion. In stark contrast, films like Haider (2014) and Udta Punjab (2016) faced extensive censorship for exposing state violence or drug abuse.

This contrast underscores a chilling trend: the CBFC functions less as a neutral regulator of public sensibilities, and more as an ideological gatekeeper. Stories that challenge Hindu upper-caste hegemony or question state violence are obstructed; stories that reinforce them are amplified.

Conclusion: Censorship as historical violence

The CBFC’s treatment of Phule and Punjab ’95 reveals a deeper crisis of memory in India. Censorship is not merely about content — it is about control over collective narratives, about what histories are allowed to survive. In rendering caste violence “too sensitive” for public viewing, the state sends a clear message: caste can be discussed, but only within state-sanctioned parameters. Similarly, police brutality and human rights violations can be mentioned — but only if the perpetrator is not the state itself.

At stake is not just artistic freedom but historical truth, democratic debate, and the public’s right to remember. To censor films like Phule and Punjab ’95 is to erase the very people and movements who fought to make India more equal, more just, and more humane. If the truth makes some uncomfortable, that is all the more reason for it to be shown.

Related:

Maharashtra Rises in Protest: State-wide agitation against draconian Maharashtra Public Safety Bill on April 22

Beed to Delhi: Lawyer beaten in Maharashtra, judge threatened in Delhi—what the path for justice means for women practioners in today’s India

Fiction as history and history honestly portrayed: a tale of two films and a documentary

Congress Radio, the power of revolutionary change: Lessons from ‘Ae Watan Mere Watan’, the film

The post Erasing Resistance: How the CBFC is censoring films that challenge caste and state power appeared first on SabrangIndia.

For the past six weeks, an unprecedented coordination effort has been underway, uniting left parties, progressive organisations, human rights groups, and people’s movements across the state. This united front—comprising the CPI, CPI(M), Shetkari Kamgar Paksh, CPIML, Lal Nishan Party, Satyashodhak Communist Party, Shramik Mukti Dal, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), PUCL, and Sarvahara Jan Andolan, among others—has culminated in this planned day of state-wide action. Major opposition parties including the Maha Vikas Aghadi and its constituents—Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), Indian National Congress, and NCP (Sharad Pawar)—have also publicly extended their support to these protests.

Thousands of pamphlets have been disseminated across the state, particularly those authored by CJP, outlining the bill’s draconian provisions and urging citizens to join the resistance. The agitation on April 22 will span virtually every major district in Maharashtra, covering district collectorates, tehsil and taluka offices, and important public squares. In Mumbai, demonstrators will gather outside the Collectorate in Bandra. In Pune, protests will take place at the Collectorate and in Ambegaon and Junnar. In Nagpur, the protest will take place around Samvidhan Chowk. Thane district will see action at the Collector’s Office, as well as in Vikramgad, Dahanu, Talasari, Jawhar, and Palghar tehsils. Additional protest locations in Thane include Shahapur tehsil.

Planned protests across Maharashtra

On April 22, widespread demonstrations, dharnas, and sit-ins will be held at government offices, district collectorates, and tehsil headquarters across multiple districts of the state. The key protest sites include:

• Mumbai – At the Collector’s Office, Bandra
• Pune – Collectorate and Ambegaon, Junnar offices
• Nashik – Collectorate and Tehsildar Offices in Surgana, Kalwan, Dindori, Chandwad, Peth, Trimbak, Nandgaon, Malegaon, Malegaonshahar, and Niphad
• Thane – Vikramgad, Dahanu, Talasari, Jawhar, Palghar, Shahapur Tehsildar’s Office and District Collectorate
• Ahmednagar (Ahilyanagar) – Collectorate, Sangamner Provincial Office, Shevgaon Tehsil Office
• Nagpur – Samvidhan Chowk
• Wardha – Collector’s Office
• Amravati – Collector’s Office and Tehsildar’s Office
• Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar – Divisional Commissioner’s Office
• Jalna – Collector’s Office and Partur Provincial Office
• Nanded, Satara, Sangli, Jalgaon, Solapur, Dhule, Chandrapur, Akola, Gondiya, Bhandara – Collector’s Offices
• Parbhani – Collector’s Office and Tehsil Offices at Shelu, Manawat, Pathri, and Purna
• Buldhana – Tehsildar Offices at Khamgaon, Malkapur, Sangrampur
• Gadchiroli – Tehsildar’s Office, Armori
• Raigad – Uran Tehsildar’s Office
• Kolhapur District – Protests coordinated by the Left Front at multiple locations: Collector’s Office, Ichalkaranji, Gadhinglaj, Kagal, Ajra, Radhanagari, Bhudargad, and Shahuwadi Tehsildar’s Offices

These demonstrations are expected to bring together thousands of protestors, including workers, farmers, students, lawyers, and community organisers. The agitation has witnessed an unprecedented unification of ideological and political forces.

Concerns about the bill

The scale and intensity of the agitation reflect the deep concern that the Maharashtra Special Public Safety Bill, 2024 poses a grave threat to democratic freedoms and civil liberties. Although framed by the state as a public safety initiative, the bill has been widely criticised for granting the government extensive powers to enable surveillance, detain, and suppress dissent. Civil liberties groups, including CJP and other rights organisations, warn that the legislation empowers the state to criminalise peaceful protest and legitimate political expression under vague definitions of “unlawful activity.”

Incidentally, the Maharashtra government had invited public comments and criticisms on the Bill, to be submitted by April 1. Among thousands of others, Citizens for Justice and Peace had also submitted an elaborate critique. This may be read here.

Problematic sections

The Advisory Board envisaged under Section 5 is also problematic. Unlike earlier legal frameworks which mandated sitting or retired High Court judges, this Bill allows for individuals merely qualified to be appointed judges, diluting judicial independence and creating scope for politically aligned appointments.

The Bill also provides for arbitrary seizure and eviction powers. Section 9 empowers District Magistrates or Police Commissioners to take over any notified area and evict its residents with little to no legal oversight. Section 10 further extends this to allow the confiscation of moveable property, which could be used to cripple individuals or organisations financially.

Perhaps most shockingly, Section 12 bars those detained under this law from seeking redress in district courts, forcing them to approach only the High Court or Supreme Court. This effectively removes a critical layer of legal protection for common citizens and disproportionately affects the poor and marginalised who may lack the means to access higher courts.

Finally, Sections 14 and 15 grant blanket immunity to police officers and bureaucrats, even in cases where they are found to have abused the law. This creates a culture of impunity, with no accountability for misuse or excesses.

A direct threat to Constitutional freedoms

Legal experts and rights groups assert that the MSPS Bill poses a serious threat to several constitutional rights, including:

• Article 19 – Freedom of speech, assembly, and association
• Article 21 – Right to life and personal liberty
• Article 14 – Right to equality before the law

By granting unchecked powers to the executive and removing essential judicial safeguards, the Bill represents an alarming shift toward authoritarian governance. The concerns raised go beyond legal technicalities—this is a battle to preserve the democratic ethos of Maharashtra and, by extension, India.

In response, this April 22 protest will serve as a powerful expression of public resistance. It is not just a symbolic protest, but a collective demand for the preservation of democracy, civil liberties, and constitutional values in Maharashtra. The coming together of political parties, civil society groups, and grassroots organisations is a rare but urgent show of unity against legislation that threatens to fundamentally alter the relationship between the state and its citizens.

Related:

Understanding the Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024 | Threat to Civil Liberties?

CJP sends objections against Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024, citing grave threats to civil liberties

Press Release: Experts warn, Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill a threat to civil liberties

Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill: Bogey of “urban naxals” invoked to legitimise clamping down of dissent?

The post Maharashtra Rises in Protest: State-wide agitation against draconian Maharashtra Public Safety Bill on April 22 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The recent applications were filed in response to the ongoing misuse of anti-conversion laws by several states. The petition was heard by a bench comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Sanjay Kumar.

Within weeks of the ordinance being first enforced in Uttar Pradesh in 2020 and then being passed as a law (2021) incidents of assault, violence and intimidation against adult couples, especially those belonging to marginalised sections were reported, and these in the past four years plus, have only intensified.  Set in its path the Uttar Pradesh government however, further amended the law last year in 2024, amending sections to further enhance punitive measures, both monetary and penal for those that the state considers “offenders.” CJP’s present applications incorporate these developments.

Senior Advocate CU Singh, representing CJP, argued that the anti-conversion laws were being “weaponised” to target specific communities and interfaith couples, stressing that the laws were being misused repeatedly. Singh requested the bench to issue a notice on the application for interim relief to prevent further misuse of these laws, which he claimed were infringing upon individual freedoms, including the right to marry across faiths. He also urged that the most damaging sections be stayed until the final hearing of the matter.

In response, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta countered, stating that there were no instances of misuse to support the claims made by CJP. At this point, CJI Khanna instructed Attorney General R. Venkataramani to review the various petitions and instances being highlighted, and inform the Court which applications the Union government may not oppose, while also filing responses where objections existed. The Court directed that non-applicants submit their responses to the applications, even in the absence of a formal notice being issued. The matter has now been scheduled to be heard again on a non-miscellaneous day, ensuring that proceedings would move forward expeditiously.

The hearing that took place on April 16 formed part of a larger challenge to the constitutionality of anti-conversion laws, with CJP asserting that such laws violate individuals’ freedom of choice and the right to choose their religion. Additionally, Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has also filed a transfer petition to have 21 cases pending in six High Courts consolidated before the Supreme Court. In Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, High Courts have granted partial stays to some sections. These interim orders have also been challenged by these state governments before the Supreme Court.

Details of the IA filed by CJP

The interim application (IA) filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace in the Supreme Court is aimed at emphasising how the practice of the law –over the past four years and more –has resulted in widespread mis-use, to further enhance the original argument on constitutionality of the statutes. The IA contains a detailed table of reported instances of mis-use and attacks on fundamental freedons of life and choice especially from Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Madhya Pradesh. The application specifically addresses the pattern of abuse of these laws to target women, couples and also to harass minorities, including Christians and Muslims, under the pretext of ‘regulating religious conversions.’

The CJP has contended that these anti-conversion laws, although allegedly framed to prevent forced conversions, are being weaponised by far right organizations and state authorities to falsely accuse individuals, create a climate of fear, and discriminate against minorities. One of the key concerns highlighted in the IA is the pattern of abuse by far right groups, who use these laws to initiate false complaints and pressure law enforcement to act against individuals or communities, often without any credible evidence. In several instances, these complaints are lodged by third parties with vested interests, such as organisations or individuals aligned with right-wing political agendas, rather than the individuals or families affected by the alleged conversions.

The application further argues that the laws do not provide adequate safeguards against misuse, with one of the major concerns being the tendency of state authorities to act on complaints without conducting any preliminary inquiry or verification. This has led to arbitrary arrests, detentions, and the imposition of social and legal stigma on the accused, particularly from minority communities. The CJP has urged that the Court issue detailed guidelines mandating a pre-FIR inquiry by competent authorities to prevent the misuse of these laws. The organisation has emphasised that such safeguards are necessary to ensure that the laws are not used for political or social persecution, which is the current trend in certain states.

CJP has also raised the concern that these laws violate fundamental rights, including the right to freedom of religion and the right to live with dignity. The application has cited multiple instances where individuals, particularly from marginalized communities, have been wrongfully accused under these laws, leading to their harassment, societal alienation, and even criminal charges based on unfounded allegations. This is particularly evident in Uttar Pradesh, where the law has been used extensively to target Muslim communities, despite there being no evidence of forced conversions.

A significant concern raised in the IA pertains to the 2024 amendment to the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act. This amendment removed a key safeguard that had previously limited the filing of complaints to the person whose conversion was allegedly coerced or their immediate family. Following the amendment, any individual—including politically motivated third parties or members of Hindutva groups—can now lodge a complaint, regardless of their relationship to the concerned parties. CJP has argued that this has legitimised and expanded the role of communal vigilantes, allowing them to misuse the law to harass consenting adults in interfaith relationships, often with the support or inaction of law enforcement agencies. Additionally, stringent punishments have also been introduced through the said amendment.

In light of these abuses, the CJP has requested urgent judicial intervention from the Supreme Court. Specifically, the IA seeks interim relief in the form of directions to the authorities to ensure that no FIR is registered under the anti-conversion laws without a thorough investigation and a genuine, evidence-based complaint. It has also urged the Court to consider issuing interim guidelines that would prevent the automatic registration of cases and would impose a more rigorous procedural requirement before such charges can be brought.

The application stresses that these anti-conversion laws, instead of protecting individual rights, have become tools for furthering divisive and discriminatory agendas, violating the constitutional guarantees of equality and religious freedom. By seeking these safeguards and judicial oversight, CJP hopes to curb the misuse of these laws and ensure that they are not used to further religious persecution or target specific communities under the guise of religious freedom.

Brief background of the petition

In February 2021 notice had been issued to Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh. Then in 2023, the Supreme Court had issued notice to five states—Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Jharkhand, and Karnataka—following a renewed challenge to their anti-conversion laws. This petition, filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), was a continuation of their previous challenge to similar laws in Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttarakhand. 

The CJP writ petition, amended in 2023, challenged the constitutionality of anti-conversion laws passed by these states, arguing that these laws violate fundamental rights, particularly the freedom of individuals to marry and convert based on their personal choices. This renewed challenge followed CJP’s initial petition in 2020, which led to the issuance of notices by the Supreme Court. The Court had granted CJP permission to amend its original writ petition to include newer anti-conversion laws enacted in additional states. The petition contends that the laws have been weaponised to harass and intimidate interfaith couples, often under the guise of combating “Love Jihad.” According to CJP, the laws not only infringe on personal freedoms but also legitimize discriminatory and unconstitutional practices that target minorities, especially women, and exacerbate communal tensions.

This table, computed for the CJP’s 2020 petition and presented to the Court, computes the most egregious sections of the law in some of these states:

Central to CJP’s arguments has been the assertion that the anti-conversion laws create an atmosphere of suspicion around interfaith marriages, subjecting them to legal and social scrutiny. These laws equate conversion for marriage with coercion, fraud, or force, thus casting a shadow over consensual, interfaith unions. The petition had highlighted several troubling provisions, including mandatory prior and post-conversion reporting requirements, vague and overbroad definitions of “inducement” or “allurement,” and a reversed burden of proof, which forces individuals to prove that their conversion and marriage were not coercive. CJP has argued that such provisions violate key constitutional rights, including the right to privacy, autonomy, and the freedom of conscience under Articles 14, 21, and 25.

Moreover, CJP has contended that these laws disproportionately target interfaith couples, effectively deterring individuals from exercising their right to choose their partner and religion freely. The petition asserted that the laws, while ostensibly neutral, disproportionately affect certain religious communities and undermine the secular ethos enshrined in the Constitution. By criminalising conversions linked to marriage, the laws place unnecessary hurdles in the way of interfaith unions, undermining both personal freedoms and the very fabric of constitutional equality. As the matter progresses, the Court’s eventual decision could have significant implications for the legal treatment of religious conversions and interfaith marriages in India, potentially reshaping the boundaries of personal freedom and religious choice.

Detailed reports may be read here and here.

Related:

SC issues notice to 5 states in CJP’s renewed challenge to anti-conversion laws

CJP plea against anti-conversion laws: SC seeks to know status of cases challenging ‘anti conversion’ laws in HCs

CJP, other rights groups challenge Maharashtra Govt GR setting up a Committee to “monitor inter-faith marriages”

The post “Anti-conversion laws being weaponised”: CJP urges SC to curb misuse of anti-conversion statutes by states appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire political class is silent.

The ruling party has not attempted to hide what easily could be called its genocidal actions in Bastar. Union home minister Amit Shah proclaims it loud and clear. But no opposition leader raises a voice. On the political stage, otherwise, Shah is cornered on a number of things he does. Except this. There is no delegation to meet the President, no hurried press conference, no demand for a white paper, or an investigation. The opposition seems to act as though it has not heard anything, not seen anything, not noticed anything.

Are we seeing the tragic and evil consensus of India’s political class? Are we witness to the outer limits of the democratic idea of India, even in the best version as proposed by the most progressive forces in India’s parliament? Rahul Gandhi, Mahua Mitra, Shashi Tharoor, Asaduddin Owaisi…they have all been silent.

Some of them might be privately attempting to wash their guilt by avidly following the news of the killings, but it is as though they are following a secret medieval covenant not to say anything in public. True to form, the media doles news of the killings as though these are reports of a natural calamity, like death due to lightning or a thunderstorm. What is there to discuss or deliberate? Nothing at all.

Various political parties represent or claim to represent the different social sections, castes, tribes, regions and religious communities that comprise India. Even Adivasi representatives sit in the parliament. They are all silent. In effect, the parliament is sanctioning vigilante action.

What is the covenant which binds them all? What tells them that it is best to quietly focus on other things, and look the other way?

They seem to agree on a so-called structural necessity of the Bastar killings.

Given this scenario, we must step up and act in conscience. We should lobby and sensitise parliament and go on to appeal to the legislators to uphold a moral conscience and intervene to “save democracy”.

But this will only add to the pool of self-righteousness ailing the world. Instead let us recognise how things really stand. Let us read the writing on the wall. Just pause and take note. And learn about the consensus – the silent and rather lethal consensus – which sustains India’s democracy. We must try to learn about the much vaunted “constitutional morality” the republic serves platitudes about – the constitutional morality which the opposition always claims to struggle to save, uphold and defend.

Perhaps the first thing we get to learn is that the political class as a whole has a common enemy. This opposition to that enemy binds all the stakeholders of India’s democracy. They all fear an enemy. And they must unite to kill and finish off that enemy.

Amidst the fractious squabbling between the BJP and the opposition parties, national and regional, it might be difficult to perceive the internal coherence of the Indian political class and the establishment. So consider this: Manmohan Singh might have declared that Maoists are the greatest internal security threat, but it is Amit Shah who acts on it. So does Salwa Judum and Special Police Officers, the others.

This is an issue on which Shah and Chidambaram are on the same page. If there is one thing RSS and the Congress agree on, it would be this. Secularism and communalism appear as one.

The struggle towards the just that morally and politically legitimises the republic loses its efficacy. The moral fibre of the republic is at its weakest here. No wonder then that the Indian parliament recoils from ever having to come face to face with such deep moral blind spots where hypocrisy runs free.

The post Why Indian Democracy Feels No Shame About the Bastar Killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

What made the act even more egregious was its violation of a binding Supreme Court ruling in Re: Directions in the matter of Demolition of Structures, which clearly held, and reaffirmed the already granted fundamental rights of the citizens, that state authorities cannot demolish homes merely because the residents are accused or convicted of crimes. In its affidavit, filed through Executive Engineer (Slums) Kamlesh Chavan, the NMC astonishingly claimed it was unaware of the Supreme Court’s directions — a justification that prompted not only judicial rebuke but also public outrage. This case lays bare the persistent dangers of “bulldozer justice”, the misuse of urban planning laws to punish the marginalised, and the systemic failure of state machinery to uphold fundamental rights, especially the right to shelter.

What follows is a breakdown of the sequence of events, the High Court’s intervention, and a critical analysis of the NMC’s defence, including its shocking reliance on bureaucratic ignorance in the face of constitutional obligations.

Background: Demolition in the shadow of violence

On March 21, 2025, Jehrunissa Shamim Khan, mother of Fahim Khan — the accused in a recent incident of communal violence in Nagpur — received a demolition notice from the Nagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC). The notice, issued under the Maharashtra Slum Areas (Improvement, Clearance and Redevelopment) Act, 1971, sought to raze her two-storey home in Sanjay Bagh Colony, Yashodhara Nagar.

On March 24, despite the matter being mentioned before the Bombay High Court earlier that day, NMC authorities carried out the demolition amidst heavy police presence and drone surveillance. The action was described by the civic body’s counsel as a fait accompli, suggesting that the operation had already been concluded by the time legal redress could be effectively sought.

A division bench of Justices Nitin Sambre and Vrushali Joshi, however, took serious note of the NMC’s conduct and stayed further demolition action. It observed that the municipal authorities had prima facie acted in violation of the Supreme Court’s ruling which had clearly held that the State cannot demolish a person’s house merely because they are accused or convicted in a crime. The bench also noted that another accused, Abdul Hafiz, had received a similar notice and his house too was partially demolished. The High Court’s order stayed all further action under the March 21 notices.

The Court made clear that it would evaluate the legality of both the notice and the demolition upon submission of affidavits from the Municipal Commissioner and Executive Engineer.

Detailed report may be read here.

The NMC’s Defence: Unawareness and apology

In compliance with the Court’s direction, the NMC filed an affidavit before the High Court on April 15, 2025, through Kamlesh Chavan, Executive Engineer (Slums). The affidavit opened with an unconditional apology for acting contrary to the Supreme Court’s judgment.

As per a report in the LiveLaw, Chavan stated that “At the outset, I am tendering an unconditional apology to this Court to have made this Court to observe that the authorities have acted against the petitioner’s unauthorised construction in contravention to the judgment of the Supreme Court.”

Additionally, the affidavit claimed that the NMC and its officers were unaware of the Supreme Court’s 2022 judgment as no circulars or guidelines had been issued by the Maharashtra government or the Town Planning Department to that effect. The deponent maintained that no such communication was issued under the Maharashtra Slum Areas Act or by any state department. As such, the demolition was carried out under the provisions of the existing statute, not in conscious disobedience of apex court orders.

The affidavit added that on March 21, police authorities had sought details of the properties of those accused in the violence and asked NMC to act against any unauthorised structures. Upon examining documents, the civic body allegedly found that Khan and others could not furnish sanctioned building plans, leading to the issuance of a demolition notice with a one-day deadline.

The NMC insisted that there was no “malafide intention” in the action taken and that the steps were purely statutory.

‘Ignorance of the Law is No Excuse’: A hollow defence

The NMC’s claim of ignorance is not only legally untenable — it is deeply troubling. The principle that ignorance of the law is no excuse (ignorantia juris non excusat) is foundational to any legal system. This rule applies even more strictly to state actors and public authorities, whose job it is to uphold and implement the law in letter and spirit.

The Supreme Court’s ruling in the 2022 Demolition of Structures case was not an obscure judgment. It was delivered in response to widespread concern over the use of demolition as extrajudicial punishment, particularly against accused persons from minority communities. The Court had also directed all Chief Secretaries of states and Union Territories to issue necessary circulars to local authorities, ensuring dissemination and compliance.

That the NMC never received or acted upon such instructions reflects a systemic failure of governance and communication. But it does not absolve individual officers of responsibility. Civic bodies are expected to stay updated on legal developments, especially those concerning fundamental rights. Pleading ignorance in the face of an explicit and binding Supreme Court ruling reflects negligence at best, and wilful disregard at worst.

Loss of shelter, erosion of dignity

Beyond the legal infractions lies a far more serious human rights issue — the loss of the right to shelter. Article 21 of the Indian Constitution protects the right to life and personal liberty, which courts have interpreted to include the right to live with dignity and the right to shelter. The demolition of Jehrunissa Khan’s home was not just an administrative act; it was an act of dispossession — a violent stripping away of security and dignity from a citizen.

To issue a demolition notice with a mere 24-hour response window, without independent verification or due process, is a mockery of natural justice. That the demolition was carried out even as the matter was mentioned before a constitutional court, makes it all the more egregious.

This is not a case of poor documentation or regulatory lapse. It is a stark example of punitive governance, where bulldozers are deployed not to clear encroachments, but to send a message — one that criminalises not just individuals but entire families and communities. Such state behaviour creates a chilling effect, particularly for vulnerable groups, and sets a dangerous precedent where legal procedure is replaced with brute force.

Conclusion: Accountability, not apologies

The NMC’s apology, while noted, is wholly inadequate. A mere expression of regret cannot compensate for the unlawful demolition of a home, especially when that act violated Supreme Court directives and was executed in defiance of the High Court’s consideration. Accountability must go beyond symbolic contrition. The officers responsible for authorising and executing the demolition — in disregard of judicial pronouncements — must face disciplinary proceedings, if not contempt action. The Maharashtra government, too, must be held to account for its failure to issue the mandatory circulars despite the Supreme Court’s clear directions in 2014. This lapse enabled civic authorities to act in a legal vacuum, undermining the rule of law and exposing vulnerable citizens to irreversible harm.

This case should not be treated as an isolated aberration. It is a symptom of a larger, dangerous trend — where executive bodies bypass due process and enforce punishment outside the boundaries of law. Such practices threaten to hollow out constitutional protections, erode public trust in institutions, and institutionalise “bulldozer justice” as a state response to dissent and disorder. If courts do not intervene with clarity and firmness, these actions will set precedents that normalise illegality.

The right to shelter is not a favour bestowed by the state. It is a fundamental human right recognised under Article 21 of the Constitution. When that right is violated by state agencies acting with impunity, restitution must include not only accountability, but meaningful and adequate compensation. The destruction of a home cannot be undone — but justice demands that the state provide reparations for the physical, emotional, and psychological toll inflicted on affected citizens. Anything less would amount to tacit approval of executive lawlessness.

The path forward must not merely seek legal correctness — it must reassert the constitutional promise that no person will be deprived of life or liberty except by procedure established by law. That promise was shattered in this case. It now falls upon the judiciary to restore it — not just in courtrooms, but tangibly, on the ground.

Related:

Supreme Court slams Prayagraj demolitions, awards Rs. 10 lakh compensation to each six victims for violation of due process

Demolition of Fahim Khan’s house: A political message disguised as law enforcement

Maharashtra Human Rights Commission probes Malvan demolitions after suo moto cognisance

Supreme Court reinforces due process in demolition cases, lays down stringent guidelines to prevent arbitrary demolitions

The post ‘We Didn’t Know the Law’: NMC apologises after illegally demolishing Jehrunissa Khan’s home in Nagpur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Uttar Pradesh, a shocking incident in Bulandshahr saw eight teachers booked for brutally beating a Dalit Class 12 student over his haircut, while in Mainpuri, a Class 11 Dalit student was allegedly assaulted by a teacher for touching a water bottle, facing casteist slurs and physical harm. The state also witnessed the custodial death of a Dalit youth in Azamgarh, with his family alleging torture, and a Kasganj case where eight individuals were booked for the alleged murder of a Dalit girl following tensions related to her sister’s inter-caste relationship. Furthermore, in Basti, an SDM faces accusations of using casteist slurs and physically assaulting a Dalit woman seeking redress for a land dispute.

Tamil Nadu has also reported harrowing instances, including a Class 6 Dalit student brutally assaulted by a PT teacher, leaving him critically injured. In Thoothukudi, a 17-year-old Dalit student had his fingers chopped off in a caste-based attack while on his way to an exam, prompting NHRC intervention. A particularly shameful case in Coimbatore saw a Class 8 Dalit girl forced to sit outside during exams due to menstruation, leading to the principal’s suspension and a police complaint.

Madhya Pradesh witnessed blatant caste discrimination in Jabalpur, where Dalits were prevented from performing funeral rites on traditionally used land, and in Sehore, a Dalit family was violently stopped from building their house and subjected to a social and economic boycott.

In Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly gang-raped and brutally beaten in Gopalganj. Rajasthan, too, reported a deeply concerning incident where a police constable in Jaipur was arrested for allegedly raping a pregnant Dalit woman under the pretext of recording her statement. Additionally, Kota mourned the alleged suicide of a Dalit medical student who, according to fellow students, was deliberately failed and barred from exams.

These interconnected incidents across multiple states underscore the urgent need for stringent measures to combat caste-based discrimination and violence, ensure justice for victims, and safeguard the rights and dignity of Dalit individuals, especially students.

Uttar Pradesh

Dalit student beaten with sticks over haircut in Bulandshahr

In a shocking incident out of Bulandshahr, UP, eight teachers at a prominent school have been booked for allegedly assaulting a Class 12 Dalit student over his haircut, leaving the 17-year-old with severe injuries including head wounds requiring stitches and fractures in both hands.

The assault, involving sticks and casteist slurs, reportedly occurred on January 25, prompting the school to immediately suspend the accused teachers, who belong to another caste. The matter gained public attention on Friday after the victim’s parents, who initially made an “initial compromise under pressure,” were compelled to file a First Information Report (FIR) due to “repeated threats by the accused,” who allegedly even tried to prevent their son from taking his ongoing UP board exams that commenced in late February, reported the Times of India.

As per report, Circle officer Shobit Kumar stated that an FIR was registered on March 5th under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the SC/ST Act against Sonu Kumar, Vipin Kumar, Deepak Kumar, Manoj Kumar (I), Manoj Kumar (II), Yogesh Kumar, Yogendra, and Prashant, assuring that “investigation is on and action will be taken accordingly” and that the student is “in stable condition and appearing in his exams.”

Those teachers were suspended and we’ll co-operate with the police in their investigation.” Recounting her son’s ordeal, the student’s mother, Maya Rani, explained that the teachers objected to his haircut in January, and “the next day (Jan 25) he was mercilessly beaten with sticks in school,” leaving him bedridden with trauma and injuries for over a month, hindering his exam preparations. She further alleged that they were initially pressured into a compromise, but “the accused teachers continued to threaten us and intimidate my son during his exams,” leaving them with no choice but to approach the police, demanding their arrest.

Class 12’s Dalit student brutally beaten by upper caste teacher for touching water bottle

In yet another harrowing instance of caste-based violence in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit Class 11 student in Mainpuri was brutally assaulted by his teacher for merely touching a water bottle in the classroom.

The incident took place on March 29 at Narendra Pratap Singh Higher Secondary School in Haripur Catholic village. The 15-year-old, from Katheria village, was subjected to casteist abuse by biology teacher Mangal Singh Shakya, who locked him in a room and beat him so severely that two of his fingers were fractured. The teacher reportedly said, “How dare you touch the bottle? It’s untouchable now.”

#Casteism A Dalit youth of class 12th was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu teacher for touching a water bottle, his hand was broken, the incident is from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/PgtwwG7Z7A

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) April 3, 2025

The boy suffered injuries to his thigh, shoulder, and jaw. After being taken to the hospital by his family, the police allegedly refused to file a report, prompting them to approach the Superintendent of Police.

Dalit youth died in Azamgarh Police custody, family alleges torture

The custodial death of 20-year-old Dalit youth Sunny Kumar at the Tarwa police station in Azamgarh on Sunday night has ignited fierce protests from his family and local community. Demonstrations intensified on Monday, marked by the vandalism of a police vehicle and road blockades outside the station, prompting a significant police deployment to restore order.

Kumar, son of Harikant, was detained on Sunday following a sexual harassment complaint filed by a minor girl, alleging obscene gestures and vulgar songs played on his phone on March 28th. Tragically, late Sunday night, a police guard reportedly discovered Kumar’s body hanging by his pyjama drawstring in the police station bathroom. Despite Senior Superintendent of Police Hemraj Meena’s initial suggestion of suicide based on preliminary findings, Kumar’s family and local political figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Dharmendra Yadav, vehemently allege custodial torture and murder, as reported the Observer Post.

Dalit Youth Dies in Azamgarh Police Custody; Family Alleges Torture, Protests Erupt

Read:https://t.co/2KWqDe5G8u

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) April 1, 2025

In response to the grave accusations, several police officers, including the station house officer, a sub-inspector, and a constable, have been suspended. District Magistrate Navneet Singh Chahal has also ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances surrounding Kumar’s death. The post-mortem examination, conducted under tight security, reportedly showed no external injuries on Kumar’s body. However, authorities have stated that a comprehensive investigation will be conducted, exploring all possible aspects of the case.

Castiest abuse by UP official, victim Dalit woman approached Women’s Commission

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, SDM Ashutosh Tiwari faces severe accusations of caste-based discrimination and misconduct against a Dalit woman who approached him for a land dispute resolution on March 6, 2025. The woman alleges that Tiwari used casteist slurs, calling her “lower caste” and “ill-mannered,” physically pushed her out of his office, and threatened to seize her land if she didn’t withdraw her complaint.

Despite reporting the incident to district authorities, she claims no action has been taken and that she faces continued harassment from tehsil employees pressuring her to retract her allegations. The victim has now appealed to the State Women’s Commission, demanding Tiwari’s immediate removal and the registration of a case against him, also seeking protection.

A member of the Commission has assured justice for the victim and strict punishment for the accused, confirming an ongoing investigation into the matter, reported the Mooknayak.

8 booked for murder of Dalit girl and kidnap of her elder sister in Kasganj

Meanwhile, in Uttar Pradesh’s Kasganj district, eight people have been booked for allegedly murdering a 14-year-old Dalit girl and staging it as suicide, following tensions over her sister’s relationship with an 18-year-old from another community.

#Horrific They came to kidnap a 14-year-old Dalit girl, when her younger sister resisted, they brutally murdered her, the accused Yadav is from the Hindu community, the elder girl is still missing, the incident is from Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh… pic.twitter.com/OuOyF9Njft

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 2, 2025

The elder sister, was reported kidnapped but later recovered by police. No arrests have been made yet. Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya said that, “We will get her medical examination conducted and record her statement before a magistrate. The girl might provide crucial details about what happened on Saturday afternoon,” said Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya” reported the Indian Express.

However, people from another caste were detained by local police on March 2, an FIR was registered under section 103(2) murder and 140 (1) (kidnapping with murderous intent) of the BNS along with the SC/ST Act against the villagers following a complaint by the victim’s father, as reported the Times of India.

As per report, victim’s father also alleged that influential people from the village took my elder daughter away and killed and hanged my younger one when she tried to save her sister.

Tamil Nadu

Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by PT teacher

In another incident at V. Akram Government High School in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, a Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by a Physical Education (PT) teacher, reportedly causing severe head injuries that required surgery. The child, whose condition remains critical, also sustained stomach wounds requiring multiple stitches. The attack sparked widespread outrage after a photo of the boy’s post-surgery injuries went viral. Although the teacher is also from a Scheduled Caste, the brutality has drawn sharp criticism across the state.

#Horrific A Dalit student of class 6 of a government school was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu PT teacher, the condition of the boy is critical, this painful incident is from Villupuram, Tamil Nadu.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/5ntcpHkR2O

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 29, 2025

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemned the assault and demanded swift action, calling out the inaction of authorities. Activist Shalin Maria Lawrence also criticised the DMK-led government for its failure to protect Dalit students in educational institutions. Despite growing public pressure, there has been no official response or action taken by the School Education Department or the police at the time of reporting.

Fingers of 17-year-old Dalit students chopped, NHRC takes suo moto action

In a horrifying incident rooted in caste-based violence, 17-year-old Dalit student Devendran Raj from Ariyanayagapuram village in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district was brutally attacked while on his way to appear for a Class 11 exam. Three upper-caste youths from a neighbouring village reportedly stopped his bus near Kattarimangalam, dragged him out, and assaulted him with a sickle, severing four fingers on his left hand—one of which is still missing. His father, Thanga Ganesh, a daily-wage labourer, was also severely injured while trying to protect his son.

The assault was allegedly driven by caste hatred and revenge, following a kabaddi match where Devendran’s team defeated a team from the attackers’ village. The brutal act has triggered widespread anger and calls for justice across the state. Doctors at Tirunelveli Government Medical College conducted a seven-hour surgery to reattach the severed fingers. Devendran’s condition remains critical. Activists including Shalin Maria Lawrence and VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan have demanded justice, immediate compensation, and better medical care.

A #Dalit student was attacked by a gang of unknown persons, and his fingers chopped, in #TamilNadu’s #Tirunelveli district while he was on his way to write an exam.

Devendran Raj, a Class 11 student and son of a day-wager Thanga Ganesh, was travelling from his residence to his… pic.twitter.com/q6lzTXPLvJ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 11, 2025

NHRC takes suo moto cognizance

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken suo moto cognizance, terming the assault a grave human rights violation. Notices have been issued to the Tamil Nadu DGP and Thoothukudi District Collector. Police have arrested one accused, Lakshmanan, and detained two others. The case is being investigated under the IPC and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reported Maktoob Media.

Class 8 Dalit girl student made to sit outside classroom during exams after menstruation

A deeply disturbing incident of alleged caste- and gender-based discrimination has come to light from Senguttaipalayam village in Tamil Nadu’s Coimbatore district. A minor Dalit student from the Arunthathiyar community, studying in Class 8, was reportedly forced to take her annual examinations outside the classroom simply because she had started menstruating. This discriminatory act was witnessed and recorded by the girl’s mother, whose video has since sparked widespread public outrage on social media, with calls for accountability echoing across platforms.

In pursuit of justice, the mother has formally appealed to the education authorities. The incident has also prompted local villagers to rally together and raise the issue with the Pollachi sub-collector. The minor was enrolled in Class 7 at the Swamy Chidbhavanda Matric Higher Secondary School in Senguttaipalayam village, located in Kinathukadavu Taluk.

According to the Hindu, Assistant Superintendent of Police Shristi Singh, who conducted a preliminary inquiry on Thursday, told reporters that “The mother of the student called the class teacher on the evening of April 6 around 5:30 p.m. and requested a special seating arrangement. The class teacher reportedly asked the mother to speak to the principal.”

She further added that “On April 7, Monday, while dropping off her daughter, the mother met the principal and asked that a separate arrangement be made to prevent infections. After she left, the student was made to sit outside the classroom to write the exam. That evening, she returned home and complained of leg pain from sitting on the floor. She did not attend the revision class the next day, and returned on Wednesday to write another exam. One of the relatives noticed her sitting outside, through the compound wall, and informed the parents. The mother rushed to the school and recorded a video of the incident” as reported

Principle suspended; girl’s father lodged complaint

Amidst the escalating outcry, the school correspondent has invoked Section 17 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, issuing a suspension order to the school principal, citing the prohibition of physical or mental harassment of children. Adding to the legal pressure, the girl’s father lodged a formal complaint with the Negamam police on April 10.

Consequently, a case has been registered against the school’s Principal M. Anandhi, office assistant Shanthi, and Correspondent Thangavelpandian. They have been charged under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(za)(D) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, acknowledging the girl’s Scheduled Caste status. Furthermore, the parents’ petition alleges that the accused also directed caste-based insults towards the girl’s mother when she confronted them about the discriminatory treatment, reported the Hindu

Madhya Pradesh

Dalits stopped from performing funeral rites in Jabalpur

In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur district, members of the Dalit community were prevented from performing the last rites of a deceased elder due to caste-based discrimination. The incident took place in Chapod village, Pauri Panchayat, about 37 km from Jabalpur. When the Ahirwar community attempted to cremate 70-year-old Shivprasad Ahirwar on government land traditionally used for funerals, upper-caste locals objected, claiming the land as their own and citing standing crops. The family was forced to call the police, who intervened and arranged for the funeral to be held elsewhere.

The land in question, a government plot, has been used for cremations for generations. However, in recent years, members of the Patel family had allegedly encroached upon it for farming. Following public outrage and pressure from Scheduled Caste organisations, the District Collector ordered the removal of the encroachment and the construction of a permanent cremation ground.

Dalit rights groups have condemned the incident as not just a land dispute, but a blatant violation of constitutional rights. Former SC Commission member Pradeep Ahirwar called it a reflection of deep-rooted casteism and demanded strong legal action and justice for the affected family, as reported the Mooknayak.

Dalit family in Sehore attacked and boycotted for building a house

A Dalit family in Sehore district, Madhya Pradesh, was violently prevented from constructing their house by members of the dominant caste. As the family began building their home, upper-caste individuals not only stopped the construction but also subjected them to physical assault and casteist slurs.

मकान बना रहे दलित परिवार को जातिवादियों ने मकान बनाने से रोका, बंद किया हुक्का पानी, जातिसूचक गालियाँ देकर की मारपीट, दुकानदारों से कहा, “अगर दलितों को कुछ भी दिया तो देना पड़ेगा एक लाख का जुर्माना” घटना मध्य प्रदेश के सिहोर की है… #MadhyaPradesh | #Dalitnews | @MPPoliceDeptt pic.twitter.com/lkATR2rfRT

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 4, 2025

Moreover, the attackers enforced a complete social and economic boycott — cutting off access to water and other basic services (referred to as “hukka pan band“). They also warned local shopkeepers and vendors not to sell anything to the Dalit family, threatening a fine of ₹1 lakh for non-compliance.

Bihar

An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Gopalganj

In a horrifying incident in Gopalganj, Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly subjected to a brutal gang rape and severe beating. The alleged perpetrators are stated to be individuals from the Muslim community.

#Horrific An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Bihar’s Gopalganj. All the accused are from the Muslim community.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/tY5lCDwXbR

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 18, 2025

This deeply disturbing act of violence has likely sent shockwaves through the region, highlighting the vulnerability of marginalised communities to such heinous crimes and raising serious concerns about law and order

Rajasthan

Constable arrested for raping Dalit woman in Jaipur

A Rajasthan police constable stationed at Sanganer police station was apprehended on Sunday following a chilling allegation of rape. According to officials, Constable Bhagaram lured a pregnant Dalit woman away from her home on the pretext of recording her statement concerning a previous complaint she had filed. While her husband was at work, Bhagaram allegedly took the woman and her three-year-old child to a hotel room.

There, under the guise of needing to change clothes, he took her to a private room and reportedly committed the heinous act of rape, even threatening her with her husband’s imprisonment and warning her against reporting the crime when she resisted.

The victim’s husband filed a First Information Report (FIR) on Saturday night, detailing the horrific ordeal his wife endured in front of their young son. Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Vinod Kumar Sharma confirmed the arrest and stated that a medical examination of the woman has been conducted. This appalling incident has triggered significant political condemnation, with former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot decrying the state of law and order under the current BJP government, especially as it occurred in the Chief Minister’s constituency around Women’s Day. Gehlot has demanded the constable’s dismissal and strict, exemplary punishment, reported the Observer Post.

Dalit medical student allegedly suicide as deliberately barred from exams

Rajasthan’s Kota is reeling after the alleged suicide of Dalit medical student Sunil Bairwa at a local medical college. Fellow students protesting for justice have asserted that Sunil was deliberately failed and barred from exams, pushing him into severe depression. This tragic claim has ignited outrage, leading to a demonstration where students surrounded Principal Dr. Sangeeta Saxena, demanding accountability.

Disturbing videos of the protest have rapidly circulated on social media, amplifying the calls for a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding Sunil’s death and the allegations of discriminatory treatment that may have contributed to his despair.

राजस्थान : कोटा के मेडिकल कॉलेज में दलित स्टूडेंट सुनील बैरवा ने कि आत्महत्या, सुनील के लिए इंसाफ मांग रहे अन्य छात्रों ने बताया, “सुनील को जबरन फेल किया गया, एग्जाम में बैठने नहीं दिया जा रहा था..जिसको लेकर वो डिप्रेशन में था..” छात्रों ने प्रिंसिपल डॉ. संगीता सक्सेना का घेराव… pic.twitter.com/Faw4J0fwkW

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 7, 2025

The incident has cast a shadow over the medical college and sparked concerns about the support systems available to students, particularly those from marginalised communities.

Related:

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP Maharashtra: Surge in communal and caste-based violence with six incidents in January 2025

Caste-Based violence shakes Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in alarming incidents

The post Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

If we observe the glorification of Dr. BR Ambedkar by the RSS-BJP rulers on his birth anniversary, it appears that they, the sangh parivar are the most loyal followers of him, none other. According to Prime Minister Modi, Ambedkar was ‘architect of the Constitution of India’ and ‘Messiha of the Schedule Castes’.

The UP government has announced a grand celebration of ‘Ambedkar Jayanti’ beginning with a series of programmes from the morning of April 13 (2025), leading up to the main celebrations on April 14 at Lucknow which will be attended by the Hindutva icon, chief minister, Adityanath. These programmes “aim to acquaint the younger generation with Dr Ambedkar’s remarkable life, visionary leadership, and his unwavering commitment to justice, equality, and social reform”.

Dr. Ambedkar is receiving fullsome praise after his death. In life, the RSS and its bandwagon which included the VD Savarkar-led Hindu Mahasabha, never missed an opportunity to denigrate him, often resorted to the burning of his effigy! If Dr. Ambedkar were to appear now, in the India ruled by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) cadres, make no mistake, he would be either lynched or put in jail under terror laws for his trenchant opposition to Caste and the attendant denigration of Sudras, Women. Especially his sharp critique of Privileged Castes hegemony and Hindutva.

1. Ambedkar supported the burning of Manusmriti

The RSS wants Indian constitution to be replaced by the Manusmriti or Manu Code or laws of Manu which is known for its derogatory and inhuman references to Sudras, Untouchables and women. This is the very Book that Babasaheb burned.  The Constituent Assembly of India finalised the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained:

“But in our Constitution, there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”

By demanding promulgation of laws of Manu in an Independent India, the RSS was simply following its mentor, philosopher and guide VD Savarkar who declared that,

“Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worship-able after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by the crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law.”

It is to be noted here that a copy of Manusmriti was burnt as a protest in the presence of Dr. BR Ambedkar during historic Mahad agitation on December 25, 1927. He also called for burning Manusmriti on December 25 each year.

2. Ambedkar held ‘High’ (Privileged) Caste Hindus which control Hindutva politics responsible for the miserable life of Hindus and hatred for Muslims

He was crystal clear in his view, that,

“[The] high caste Hindus are bad as leaders. They have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster. This trait is formed by their acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life. Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and power, the surest and the most effective being the preparation of scriptures, inculcating upon the minds of the lower classes of Hindus the teaching that their duty in life is only to serve the higher classes. In keeping this monopoly in their own hands and excluding the lower classes from any share in it, the high caste Hindus have succeeded for a long time and beyond measure…

“This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the high caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have done to the lower-class Hindus. This trait of the high caste Hindus is the key to the understanding of their politics.”

[B.R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra, 1990), p. 123, first Published December 1940, Thackers Publishers, Bombay.]

3. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism

Ambedkar, in his historic speech in Nagpur on October 15, 1956, a day after he had embraced Buddhism, said,

“The movement to leave the Hindu religion was taken in hand by us in 1935, when a resolution was made in Yeola. Even though I was born in the Hindu religion, I will not die in the Hindu religion. This oath I made earlier; yesterday, I proved it true. I am happy; I am ecstatic! I have left hell — this is how I feel. I do not want any blind followers. Those who come into the Buddhist religion should come with an understanding; they should consciously accept that religion.”

If he tries to convert now we can imagine what terrible fate he will meet!

4. Ambedkar fought for equal rights for women

For the RSS Hindu women are inferior in every respect. The outfit, demands promulgation of Manusmriti as constitution of India which shockingly denigrates women as we will see in the following [few out of dozens]:

1. Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control.
2. Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence.
3. Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; (thinking), ‘(It is enough that) he is a man,’ they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly.
4. Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this (world).
5. (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a love of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct.
6. For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of) Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule.

Sharply to the contrary, Dr. Ambedkar believed in equality for women. He was clear that, “We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education…” He went on to stress that “I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved”. He advised Dalit women, “Never regard yourself as Untouchables, live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if your dress is full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help.”

Liquor was a bane in Dalit families and in order remedy it he asked women “do not feed in any case your spouse and sons if they are drunkards. Send your children to schools. Education is as necessary for females as it is for males. If you know how to read and write, there would be much progress. As you are, so your children will be.”

5. Ambedkar did not subscribe to the idea of Hindu nation and decried Hindutva

Dr. Ambedkar, a keen researcher of the communal politics in pre-independence India, while underlying the affinity and camaraderie between Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League on the issue of Two-Nation Theory wrote:

“Strange it may appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India—one the Muslim nation and the other Hindu nation.”

According to him, the idea of “Hindustan for Hindus…is not merely arrogant but is arrant nonsense”. He was emphatic in warning that,

“If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country… [It] is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.”

6. Ambedkar believed in Socialism

Jawaharlal Nehru introduced the Objective Resolution [OR] on December 13, 1946. Dr. Ambedkar’s turn to respond to OR came on 17 December 1946. He stated:

“If this resolution has a reality behind it and a sincerity, of which I have not the least doubt, coming as it does from the mover of the resolution [Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru], I should have expected some provision whereby it would have been possible for the state to make economic, social and political justice a reality and i should have from that point of view expected the resolution to state in most explicit terms that in order that there may be social and economic justice in the country, that there would be nationalisation of industry and nationalisation of land, I do not understand how it could be possible for any future government which believes in doing justice socially, economically and politically, unless its economy is a socialistic economy.”

7. Ambedkar’s antipathy towards ‘Hindutva ‘nationalists’ & ‘Patriots’

Dr Ambedkar, as early as 1931, said that whenever he demanded equality for lower Castes, marginalised sections and Depressed classes he would be called a communalist and anti-national. He was forthright in telling the ‘nationalists’ & ‘patriots’:

“India is a peculiar country, and her nationalists and patriots are a peculiar people. A patriot and a nationalist in India is one who sees with open eyes his fellowmen treated as being less than men. But his humanity does not rise in protest. He knows that men and women for no cause are denied their human rights. But it does not prick his civic sense to helpful action. He finds the whole class of people shut out from public employment. But it does not rouse his sense of justice and fair play. Hundreds of evil practices that injure man and society are perceived by him. But they do not sicken him with disgust. The patriot’s one cry is power and more power for him and for his class. I am glad I do not belong to that class of patriots. I belong to that class which takes its stand on democracy, and which seeks to destroy monopoly in a very shape and form. Our aim is to realise in practice our ideal of one man one value in all walks of life, political, economic and social.”

[Dr BR Ambedkar in the Plenary Session of Round Table Conference, London, 8^th Sitting, January 19, 1931.]

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Rediscovering Ambedkar to Fight Against Hindutva

Hindutva Forces Want to Appropriate Ambedkar but not Impart his Teachings

Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Scathing Attacks on Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra

The post On his 135th birth anniversary, we ask, would Ambedkar be allowed free speech in India today? appeared first on SabrangIndia.