Members of National Alliance for Justice, Accountability and Rights (NAJAR – Gujarat) – a pan Indian collective of progressive lawyers and law professionals and the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM Gujarat), along with many civil society organizations of the state have strongly objected to the proposed amendments to the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Rules, 2006, notified on February 20, 2026. The groups have urged the State Government to withdraw the draft, citing serious concerns over constitutionality, privacy, and individual freedoms.

In a detailed letter of objections submitted to the Additional Chief Secretary, Government of Gujarat, Health and Family Welfare Department, these organizations have stated that the proposed amendments introduce provisions requiring submission of Aadhaar details, mandatory disclosure of whether parents have been informed, and the sharing of parents’ contact information. Further, authorities would be required to notify parents of a marriage application and impose a 30-day waiting period before registration.

According to the both organisations, these provisions are unconstitutional and violate fundamental rights, particularly the right to privacy, personal liberty, and individual autonomy. They argue that the amendments go beyond the scope of the parent legislation and impose unwarranted state intrusion into personal decisions of consenting adults.

A key concern raised is the mandatory parental intimation, which undermines the legally recognised right of adults to marry a person of their choice without interference. The groups warn that such provisions could expose couples—especially those in inter-caste, interfaith, or socially sensitive relationships—to harassment, violence, and even “honour-based” crimes. The autonomy granted to adult citizens to make marriages of choice has been a factor of Indian secular life since the enactment of the Special Marriages Act of 1954.

The amendments are also being criticised for failing the proportionality test laid down by the Supreme Court in privacy jurisprudence, as they lack clear necessity, legal backing, and a rational connection to their stated objective. Civil society groups noted that there is no empirical evidence justifying such sweeping measures.

Additionally, the proposal is seen as potentially deepening caste and religious divisions, discouraging inter-community marriages, and enabling misuse of laws such as the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act through false complaints by disapproving family members.

The impact on women’s autonomy and LGBTQIA+ individuals has been highlighted as particularly concerning. The requirement of parental involvement could reinforce patriarchal control over women’s choices and further endanger queer and transgender individuals who often face familial violence and coercion.

The groups have also expressed alarm over proposals for digitized and publicly accessible marriage records, warning that such measures could lead to misuse of personal information and threaten individuals’ safety and dignity.

In conclusion, the organisations stated that instead of addressing genuine concerns, the amendments risk discouraging marriage registration altogether, thereby undermining the very purpose of the law.

NAJAR (Gujarat) and NAPM (Gujarat) –in a joint statement issued –have both called for the immediate withdrawal of the draft amendments and urged the government to uphold constitutional values, individual freedoms, and the right to dignity and choice.

The actual communication may be read below:

To,                                                                                                       Dated: March 19, 2026

The Additional Chief Secretary,

Government of Gujarat,

Health and Family Welfare Department,

New Sachivalaya,

Gandhinagar – 382010

Subject: Objections to the Proposed Draft Amendment to the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Rules, 2006  (Notification dated February 20,  2026) and Demand for Withdrawal of Proposed Draft

Sir/Ma’am,

We, individuals, organizations and collectives associated with the National Alliance for People’s Movements Gujarat and National Alliance for Justice, Accountability, and Rights, Gujarat, would like to convey our grave worries and formal objections to the proposed amendment to the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Rules, 2006 announced by the government of the state of Gujarat vide notification No. GHY/02/HFWD/102026/5/B1 dated 20.02.2026.

The way in which the proposed amendment aims to achieve its supposed intention (according to media statements issued by the Home Minister) of cracking down on those men who misrepresent their identities to women and fraudulently marry them appears to be severely misguided and is likely to cause more damage to the personal liberties of a large segment of the state as well as a long term disintegration of the society along religious and caste lines. The new rules are in clear contravention of the Articles 19, 21 and 51A (e) of the Indian Constitution and therefore unconstitutional. With respect to this, we the undersigned, demand withdrawal of the proposed draft amendment to the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Rules, 2006.

We hereby submit the following key rule-wise objections:

1. Objection against insertion of Rule 4 (3)(b)

Rule 4(3) prescribes for the mandatory accompanied documents with the memorandum, which already included identity establishing documents in 4(3)(a) and age verifying document as per 4(3)(c). There is thus no requirement of insertion of 4(3)(b) for submission of Aadhaar card. The courts [1]have time and again held that citizens cannot be denied basic services/entitlements/benefits for mere refusal to submit Aadhaar number. Further, it acts as an invasion of privacy even more so witnesses to the marriage. 

2. Objection against insertion of Rule 4 (5)

Through the insertion of Rule 4 (5), a declaration by both parties is required stating if their parents, have or have not been informed of the marriage, which is categorically submitted to be baseless, unconstitutional and beyond the scope of rule-making power of the state.

• At the outset, the power to make rules by the State Government in Section 21 of the parent act in particular, specifically matters described in Section 21(2)(a) to (f); the requirement of information to parents does not fall under the ambit of the same.
• The Gujarat Registration of Marriages Act, 2006, The Special Marriages Act, nor the personal laws from The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, The Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, 1937, The Indian Christian Marriage Act, 1872, and The Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act, 1936, there exists no requirement for the parties to marriage to inform/show consent/witness of their parents. In fact in Hindu Marriages Act, 1955, in 1978 amendment the farthest resemblance to guardians consent was also removed.

3. Objection against insertion of Rule 4(6)

Unequivocally, the insertion of this proposed sub-rule requiring both parties to submit not only the name of their parents, but their ordinary place of residence as well as mobile number- is fundamentally capricious, manifestly arbitrary and in violation of Fundamental Rights under Art 14 and 21. While details of parents of the parties is already submitted in the Memorandum of Marriage (as expanded in the Schedule under Section 5) the requirement of mobile number violates the ‘proportionality test’ for state intrusion to privacy rights. Further, it exceeds the scope of the parent act. The preamble of 2006 Act focuses on registration for evidence, not notification for parental oversight.

4. Objection against insertion of Rule 4 (7)

The proposed rule provides for Assistant Registrar to ‘expeditiously’ within 10 days intimate the parents of the parties about the memorandum submitted by the parties to the marriage and to their concerned Registrar in that jurisdiction as well. The amendment read with Rule 4(6) is patently illegal exercise of delegated legislative power by the state.

1. The parent Act does not empower the state to change a procedural statute of an already solemnized marriage. Even though registration has been mandatory, mere non-registration cannot change the legal status of a solemnized marriage. The proposed amendment in the Rule 4(7) read with Section 8 of the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Act, 2006 and conditions laid down for a valid marriage in the Special Marriages Act, nor the personal laws can lead to unnecessary objections being raised by the family and other parties leading to delay in registration and harassment of parties to marriage.
2. The requirement to ‘send intimation to the parents expeditiously’ is a blatant discrimination against adults choosing their partners. Multiple judicial pronouncements have reaffirmed the right to marry as an integral part of the fundamental right to life and personal liberty. As the Supreme Court held in 2021[2]:-
   “We are fortified in our view by earlier judicial pronouncements of this Court clearly elucidating that the consent of the family or the community or the clan is not necessary once the two adult individuals agree to enter into a wedlock and that their consent has to be piously given primacy. It is in that context it was further observed that the choice of an individual is an inextricable part of dignity, for dignity cannot be thought of where there is erosion of choice. Such a right or choice is not is not expected to succumb to the concept of “class honour” or “group thinking”.
3. It is submitted that this proposal violates the intrinsic right to privacy of individuals, In Puttaswamy, [3]the Supreme Court held that any state restriction on privacy must satisfy the tripartite test of legality, necessity and proportionality. The proposed rule-making power fails on all three counts: it lacks legality by infringing upon the fundamental right to life and liberty under Article 21 without statutory authority; it fails to substantiate the necessity of piercing established matrimonial autonomy or settled questions of law; and it is not proportional to the alleged objective of preventing “forced conversions” which remains a speculative concern that has not been statistically substantiated by the State to justify such a sweeping and coercive intrusion.

5. Objection against insertion of Rule 4(8)

The proposed rule 4(8) provides for registration of marriage after thirty dates from receipt of memorandum; upon being satisfied’ of compliance with sub-rules (1) to (7).

• Firstly, the proposed rule fails to provide any determining principle or purpose for this moratorium period of 30 days. While the underlying requirement of parental intimation is itself unconstitutional as substantantiated above, the rules remain silent on the consequences of this notice mentioned in Rule 4(7), and in event of no prescribed procedure merely serves as a baseless procedural hurdle with no nexus with marriage registration.
• Secondly, the proposed insertion is not in conformity with the Section 8 of the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Act, 2006. It is important to remember that Gujarat Registration of Marriages Act, 2006 is the parent act under which the rules are framed that are proposed to be Section 8 of the Act provides for the power to refuse the registration of marriage. The said section provides for only three specific circumstances in which the registration may be refused. Which is (a) marriage is not performed in accordance with the personal law of the parties, (b) the identity of the parties, or the witness or the priest is not established beyond reasonable doubt or (c) the documents tendered do not prove the marital status of the parties. When the scope of the refusal of the registration of the marriage is circumscribed by the parent legislation, the rules made thereunder cannot go beyond the same.

Additional suggestions/comments: 

Unclear Objectives

At the very outset, the prima facie un-tenability of the amendments lies in the absence of any clear and coherent objectives for their introduction. Any amendment to an existing law or rules should have nexus with a legitimate state goal in public interest. The stated intention at the time of the tabling the draft of new rules in the Vidhan Sabha are rather vague in nature and are also not substantiated by any empirical evidence either. The proposed amendments do not seem to fill any legal laps previously left in the light of Sections 4 and 5 of both the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 and the Special Marriage Act, 1954 which lay out the conditions of a valid marriage per the respective legislations.

Threat to Personal Liberties

The new provision whereby both sets of parents of a couple shall be informed upon their attempt to register a marriage is antithetical to the principle of an individual’s right to choose. The very reason that we have a minimum age for marriage is the underlying belief that an adult has both the right and the capacity to choose their partner.

The practice of “honour killings” of inter-caste or interreligious couples has seen a sharp increase in India as per the data of the National Crime Records Bureau released in 2025, which is itself believed to underestimation. Necessitating the involvement of the parents in the process of marriage registration can directly put people’s lives at risk. The violence is often not only limited to the couple itself, but can engulf two communities in a bitter and long-term conflict that ends up destroying several lives.

Promotion of Casteism & Religious Divisions

Caste and religious lines continue to divide our country. While the marked increase in the beneficiaries of the ‘Dr. Savitaben Ambedkar Inter-Caste Marriage Assistance Scheme’ (being the most relevant indiactor of inter-caste marriage trends in Gujarat) is a positive sign, the overwhelming majority of marital relations in our society are endogamous in nature. The general trend in this regard suggests that the younger generation i.e. those who are going to marry in the foreseeable future are relatively more open to the idea of inter-caste and interreligious marriage. Informing the parents of the marrying parties effectively creates an obstruction only for those parties whose parents would not agree to the marriage on religious or caste lines.

A form of retaliation by the parents opposed to the registration of such marriages may be by filing a false case under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2001. Section 3A of the Act empowers a relative of the “aggrieved person” to file a complaint of attempt to convert into a religion, and Section 6A of the Act puts the burden of proof on the accused to disprove the presence of fraud, coercion or allurement, failing which the accused shall have to face criminal charges. The additional requirement of intimation to parents of individuals may lead to criminalization of bonafide marital relationships in case the parents disapprove their marriage by way of criminal complaint under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act – effecting inter-faith marriages between two consenting adults.

Women’s Autonomy

Empowering parents to have a say in the marital decisions of woman, or in many instances being the decision maker on the woman’s behalf has been the primary way through which the power structures of caste and religion are preserved, as has been elucidated by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in his seminal Castes in India. Provisions like the one being advanced by the government of Gujarat tend to control the lives and choices of women at a disproportionately higher rate than men. In the case of Shafin Jahan v. Ashokan K.M. (2018), also known as the Hadiya case, the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India strongly asserted the right of a person to marry someone of their choice, even if their parents are explicitly against the union. The then Chief Justice of India Dipak Mishra stated in his judgement:

“In the case at hand, the father in his own stand and perception may feel that there has been enormous transgression of his right to protect the interest of his daughter but his view point or position cannot be allowed to curtail the fundamental rights of his daughter who, out of her own volition, married the appellant.”

Further, while marriage registration has itself become necessary, the mere lack of registration itself does not annul the marriage. If a law like this which makes marriage registration difficult and potentially even life-threatening, many people may simply opt to not register their marriages, which can further lead to a rise in the many of the original problems that the new rules aim to solve.

Public Digital Record of Marriages

The proposal of digitizing publicly accessible marriage record being is another dangerous idea that can be used against bonafide couples/spouses. The name of a spouse is a kind of information that should not be available at the click of a button without the person’s knowledge or consent, as it can be easily used in myriad ways to target someone, from coercion to revenge. When, for example, a case is instituted in the family court, the names of the parties are redacted for the sake of privacy, recognised as a fundamental right guaranteed by the constitution by the It is therefore the right to every citizen to marry the person of their choice in as much secrecy as they may choose. Therefore, this proposed change also violates the ‘proportionality test’ laid down by the Hon’ble Supreme court in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2021).

LGBTQIA+ Community

Indian society has made significant strides towards accepting and embracing relationships between same-sex and transgender persons. Although the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Supriyo v. Union of India (2023) did not grant marriage equality to the LGBTQIA+ community, it affirmed their right to choose their partners and cohabitate without discrimination or threat of violence. The Court also validated the right of transgender individuals who have affirmed their binary gender upon transition to marry another binary-gendered person. However, the reality is such that many queer and transgender couples have no choice but to keep their union a secret even as they are subjected to routinized violence and manipulation by their families to enter into a heterosexual union. As a result, they are forced out of their homes and are rendered unhoused because of the discrimination and the threats their own families pose to their life and safety. In many such situations of estrangement, couples are tracked down with the aid of the police, and eventually coerced into heterosexual marriages.

The proposed Amendment to the Gujarat Registration of Marriage Rules makes life even more difficult for these LGBTQIA+ individuals and couples who wish to live together away from their families, and particularly those couples involving transgender persons who enter into a heterosexual marriage, as it mandates the consent of their families to register the solemnized union, and makes them vulnerable to public reprisal at best and social boycott at worst.

Conclusion

For the reasons stated above, the proposed amendments to the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Rules, 2006, violate the fundamental rights of individuals and are manifestly arbitrary and unconstitutional as it seeks to undermine individual choice and dignity. Contrary to the objectives, this may in fact lead to individuals avoiding legal registration of marriage itself therefore setting us back to the core issue. 

In light of the above, we the undersigned citizens, strongly and emphatically suggest that the proposed amendment be withdrawn. 

Submitted by:

National Alliance for People’s Movements (Gujarat)

National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights (Gujarat)

Below are the names of individuals from Gujarat, who have endorsed the above letter:

1. Smita Pandya, Social Activist, Ahmedabad
2. Meenakshi Joshi, Social- Political Activist, Ahmedabad
3. Deepak Solanki, Samarpan organization & PUCL, Ahmedabad
4. Raghavan Rangarajan, Professor, Ahmedabad
5. Jimmy C. Dabhi, Ph.d, Centre for Culture and Development, Vadodara
6. Ayesha Khan, Sanat Mehta Charitable Trust, Vadodara
7. Indira Hirway, Prof of economics, Ahmedabad
8. Neha Shah, Academic, Ahmedabad
9. Sheba George, Social Activist, Ahmedabad
10. Nirjhari Sinha, Jan Sangharsh Manch, Ahmedabad
11. Nita Mahadev, Social worker, Ahmedabad
12. Cedric Prakash, Human Rights Activist, Ahmedabad
13. Bilal Kagzi, Advocate, Surat
14. Swati Goswami, Communications Consultant, Ahmedabad
15. Sejal Dand, Feminist Activist, Ahmedabad
16. Navdeep Mathur, Faculty, Ahmedabad
17. Priyam Vadaliya, Researcher and Designer, Ahmedabad
18. Rohit Prajapati, Environment Activist, Gujarat
19. Kamal Thakar, Social worker, Vadodara
20. Swati Desai, Activist, Gujarat
21. Anand Mazgaonkar, Activist, Gujarat
22. Rohit Chauhan, Saurashtra Dalit Sangathan, Junagadh
23. Dev Desai, Human Rights activist, Gujarat
24. Heman Oza, Researcher, Ahmedabad
25. Khairunnisha pathan, Social activist, Ahmedabad
26. Gova Rathod, Saurashtra Dalit Sangathan and NAPM, Gujarat
27. Satya Oza, PhD Candidate, Ahmedabad
28. Sejal Dand, Feminist Activist, Ahmedabad
29. Prasad Chacko, National Secretary, People’s Union for Civil Liberties, Gujarat
30. Disha, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Surat
31. Harsh Kinger, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Vadodara
32. Harsh Raval, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad
33. Hozefa Ujjaini, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad
34. Subodh Kumud, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad
35. Winona D’souza, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad
36. Rakesh Vaghela, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad
37. Khush V., National Alliance for People’s Struggle (Urban Struggles Forum), Gujarat
38. Mirkhan Makrani, Peace and Justice, Himatnagar
39. Rafi Malek, Ahmedabad
40. Bhargav Oza, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability & Rights, Ahmedabad

[1] Justice KS Puttuswamy v Union of India, AIR 2017 SUPREME COURT 4161, Ganpat Dharma Mengal 2021 SCC OnLine Bom 13720

[2] Laxmibai Chandaragi B vs. State of Karnataka, (2021) 3 SCC 360

[3] Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India 2021

Related

Parental consent for marriage? Gujarat’s curious political consensus

The post Proposed Amendments to Gujarat Marriage Registration Rules Unconstitutional: NAJAR, NAPM appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The other day, a discussion broke out among ten friends on love marriages—a contentious issue in Gujarat following moves in the corridors of power to regulate them by making parental consent mandatory. One of us claimed that, unlike in the past, nearly 70 percent of weddings today are love marriages. Another person, who had eloped to get married years ago, remarked, “Problems exist everywhere, whether it is a love marriage or an arranged one.”

I asked my friends what they thought about the Gujarat government’s proposal to bring in such a law. The woman and her husband who had themselves run away to get married without parental consent (and are happily married ever since) insisted the proposal was meant only to curb what is described as “love jihad.” “They just want to protect Hindu girls who are lured away by Muslims,” they said.

When I suggested that if such an obligation—parental consent for marriage—were introduced, it would apply to all marriages and not just to the supposed victims of “love jihad,” the woman immediately objected. “That would be bad,” she said. “How can parental consent be made mandatory? It goes against personal freedom and the Constitution.” However, another woman insisted that the government would have to ensure that such a rule applied only to cases of “love jihad,” not to all marriages.

I could not help wondering how deeply anti-Muslim sentiment has seeped into sections of Gujarat’s middle class. Love marriages without parental consent seem acceptable as long as they are within the same religion, but not when a Muslim man seeks to marry a Hindu woman.

Be that as it may, looking at the overall socio-political atmosphere in Gujarat, there appears to be a broad consensus on parental consent. The only difference is that while the BJP rulers speak openly about “love jihad,” the two main opposition parties in the state—the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)—avoid using that phrase.

In a statement in the state legislature recently, Gujarat’s home minister, who is also deputy chief minister, Harsh Sanghavi declared that the Gujarat Registration of Marriages Act, 2006 might need to be amended to make parental consent compulsory for legalising any marriage. Raising the spectre of “love jihad,” he said, “There is no objection to love. But if some Salim posing as a Suresh traps a girl, we will not spare them.”

From all appearances, this seemed more for public consumption. It appeared designed to pacify recent all-male caste gatherings—especially among the numerically strong Patel and Thakor communities—which have expressed concern over a rising number of love marriages taking place without parental approval.

Not without reason. While Sanghavi claimed that in the Panchmahals district there were a very high number of “fake marriage certificates,” particularly in cases of inter-religious weddings—even in rural areas where he said there were “no Muslims or mosques”—the government itself appears reluctant to immediately amend the law.

In fact, it has shown little urgency. The government has announced a 30-day period for public suggestions and recommendations on the proposed changes, after which a review committee will be formed before any amendment is drafted. In effect, this means no immediate change to the law is likely in the coming months.

All indications suggest Sanghavi’s remarks were aimed at placating influential Patel and Thakor caste groups that provide an important electoral support to the ruling party. For quite some time, they have been approaching Gujarat authorities demanding that parental consent be made compulsory for the registration of marriages.

Early this year, a Thakor community meeting was held in Patan where a new “social constitution” was read out and oaths were administered to allegedly eliminate old customs and build a more disciplined society. The gathering announced that elopement marriages would not be accepted and introduced around sixteen new rules, including bans on DJs and sunroof cars at wedding ceremonies. The slogan “One Society, One Custom” was adopted to promote unity.

Notably, the convention was overwhelmingly male. Only one woman was present (photo): the Congress MP Geniben Thakor, who read out the so-called social constitution. A year later, she publicly supported Sanghavi’s declaration about banning marriages without parental consent, describing such a move as “meeting the demands of the current times.”

She argued that some criminal elements were “trapping” young girls into love marriages whose consequences “often prove tragic,” which is why, she said, “all communities have been demanding that the law related to love marriage be amended to make parental consent mandatory, and that villagers be included as witnesses.”

This was not a new position for her. In 2019, as a Congress MLA, she supported a decision by sections of the Thakor community to ban the use of mobile phones by unmarried girls. In 2023, she, along with BJP MLA Fatesinh Chauhan, demanded an amendment to the marriage registration law to make parental signatures mandatory when adult children chose their own partners.

Curious about whether the Congress as a party supported Sanghavi’s proposal, I called up a party spokesperson in Gujarat. Instead of offering a clear position, the spokesperson simply forwarded Geniben’s statement, which I have quoted above. “She is our esteemed MP—the only one from Gujarat,” he said. “There is little reason to believe this is not the Congress view.”

As for AAP, one of the first things its leader Gopal Italia (photo) did after winning the Visavadar assembly seat in a by-election last year was to write to the chief minister demanding a law to prevent young women from eloping with their boyfriends to get married.

Italia, a Patel and one of AAP’s most prominent leaders in Gujarat, argued that the large number of “incidents of girls running away or being made to run away at a legally adult but socially immature age” needed to be stopped. Among other things, he proposed that marriages should be registered only at the permanent residence of the bride.

Calling love marriages a “huge social problem,” he claimed that in many cases girls are “targeted and trapped in a web of love at an innocent age while still studying in school.” According to him, “a well-organised and systematic conspiracy is underway to arrange marriages for runaway couples.” He alleged that such couples are often taken to remote villages in distant districts where marriages are registered for money without proper documentation.

Italia cited what he called data from several villages: in Panchmahal district’s Bhadrala village, he claimed, 560 such marriages were registered; in Amreli district’s Dhampur, Jamka, Mujyasar and Tulindhya villages, the numbers were 1,341, 944, 380 and 258 respectively; and in Anand district’s Sandh, Rel and Vali villages, the figures were 365, 1,193 and 113.

He alleged that these registrations were frequently based on fake documents and involved various irregularities. According to him, “private agents, ‘love mafias’ and gangs”—some allegedly from outside the state—facilitated such “fake marriages,” often exploiting young couples financially and physically in the name of providing protection.

Italia’s letter, written in Gujarati, appeared primarily aimed at reassuring dominant sections of the community he belongs to—the Patels—where, particularly in rural areas, love marriages without parental approval are often viewed with deep disapproval. Notably, neither his letter nor Geniben Thakor’s statement touched upon another pressing social issue within these communities: the skewed sex ratio.

Courtesy: Counterview

The post Parental consent for marriage? Gujarat’s curious political consensus appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“When I came to Delhi, my daughter was very young and we wanted to get her admitted into a private school through the EWS (Economically Weaker Section) quota. We tried to get her into the nearby school, but did not receive an admission call. Later, we filed an RTI to enquire about the admission. Finally, after a year, we got the admission call. I believe it was the pressure of the RTI application that made the school take my daughter in, otherwise very often, the quotas in private schools are not filled. This was during the early days of the law. My daughter got a good education, later joined college and is now working at a hospital. Magar yeh sab na hota agar yeh kanoon na hota” (all this would not have been possible without this law), she added.

Twenty years later, Vandana works as a mobiliser at the Satark Nagarik Sangathan (SNS), a citizen’s group working to promote transparency, going door to door in over 10 bastis, distributing pamphlets that read “Janne ka haq, jeene ka haq” (right to information, right to life). 

Most RTI users at Lal Gumbad basti and nearby Savitrinagar – both working class areas in Delhi’s Panchsheel Park, describe the law as their lifeline. “The RTI has been most extensively used by people at the grassroots level as a tool to seek accountability for basic rights and entitlements such as pension, ration, community toilets, construction of roads, drains, school admissions and so on.” says Amrita Johri, social activist and member of SNS.

“Our research suggested that every year nearly 6 million RTIs are filed which makes the Indian law the most extensively used law globally,” she added.

The extensive use of the RTI by the ordinary person is directly linked to the history of the Right to Information movement, which was a decades long movement led by the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) that finally culminated in the Right to Information Act in 2005. MKSS was formed in 1990 with the objective of addressing the issues of the workers, small and marginal farmers who formed the bulk of the population in five blocks of Ajmer, Rajsamand (then Udaipur), Pali and Bhilwara districts. In struggling against non-payment of minimum wages on government and contract works, the MKSS systematically arrived at the conclusion that transparency of records of work and wages were essential, in order to use ‘truth’ to fight injustice.

“Iss kanoon ko laane ke peechhe sabse badha haath gaao ke mazdooro, mahilaao ka hai. Jab ki woh mahilaye padhi likhi nahi thi, magar unhe maaloom tha ki yeh unke haq ki ladhai hai. Unn mahilaao ke wajaah se, meri beti ko achhi shiksha mili” (the fight to bring this act was mainly led by the rural workers and women. The women who participated in the struggle were not literate, but they were aware that it is a struggle for their rights. It is because of these women that my daughter got a good education), adds Vandana.

Twenty Years of undoing the RTI

The recent Digital Personal Data Protection Rules (DPDPR), 2025 (enacted as the DPDP Act, 2023) has amended Section 8 (1) (j) of the Right to Information Act, 2005 through Section 44 (3). Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI 2005 disallowed access to “personal information, the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information.”

The DPDPR amendment removes the public interest test stated in the original law, creating a blanket exemption for all ‘personal data.’ There is a lack of clear demarcation between the ‘personal’ and the ‘public’ that shrouds this act, through what is seen as its deliberate ambiguity. The serious concerns raised by RTI users and activists include the hurried way in which this act was passed in the parliament.

Shailesh Gandhi, a former Chief Information Commissioner and member of National Campaign for People’s Right to Information (NCPRI) comments, “The personal has not been defined in this law, most information relates to a person in some manner, and in the case of a blanket exemption any relevant information can be denied,” he further added, “this is the death of the RTI but it is not catching enough attention because the amendment is put under the DPDPR.”

Addressing the same issue of the lack of a defined ‘personal’ domain of information, activist Nikhil Dey, one of the founders of MKSS, in a meeting on the RTI amendment organised by SNS, stated that the RTI has no contention with the Right to Privacy, however there is a key difference between ‘private’ data and ‘personal’ data, which the amendment refuses to distinguish.

Many further attest that even before the recent amendment, the RTI which had been essential for the right to life and livelihood for many, has been systemically hollowed out over the past 20 years. Several governments have attempted to amend the law multiple times.

In 2006, a year after its enactment, an amendment was proposed to the law. File noting, that documented how key legislative decisions were reached was sought to be removed from the ambit of the RTI. This triggered protests that ran across universities as many considered access to file noting to be important for enabling legislative transparency for citizens. Eventually the amendment proposal was dropped.

In 2019, an amendment altered the statutory framework by removing the earlier fixed tenure, and instead providing that “the term of office, salaries, allowances and other conditions of service of the Chief Information Commissioner and their State counterparts shall be such as may be prescribed by the Central Government.”

Similarly, under Section 21(1) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, “the Board is empowered to appoint such officers and employees as it may deem necessary for the efficient discharge of its functions, but only with the previous approval of the Central Government,” thereby placing veto powers of appointment under executive discretion.

“This law should be called the ‘right to deny information.’ It compromises the Puttaswamy judgement of 2017,” adds Shailesh Gandhi.

Ashok Kumar, a member of the SNS, talks about his experience of filing an RTI post the 2019 amendment. Kumar had filed an RTI enquiring about the salaries of Safai Karamcharis (sanitation workers) working in public toilets in Delhi, their medium of payment and Provident Fund, if any. He was denied information citing 8(1)j, as the information sought fell under the ambit of ‘personal information.’ “I have been filing RTIs since 2005, and before the 2019 amendment, I would receive proper information on similar applications. But the quality of answers has been deteriorating each year,” he added.

Perpetual vacancies in the posts of Chief Information Commissioner (CIC) has also been a worrying trend, weakening the law substantially. The absence of a Chief Information Commissioner has serious ramifications for the effective functioning of the ICs since the RTI Act envisages a critical role for the CIC, including superintendence, management and direction of the affairs of the information commission. According to a report by SNS, assessments have shown that a large number of RTI applications come from the urban poor and from rural households seeking information about their basic entitlements. In this context, the report points out that the practice of returning a very large number of appeals and complaints without passing any orders becomes extremely problematic. It also creates an apprehension that this is perhaps a way of frustrating information seekers in a bid to reduce backlogs, since many people, especially the poor and marginalised, would feel discouraged and often give up if their appeal/complaint is returned. Over 95% of the cases returned by the CIC were not resubmitted to the commission.

Aruna Roy and Nikhil Dey, founders of MKSS in an interview by The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy said, “The stories of hope still exist. However, now the anger of being stonewalled, and being frustrated by delay and denial is becoming the dominant discourse. In many cases, even when information is extracted or procured, the system is getting immune to demands of accountability. There is also now a creeping atmosphere of fear.”

Activists state that the anxiety around the need to amend the law points to the power it gives to the people, to ask questions and hold their elected representatives accountable. RTI activists have repeatedly pointed out that in a feudal political setup with entrenched hierarchies, where government officials and babus form the higher echelons of the system, the act of questioning by a Dalit, a woman, or any marginalised person, frustrates the old status quo.

“What has upset the government most about the RTI is common people using it to question the state. As part of our research we often do interviews with government officials about their experience and one thing we constantly hear is that ‘ab toh koi bhi hamse sawal poochh sakta hai, jo moongfali bechta hai woh bhi’ (now anyone can ask us questions, even the one who sells peanuts).” says Johri.

Roy and Dey further added in the same interview, “Those who had lived in an era before the RTI saw the unfolding of the wonder of what real citizenship could mean. To ask a question, and expect an answer from people occupying positions of power was a new and incredulous feeling. When these stories were reported, it was with the wonder of ‘speaking truth to power’, and power being forced to respond. It became clear that the RTI was actually the sharing of power.”

What do RTI users say?

Users say responses have become more ambiguous, and evasive. Many residents across colonies who used to receive pension under the old age pension scheme and the Delhi Pension to Women in Distress scheme state that they have not been receiving the pension amount of Rs. 2500 for months. Testimonials of those who asked about their pension through RTIs, show the nature of responses applicants have received in the past couple of months. The anonymous applicants will be addressed as Applicant A and B.

Applicant A, filed an RTI seeking information about her widow pension which she had not received for months. The application lists five queries, out of which questions regarding the name of the public officer responsible for the pension is not answered, instead the address of a complaint office is provided. The response to the query states that the pension is under process due to lack of funds. The application further enquired, “Within what time limit is a complaint regarding pension supposed to be resolved by the department as per rules? Please provide a copy of the relevant order/circular/notification/guidelines related to this” This also received no response.

Applicant B, who filed an RTI enquiring about old age pension used the same question template and received the same response citing lack of funds.

Shanti, a resident of Lal Gumbad camp, who goes by her first name, had filed an RTI application to enquire about her husband’s pension of Rs. 2500, which had been halted for four months. The response to the enquiry, yet again cited lack of funds due to which the pension was not being transferred.

“Hamare pati pehle mistry ka kaam karte the. Magar unko saas lene mein dikkat hone lagi, woh zyada chal phir nahi pate, kaam pe nahi jaa pate. Pension ke bina hamara ghar nahi chal pata” (My husband was earlier a mason. But he has respiratory problems, so he can’t walk long distances. Without the pension it is very difficult to make ends meet), said Shanti about her husband’s deteriorating health and the importance of the pension.

Veena, another resident who goes by her first name, had filed an RTI in 2024 to ask about the widow pension that she was entitled to. While she did receive Rs. 20,000 promised to families living Below Poverty Line after the death of the primary breadwinner under the Delhi Family Benefit Scheme, after filing an RTI; she is yet to receive the monthly pension amount of Rs 2500. “Pension approved dikha raha hai, magar paise nahi aa rahe. Fund ki kami hai toh fund kab aayega, yeh pata nahi” (it shows that the pension has been approved, but the funds are not available. If there is a shortage of funds when will the funds be provided, this no one knows), added Suman, who helped Veena file the RTI.

Suman, a volunteer with SNS from the basti who has been helping residents file RTI applications since 2012, says “If someone has stopped receiving the pension amount due to lack of funds, is it not the government’s responsibility to inform its citizens about when the issue would be solved. Instead, people are given vague answers, and stalled indefinitely. In this case, both Veena and Shanti have asked about their own pension. Instead, if we were to file an RTI to ask for a list of all the people with pensions pending in this area, we will be denied that information citing the amendment. ”

“Budget shortages will be affecting lakhs of people across the city. This refusal to let people organise and demand collective data will disable the ability of marginalised people to come together and fight the system,” added Amrita.

When systemic issues are treated as individual grievances rather than system level failures it reveals the larger failure of the legislative machinery. In implementing this, the government intends to deal with each citizen rather than people coming together, mobilising and collectively representing their struggles. 

How the amendment discourages collective monitoring 

Is sanshodhan ka sabse zyada prabhav un logo pe padhega jo zameeni sthar par aate hai, jinko ration, pension, shiksha, inn zaroorato ke liye RTI ka sahara milta tha” (this amendment majorly effects the people at the grassroots level, who takes the support of the RTI for needs like ration, pension and education), said Vandana.

While RTIs could not fix policy level issues, it had become a powerful tool to challenge local level corruption. In many cases, even when people did not receive adequate responses through RTI, the issue that made applicants file it was addressed. RTI users thus view information as a means to secure their rights and material needs.

On January 9, in a meeting on 20 years of RTI, activist Anjali Bharadwaj spoke about the immense role of the act in unearthing local level corruptions within the system, citing the corruption in the Public Distribution System (PDS) exposed through the RTI. Women who had not been receiving ration for months filed an RTI to seek copies of sale and stock registers which revealed that while the ration in their name had reached the ration shops, they were told that there was no ration for them. Post the DPDPR amendment activists anticipate that such registers will become inaccessible for people since they carry personal information like the names of people, their signatures, their addresses and so on, making collective scrutiny difficult.

A key impact of the RTI was that it enabled collective monitoring. Activists say that the kind of documents that could be accessed earlier — the sale registers, list of beneficiaries and so on — can no longer be retrieved through the implementation of this amendment. With the new amendment’s greater emphasis on protection of ‘personal data’, such information has been deliberately concealed from the public domain. The proactive disclosure that formed the edifice of the RTI collapses with this amendment in place.

Some RTI applicants have alleged that they received calls from local authorities for raising complaints. A resident, who had filed an RTI regarding ration said under the condition of anonymity, “ration daftar se phone aaya tha, unhone poochha aapne complaint kyu daali. RTI daalte hai toh sarkaari daftar unko call karke dhamkati hai.” (We received a call from the ration office; they asked why I had filed an RTI. Sometimes, when people file an RTI, they receive calls from the offices responsible for their issues and are intimidated).

The new DPDPR amendment’s treatment of the term ‘data fiduciary’ alters its conventional definition. By the new definition, anyone who collects data becomes a data fiduciary. Very often, unions and NGOs aid workers file RTIs, and organise to build pressure on the right authorities. This is where organisational support becomes crucial and collectives such as MKSS, SNS and others help people seek transparency. Unions and organisations work with a large mass of personal data, and thus, are brought under the ambit of a ‘data fiduciary’ through this amendment.

The DPDPR imposes substantial financial penalties for non-compliance by Data Fiduciaries. The highest penalty up to Rs. 250 crore applies to failure of a Data Fiduciary to maintain reasonable security safeguards. Any other violation of the Act or Rules by a Data Fiduciary may attract penalties up to Rs. 50 crore. Such hefty fines creates a fear of breaching the law, rendering RTI activists, and collectives vulnerable to punitive action.  The state has a centralised control over the collection of data, as one of the biggest collectors of data in the country is the government itself. By this logic, the amendment should put curbs on the government’s ability to collect and use information. However, it gives it unchecked powers.

Writer and activist, Sunil Kumar explained that there are very few legislative and institutional safeguards for workers in the country and the RTI is one of the few measures through which rights can be sought. Very often, the RTI responses take time and effort, which many workers cannot afford. He further added, “A woman told me that after her contractor abused her, she decided to look for work elsewhere and did not even go back to collect the wages. Workers often do not have the time or support to demand their rights, or file RTI on their own.”

RTI activists have been routinely targeted, attacked and often killed for seeking accountability since 2005. According to the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI), 68 RTI activists have been killed between 2005 and 2017. Users and activists have faced frequent harassment, intimidation and threats, discouraging the use of the law.

The undoing of a law, that is described as a lifeline for so many people, will not only impact individuals and their immediate material needs but would define the larger ecosystem in which rights are sought and enacted.  

(Samra Iqbal is currently a Young India Fellow at Ashoka University. She recently completed her undergraduate studies in English literature from St. Stephen’s College, Delhi University. She is also a freelance journalist and has previously covered stories for The Frontline, The Quint and Maktoob Media; Tulip Banerjee is a master’s student of journalism at AJK MCRC Jamia Millia Islamia. She has previously reported for The Leaflet and Maktoob Media)

Related:

Repeal recent amendments to the RTI act, 2005: Justice A.P Shah in an Open Letter

Vacancies, Backlogs, and increased governmental involvement: How the RTI Act has lost its glory!

India’s RTI Act struggles to survive as backlog, lack of staff persists

The post “RTI Was Our Lifeline”: How the 2025 amendment impacts people at the grassroots level appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Court was hearing a plea filed by a journalist, Geeta Seshu along with the Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC), inter alia seeking direction or declaration quashing and setting aside Sections 7, 17(2)(a), 19(3) 24, 36, 44(2)(a), and 44(3) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, to the extent challenged herein, as being unconstitutional, void and inoperative, and violative of Articles 14, 19(1)(a), 19(1)(g), 21 and 21A of the Constitution of India.

A bench consisting of Chief Justice Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi and Justice Vipul M Pancholi issued notice and posted the case for hearing with the earlier petitions, on March 23. Senior Advocate Indira Jaisingh appeared on behalf of the Petitioners.

Interesting discussions took place at the time of the hearing as reported. While deliberations were on, the Bench remarked, “One is the state collecting data, and there is another matter before us. We hope that it will proceed and eventually we will decide on merits. Where our entire data of the citizens—not only of one nation, maybe a substantial part of the globe—is concerned. It is a global issue. A global issue going into the very big private entities. And that’s where the question of data sovereignty arises…Data is becoming the real, true wealth as of today.”

Indira Jaisingh then responded, “There are provisions in this Act, My Lord, which enable them to access data from other countries also. Therefore, data sovereignty issues also arise. My Lord, we are just hoping that this court will give us some guidance on all these issues.”

The Court said, “This is a very interesting point. And in any case, not only interesting, it’s an imminently required issue and one which deserves to be prioritised and determined.”

Senior Advocate Indira Jaising, appearing for the petitioners, informed the Supreme Court that the new Data Protection Act is being challenged through multiple petitions, each focusing on different facets of the statute. A primary concern raised was the removal of the “public interest” exception, which previously existed under the RTI Act. Jaising argued that this deletion severely hampers investigative journalism, as reporters may no longer be able to access data concerning public servants or matters of public importance, even when such information is vital for transparency.

Jaisingh submitted, “Your Lordships have issued notice in three previous petitions challenging analogous provisions of this Act. However, the emphasis of each of the petitions is slightly different from the other. So I thought… the statute itself is new, because it talks of data protection for the first time in the country…I may briefly just tell you: one is the journalistic exception. Public interest has been deleted from the RTI Act and also from the Data Protection Act. So, therefore, a journalist cannot access data which is in the public interest. My Lord, we concede that we can’t have personal data. A journalist need not have personal data, but if it’s in the public interest—for example, if you’re writing about a public servant, etc.”

Chief Justice Kant said, “Ultimately, the interesting question that will have to be determined is: what is public data and what is personal data?”

Senior Advocate Jaisingh replied, “Yes, My Lord, that’s a critical question. The Act does not clarify that. Therefore, My Lord, it will require judicial interpretation. And there is no definition of what is information and what is personal.”

“One interesting point can be whether data with respect to a person, so long as he holds a public office, can be termed as personal data or can it be termed as private data…Madam, at the time of hearing, you will have to suggest different hypothetical situations. And then, probably, we will be able to have a better analysis,” Justice Kant remarked.

She submitted, “not only hypothetical, but we can take cases that have actually gone to court under the RTI Act, where either the information has been allowed or disallowed, because these will be analogous provisions. My Lord, in the RTI Act, there was an exception saying you can ask for information which is in the public interest. That has been deleted from the Data Protection Act. Actually, that’s what’s causing the trouble. Otherwise, there would be no other problem. Then, My Lord, the second is that the state has a right to call for any information. Of course, there are certain categories and sovereignty of the country, but they are overbroad. For example, they can call for information which is related to public order. Now, public order, as we all know, is a very broad category.”

The Court observed that the core of the matter lies in distinguishing between public and personal data. He questioned whether information regarding an individual holding public office could truly be classified as “private.” The Bench also stressed the need for a balanced approach, requesting that the petitioners suggest specific measures to protect individual privacy without compromising the right to information. Justice Kant noted that neither right should act as an impediment to the effective exercise of the other.

Justice Kant said, “But also, Madam, we will request you to also suggest the measures to protect the individuals also. In a given case, if there are sweeping provisions permitting to have the complete information and where the right to privacy and this conflict comes, then how to protect some individuals also?…So, what can be the measures which can be taken without affecting the right to have this information?”

Singh responded, “Now, especially now, My Lord, we have a right to privacy in this country. So that right also has to be protected. That balancing measure—yes, that is what you [mean]—between the right to privacy and the right to public information.”

Chief Justice Surya Kant observed, “None of the rights should compromise with the other, and none of the rights should become an impediment in the effectivity of the right.”

The discussion also touched upon the doctrine of proportionality and the “overbroad” nature of the Act’s provisions. Jaising highlighted concerns regarding state surveillance, noting that the government has exempted itself from several provisions of the Act. Additionally, she pointed out the removal of the right to compensation for individuals whose data is illegally accessed—a right that existed under the previous IT Act—noting that any penalties would now be directed to the Data Protection Board rather than the victim.

Senior Advocate Jaisingh further submitted, “The doctrine of proportionality, over breadth—all those issues will arise for consideration by the court. And My Lord, last but not the least, the state exempts itself from the provisions of this Act. So, therefore, we’ll have to see that they can collect any data about us. There is a certain fear of surveillance also, which emerges from the reading of the provisions of this Act. So we are hoping that this honourable court will give some direction, some enlightenment on these issues. These will be the four issues, My Lord: whether there is a danger of surveillance, whether the state can exempt itself, and whether journalists can write about it.”

She further said, “You will have to look at actually all the provisions of the Act. My Lord, one more issue: earlier under the IT Act, we had a right to get compensation if our data was illegally accessed. Now they’ve deleted that right to compensation if data is illegally accessed. And they’ve said the compensation, if any, will go to the state. It will go to the Board. It will go to the Data Protection [Board].”

The Court acknowledged the global significance of the issue, describing data as the “true wealth” of the modern era. Justice Kant noted that the case involves broader questions of data sovereignty, especially concerning large private entities and the cross-border access of citizen data. Recognizing the urgency and the “imminently required” nature of the judicial interpretation of these laws, the Court issued notice, returnable on March 23rd, to be heard alongside related petitions.

The Petitioners who have filed this petition, have, according to Verdictum, which prayed for the following reliefs, “a) Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction or declaration quashing and setting aside Sections 7, 17(2)(a), 19(3) 24, 36, 44(2)(a), and 44(3) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, to the extent challenged herein, as being unconstitutional, void and inoperative, and violative of Articles 14, 19(1)(a), 19(1)(g), 21 and 21A of the Constitution of India…b) Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration quashing and setting aside Rules 5, 6, 17, 18, 21 and 23, and the Second Schedule, Fifth Schedule, Sixth Schedule and Seventh Schedule of the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025, to the extent challenged herein, as being unconstitutional, void and inoperative, and violative of Articles 14, 19(1)(a), 19(1)(g), 21 and 21A of the Constitution of India.”

Further, it was also prayed, “c) Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration quashing and setting aside Section 17(2) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, insofar as it empowers the Central Government to exempt any of its instrumentalities from the application of the provisions of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 and the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025…d) Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration quashing and setting aside the Second Schedule of the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025.”

The Plea also sought a direction for quashing and setting aside Section 44 (2) (a) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, insofar as it extinguishes the right of affected persons to seek compensation or civil remedy for unlawful processing of personal data and/or data breach and for setting aside Section 44(3) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 insofar as it dilutes the right to information of the citizens of India.

“Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration quashing and setting aside Section 19(3) and Section 24 of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 read with Rules 17, 18 and 21 and the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025, insofar as they relate to the constitution, appointment, service conditions and functioning of the Data Protection Board of India…Issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration directing the Respondent No. 1 to frame a constitutionally 103 compliant mechanism for appointment, tenure and service conditions of the Data Protection Board of India, ensuring its independence from executive control”, it further prayed.

The petition has also sought the setting aside Section 36 of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 read with Rule 23 and the Serial No. 1 of the Seventh Schedule of the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025 and sought directions to Union of India to incorporate and notify a specific and proportionate exemption under the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 and the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025 for processing of personal data for journalistic, editorial, investigative and public interest reporting purposes, including protection of journalistic sources. Alternatively, issue an appropriate writ, order or direction, or declaration quashing and setting aside Section 7 of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, insofar as it fails to provide an exemption for processing of personal data for journalistic purposes.

The Court had previously issued notice in the plea seeking the validity of the DPDP Act, 2023, as unconstitutional for being violative of Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution. The digital news platform The Reporters’ Collective and journalist Nitin Sethi approached the Supreme Court of India to challenge key provisions of the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023. Right to information activist Venkatesh Nayak has also challenged some provisions of the DPDP Act, 2023.

Related:

Serious flaws in the Digital Personal Data Protection Act

In Garb of Data Protection Bill, Centre Attacking RTI, Allege Information Commissioners

A surveillance regime that violates both Privacy & Right to Life: Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2002

Digital Personal Data Protection Bill seeks to amend RTI Act to bar disclosure of personal information

The post Data is real, true wealth: SC issues notice in yet another plea challenging DPDP Act; highlights privacy concerns appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As for the ‘Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003’, it is easily one of the most draconian ones in the history of any democracy in the world. Modi piloted this bill! During his election campaign in 2002, he ranted and raved against the Muslims and Christians and promised to bring in an anti-conversion law. True to his promise, he did so a few months later. At that time, the entire Opposition, in total disagreement with the bill, walked out of the Gujarat Assembly! It then took a full five years, until 2008, for the Gujarat Government to frame the necessary rules for the implementation of that law!

In February 2006, in keeping with letter and spirit of his anti-Constitutional law, at a Shabri Kumbh (a mass gathering of Hindus) programme in the Dangs (supported by the Gujarat Government), Modi warned the Christians “It is my constitutional duty to prevent conversions.  Our Constitution disapproves of them, and yet some people turn a blind eye.” Morari Bapu accused the Christians of bringing in planeloads of missionaries from the Vatican “who come here to carry out conversion activities but when we organise a ‘ghar wapsi’ why should it be termed as bad?”  Both Modi and Morari Bapu, unequivocally also endorsed the ‘ghar wapsi’ programmes, which were part of that Kumbh!

In 2009, the ‘Gujarat United Christian Forum for Human Rights’ and several other eminent citizens challenged the constitutional validity of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Law, in the Gujarat High Court. A notice was sent by the Court to the Government to respond, they did not do so (obviously, they could not).The petitioners later withdrew their petition with an intention of making it stronger. In August 2021, the Gujarat High Court did not allow the Gujarat Government to make amendments to the already draconian law.

The bogey of ‘forced’ conversion and the introduction of anti – conversion laws (strangely called ‘Freedom of Religion’) are part of a well-oiled strategy of the ‘Sangh Parivar’ .These laws are blatantly unconstitutional. The States of Arunachal Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, and Uttar Pradesh already have these laws in place. On March 5, Maharashtra became the 13^th State to do so, when the Government of Maharashtra approved a draft anti-conversion bill requiring prior permission from a designated authority for religious conversion. Called the ‘Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam 2026 (Religious Freedom Act, 2026), the proposed law specifically aims to prevent individuals or organizations from carrying out forced or unlawful religious conversions. It seeks to protect individuals’ freedom of religion by prohibiting coercive or deceptive practices and imposing stringent penalties for violations.

On March 11, a collective of the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and the Bombay Catholic Sabha(BCS) among thirty civil society and human rights organisations held a well-attended media conference at the Press Club in Mumbai. At the Conference, several well-known citizens lambasted the Maharashtra Government for introducing this draconian legislation and without due process.

In a detailed statement released on the day, the signatory organisations said, “the text of the draft law has not yet been made public, raising serious concerns about transparency, democratic process, and the potential implications of the legislation for fundamental rights. The participating civil society organisations emphasise that legislation with far-reaching implications for religious freedom, privacy, and personal liberty cannot be drafted and introduced without public consultation, scrutiny, and debate. A growing pattern of anti-conversion laws framed around “love jihad” The proposed Maharashtra law appears to follow the pattern of anti-conversion legislation already enacted in several states under the banner of “freedom of religion” laws. While framed as measures to prevent coercion or fraudulent religious conversions, these statutes have frequently been justified politically through the narrative of “love jihad”—a conspiracy theory alleging that Muslim men systematically lure Hindu women into marriage in order to convert them. This claim has no legal basis.” 

Further, the statement said, “The Maharashtra proposal also comes at a time when the constitutional validity of similar anti-conversion laws across several states is already under challenge before the Supreme Court of India. A batch of writ petitions –first filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), Mumbai that is the lead petitioner in the Supreme Court– has been pending before the Supreme Court since 2020, raising fundamental constitutional questions about the scope of freedom of conscience, personal liberty, equality before the law, and the limits of State power in regulating religious conversion and interfaith relationships. Hearings in the matter that have happened intermittently with pressing demands made by CJP for an interim stay on the most egregious provisions are also scheduled today” 

The ‘bogey’ of forced conversion is once again being made into an issue! There is absolutely no evidence to substantiate this frivolous claim. It is a manipulative ploy, used by the Sanghis to defocus from the real issues, which grip the nation. India has proved to have a spineless Government, literally being held to ransom by the United States. We have lost our long-cherished identity as a non-aligned nation. The ordinary citizen is suffering due to a terrible scarcity of LPG (Smriti Irani seems to have done the disappearing trick instead of protesting!). The Epstein files have revealed names of some prominent Indians- a great shame to the nation. The Election Commission has proved to be a ‘caged parrot’ of the ruling regime! Corruption is the DNA of a Government, which has abdicated its responsibility to govern. Prices are skyrocketing, even as the poor become poorer and the crony capitalists friends of the regime continue to amass scandalous amounts of wealth. The common person is denied the legitimate right of ‘roti-kapda-makaan’ and Adivasis of ‘jal-jungle- jameen’.  The country is in the doldrums as never before! Besides, the ‘hindutvadis’ are a frightened group: they are aware that their so -called brand of ‘religiosity’ goes against human nature: the rights and freedoms, which are inalienable to every citizen.  Therefore, the ‘forced conversion’ gimmick is a convenient way to change the narrative and deflect from burning issues, which literally throttle the country today!

On November 14, 2022, a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court consisting of Justice M.R. Shah and Justice Hima Kohli observed that forced conversions may “ultimately affect the security of nation and freedom of religion and conscience of citizen.” The bench directed the Central Government to inform the Apex Court what steps it intends taking to curb deceitful or compulsory religious conversions. The bench was hearing a PIL by Ashwini Kumar Upadhyay, who has been filing several petitions of this kind in the past.  Upadhyay wants a law against ‘fraudulent religious conversion’ and ‘religious conversion by intimidation’, threatening, deceivingly luring through gifts and monetary benefits, as it offends Articles 14, 21, and 25.

Significantly, in April 2021, a three-judge bench of Justices Rohinton F Nariman, B.R. Gavai and Hrishikesh Roy had dismissed a similar petition by the Upadhyay himself and had even threatened to impose heavy costs if he persisted with the petition. The bench at that time had opined that any religious conversion law would be violative of the constitution as the constitution clearly allows joining of any religion of one’s choice and that is why the word “propagate” is in the Constitution. The bench termed “very harmful” the petition that asked a strict central law to check religious conversion and observed that adults are free to choose their faith. The bench also cautioned senior advocate Gopal Sankaranarayan, who represented Upadhyay in the matter, “What kind of a petition is this? This is a very harmful petition. If you are going to argue this, we are going to impose a heavy cost on you”, said Nariman; he added, “There is a reason why the word ‘propagate’ is there in the Constitution. You have to have some meaning for that word. There is no reason why somebody above 18 cannot choose one’s own religion or somebody else’s religion,” The petition was immediately withdrawn!

The point therefore is not whether one has the right ‘to convert another’; but whether a citizen of India, has the right to choose a religion of one’s choice. Article 25 of the Constitution of India unequivocally “guarantees the freedom of conscience, the freedom to profess, practice and propagate religion to all citizens”. Besides, Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, asserts that “Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance”.

As early as 1935, Dr. B. R.  Ambedkar made the most daring and path-breaking speech of his career, announcing that, because of the intransigence of privileged caste Hindus and the failure of a decade of nonviolent protests, he had decided to abandon Hinduism and to seek another faith. He urged the leaders at the Yeola Depressed Classes conference to consider their religious identity a choice, not a fact of destiny. In a highly emotional voice he said, “If you want to gain self-respect, change your religion. If you want to create a cooperating society, change your religion. If you want power, change your religion. If you want equality, change your religion. If you want independence, change your religion. If you want to make the world in which you live happy, change your religion”. About twenty years later, on 14 October 1956 (apparently the date on which King Ashoka became a Buddhist) Ambedkar together with his wife and at least 365,000 of his followers, mainly Dalits, decided to exit Hinduism and embrace Buddhism.

Is then an adult citizen of India free to choose the religion of one’s choice? The Supreme Court has to act with alacrity, maintaining the unconstitutionality of these draconian laws and strike them down in toto once and for all! Will it have the courage to take on the ‘hindutva’ brigade? That perhaps is another matter! 

March 14, 2026 

(The author is a human rights, reconciliation & peace activist and writer. Contact: cedricprakash@gmail.com )

Related:

35 civil society groups oppose Maharashtra’s proposed anti-conversion law, warn of threat to women’s autonomy and constitutional freedoms

Maharashtra’s Anti-Conversion Bill: Legislating suspicion in the name of “love jihad”

The post Draconian Law! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) announced that the decision was taken “after due consideration” and in order to create an atmosphere conducive to dialogue and stability in the Union Territory of Ladakh. The order revoking Wangchuk’s detention was issued with immediate effect, according to The Hindu.

In its official statement, the MHA said the government remains committed to “fostering an environment of peace, stability, and mutual trust in Ladakh so as to facilitate constructive and meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders.” The ministry also noted that Wangchuk had already served nearly half of the maximum detention period permitted under the NSA, which allows authorities to detain individuals without trial for up to 12 months, as per Hindustan Times.

The activist had been lodged in Jodhpur Central Jail in Rajasthan since September 26, 2025.

Arrest followed violent protests in Leh

Wangchuk’s detention followed widespread protests in Leh on September 24, 2025. The protests were for demanding greater political autonomy for Ladakh. Unfounded allegations about protests turning “violent” were made by government, claims contested by video footage and other evidence. However, when demonstrators clashed with security personnel, who were trying to stop protests, the police firing left four people dead and dozens injured.

Authorities subsequently accused Wangchuk of instigating the protests and described him as a “chief provocateur”. Two days after the violence, he was detained under the NSA and transferred from Ladakh to Rajasthan. This decision too has been widely criticised.

The detention by a widely acclaimed climate activist was after he, that is Sonam Wangchuk had announced a second hunger fast after the Centre had ‘broken its promise” to accord Leh/Ladhakh autonomy in 2020. Previously in March of 2024, Wangchuk had led a 21-day ‘climate fast’ that had drawn nationwide attention and support. His strong words of criticism against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister, Amit Shah had found an echo among millions.  This hunger fast too was for a demand of statehood for Ladakh and its inclusion in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.

The September 2025 sudden detention was justified by the Modi government. The government maintained that the detention was necessary to restore order in a sensitive border region. During proceedings before the Supreme Court, the Centre argued that Wangchuk had attempted to incite younger protesters by invoking movements such as those in Nepal and Bangladesh and had spoken about an “Arab Spring-like” mobilisation.

The government also opposed his release on medical grounds, telling the court that claims about deteriorating health were “manufactured and synthetic”. According to the Union government, Wangchuk had undergone multiple medical examinations during his detention and was medically stable.

Detailed reports may be read here and here.

Legal challenge before the Supreme Court

Wangchuk’s detention was being challenged in the Supreme Court through a habeas corpus petition filed by his wife, Gitanjali Angmo under Article 32 of the Constitution. The case was being heard by a bench comprising Justices Aravind Kumar and P.B. Varale.

Senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for the petitioner, argued that the detention order relied on vague allegations, “stale FIRs”, and selective interpretations of Wangchuk’s speeches. He contended that authorities had relied on “borrowed, selective videos” that were inaccurately translated and did not demonstrate incitement to violence.

The Supreme Court had been scheduled to review video recordings of Wangchuk’s speeches during the Holi recess and was expected to consider the matter again on March 17. The government’s decision to revoke the detention has effectively pre-empted that hearing.

Angmo had also alleged that the detention was part of a wider pattern of pressure against Wangchuk and his institutions. According to her, authorities cancelled the lease of the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh, initiated a CBI inquiry, withdrew permissions for his NGO, and issued income tax notices during the period surrounding his arrest,

Movement for constitutional safeguards in Ladakh

Wangchuk, a globally recognised education reformer and environmental innovator, has been one of the most prominent voices in Ladakh’s ongoing movement seeking constitutional protections for the region.

The agitation intensified after 2019, when the Union government abrogated Article 370 and reorganised the former state of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories — Jammu and Kashmir, with a legislature, and Ladakh, which remains directly governed by the Union government.

The movement led by the Leh Apex Body and the Kargil Democratic Alliance has articulated a four-point agenda:

• Statehood for Ladakh
• Inclusion of the region under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution
• Creation of a Ladakh Public Service Commission
• Separate Lok Sabha seats for Leh and Kargil districts (Hindustan Times)

Leaders argue that Ladakh’s Union Territory status has left residents with little democratic representation, as administrative authority is largely exercised by centrally appointed bureaucrats.

Prior to the reorganisation, the region had four elected representatives in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly. Since the bifurcation, Ladakh has no legislative assembly of its own.

Why Sixth Schedule status is being demanded

A key demand of the movement is the extension of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution to Ladakh. The Sixth Schedule currently provides special administrative protections for tribal-majority regions in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura.

Autonomous District Councils created under the schedule have powers to legislate on matters such as land, forests, agriculture, village administration and local governance.

Protestors argued that such protections are essential for Ladakh because more than 90 percent of its population belongs to Scheduled Tribes, and the region’s fragile ecology and distinct cultural identity require legal safeguards (The Indian Express).

While Ladakh already has two autonomous hill councils — the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (Leh) and the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (Kargil) — they are not backed by constitutional protections and have limited administrative powers.

Government officials have previously suggested that extending the Sixth Schedule beyond the Northeast may require a constitutional amendment, though the final decision rests with Parliament.

Reaction from Ladakh leaders

The revocation of Wangchuk’s detention has been welcomed by leaders associated with the Ladakh movement, though many emphasised that the broader political demands remain unresolved.

Sajjad Kargili, founder member of the Kargil Democratic Alliance, described the move as a “welcome step” and expressed hope that it would pave the way for renewed negotiations with the Union government, according to The Indian Express.

He said the region continues to seek statehood, Sixth Schedule protections, and institutional mechanisms such as a public service commission to address concerns about employment and governance.

Kargili also pointed out that Ladakh had previously enjoyed some degree of political representation within the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, whereas the present administrative arrangement offers residents limited avenues for democratic accountability.

Wangchuk’s response

Even while in detention, Wangchuk indicated that he would continue his activism but emphasised the need for dialogue. In a social media message earlier this week, he said the movement for Ladakh’s rights required “clarity, unity, and sincere dialogue”, as reported by The Hindu.

His wife also stated in an interview that Wangchuk intends to remain part of the broader campaign for constitutional safeguards but does not plan to pursue confrontation or agitation after his release.

At the same time, Angmo criticised the government’s claim that Ladakh had remained peaceful during Wangchuk’s detention. In a post on social media, she argued that the apparent calm was the result of curfews, internet shutdowns, and arrests of more than 100 youth following the September 2025 protests.

“The dreaded silence of the graveyard is not equal to the sacred peace of the temple that Ladakh was known for,” she wrote, as per Hindustan Times.

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The groups addressed a press conference in Mumbai after the Maharashtra Cabinet recently cleared the proposed Maharashtra Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam, 2026, which is intended to regulate religious conversions and impose penalties for conversions deemed “unlawful” or “forced.” According to media reports, the proposed law could provide for imprisonment of up to seven years and fines that may extend to ₹5 lakhs.

Detailed report may be read here.

Civil society representatives argued that while the legislation is framed as a measure to curb coercive conversions, it is rooted in the politically charged narrative of “love jihad” and risks enabling intrusive state oversight over personal choices relating to marriage and faith, as per Free Press Journal.

Concerns over surveillance of personal choice

Activists expressed particular concern over provisions expected to be included in the bill, based on similar laws enacted in other states and media reports about the Maharashtra proposal. These include requirements for individuals intending to convert to seek prior permission from a designated authority, provide advance notice of conversion — reportedly up to 60 days — and register the conversion after it takes place. Failure to comply with these procedures could potentially render the conversion invalid.

Civil society groups warned that such requirements effectively place personal belief and religious choice under administrative surveillance.

Human rights lawyer Lara Jesani of People’s Union for Civil Liberties emphasised that the freedom of religion under the Constitution necessarily includes the right to adopt or change one’s faith.

In a patriarchal social context, she cautioned, such laws risk becoming tools in the hands of families, vigilante groups and state authorities to control women’s decisions regarding marriage and religion, as per Hindustan Times.

Questions over necessity of the law

Speakers at the press conference also questioned the justification for introducing such legislation in the absence of credible data demonstrating widespread cases of forced religious conversion.

According to The Hindu, Jesani noted that there is little publicly available evidence or official studies indicating that coercive conversions constitute a systemic problem requiring new legislation. Without such data, activists argued, the necessity of the law remains unclear.

Civil society organisations further pointed out that existing provisions in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita already criminalise acts such as fraud, coercion, intimidation and forced marriage, which can address any genuine instances of forced conversion.

Demand for transparency and consultation

Another major concern raised by the coalition was the lack of transparency surrounding the proposed legislation. Although the Cabinet has approved the draft bill, the text of the law has not yet been made public.

Civil rights activist Teesta Setalvad, secretary of Citizens for Justice and Peace, criticised the absence of public consultation and urged the Maharashtra government to release the draft for wider scrutiny, reported The Hindu.

Setalvad argued that legislation affecting fundamental rights — particularly those concerning religious freedom and personal autonomy — must be developed through an open and participatory process involving stakeholders such as women’s groups, minority communities and legal experts.

Civil society groups also called for the proposed bill to be referred to a legislative standing committee to allow for detailed examination and debate before any attempt is made to enact it.

Constitutional challenge already pending

Activists further pointed out that the constitutional validity of similar anti-conversion laws enacted in several states is already under challenge before the Supreme Court of India.

A batch of petitions filed in 2020 — including the lead petition by Citizens for Justice and Peace — challenges the anti-conversion laws enacted in states such as Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Madhya Pradesh, on grounds that they violate fundamental rights relating to privacy, personal liberty and freedom of religion (Free Press Journal, March 12, 2026).

Given that these challenges remain pending before the apex court, civil society groups questioned the prudence of introducing another similar law without first awaiting judicial clarity on the constitutionality of such provisions.

Broad coalition of organisations

Among the organisations participating in the press conference were Mumbai for Peace, Association for Protection of Civil Rights, Forum Against Oppression of Women, Bombay Catholic Sabha, Indian Muslims for Secular Democracy, Muslim Satyashodhak Mandal, and the Dalit Human Rights Defenders Network, among others.

Collectively, the organisations demanded that the Maharashtra government make the draft bill public, initiate consultations with civil society and affected communities, and refrain from advancing the legislation without meaningful democratic debate and scrutiny.

They also reiterated that if the state proceeds with the law in its present form, it is likely to face constitutional challenges in court.

The complete press note may be accessed below.

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September of Fear: Targeted Violence against Christians in Rajasthan exposes pattern of harassment after Anti-Conversion Bill

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The vandalism and violence by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) against a proposed discussion on February 24, 2026, by “Spark”, an informal student reading group of Azim Premji University (APU), Bangalore, are symptomatic of the increasing repression in campuses across the country, where dissent is criminalised and free debate and discussion is shut down. The proposed discussion was on the anniversary of the mass rapes in Kunan Poshpora in 1991.

On February 24, around 25 members of the ABVP, the student wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) vandalised the “Kabira” space, a designated location for cultural activities in the Sarjapur campus of the university and the venue of a discussion on Kunan Poshpora by the Spark Reading Group. They tore down posters and assaulted a student and a member of the university’s security staff.

While police arrested 25 members of the ABVP on charges of assault, vandalism and trespass., they were granted bail the next day.

However, police also registered an FIR, based on a complaint by the APU Registrar Rishikesh BS, against office-bearers and members of the Spark Reading Circle. The complaint against the group’s Instagram handle on the event was registered under Sec 299 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023, on charges of deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings, a cognisable and non-bailable charge with a penalty of up to three years imprisonment.

The FIR also cites charges under Sec 66 (e) (violation of privacy by intentionally capturing, publishing, or transmitting images of a person’s private areas without their consent) and 67 (publishing or transmitting obscene material in electronic form) of the Information Technology Act,2000.

The APU Registrar’s complaint states that no permission was sought or granted for the event and that the group had no official connection with the university. The complaint further blames the reading group for seeking to host the event and said that, by “issuing such invitations, hostility arose between two groups, resulting in activists forcefully entering our campus and creating a disturbance.”

In a statement, the Student Council of Azim Premji University expressed concern over the FIR filed by the university against members of the ‘Spark Reading Circle’, stating that the matter should have been addressed through internal disciplinary mechanisms rather than criminal proceedings.

Indeed, the excessively punitive reaction of the APU administration towards the student reading group for merely planning to hold a discussion on the Kunan Poshpora incident is highly disturbing. A purely administrative and logistical issue of permissions for an event on campus became the basis of a complaint to the police to seek criminal action against a reading group and its members. The complaint against the group’s account on a social media platform amounts to an open invitation to police the academic lives of students. In the guise of a criminal investigation, it allows for surveillance of electronic devices of students and seeks to police their space and time outside the classroom.

Why don’t they want people to remember Kunan Poshpora?

 The ABVP’s protest against the Spark Reading Group’s discussion over Kunan-Poshpora seeks to erase and invisibilise the crucial process of recollection and analysis of painful and sensitive incidents, thereby silencing a historical record.

February 24, 2026, marked the 35th anniversary of the mass rape and torture of women of the villages of Kunan and Poshpora in Jammu and Kashmir by the Indian Army. The allegations of rape and torture were denied by the army and the Indian government.

However, the testimonies of women of the two villages and the extensive records and interviews by researchers Essar Batool, Ifrah Butt, Munaza Rashid, Natasha Rather and Samreena Mushtaq, who documented the incident and its aftermath in their book “Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora?” continue to challenge official narratives even as they persist in the struggle to seek justice and accountability. The book was among the 25 academic books banned in Kashmir last year.

Systematic censorship of academia

The violence by the right wing ABVP, the student wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the ominously repressive measures taken by the APU administration result in the censorship and curbs on free discussion and debate on important issues. They are only the latest in the growing list of instances of censorship in academia.

Right-wing students are emboldened and weaponised by the ruling political dispensation. Regrettably, university administrations, including vice chancellors who are unabashed champions of right-wing ideologies, speedily crack down on students who dare to ask questions.

Last year, Free Speech Collective’s annual report “Free Speech in India 2025: Behold the Hidden Hand” documented at least 16 noteworthy instances of censorship in academia, including the criminalisation of student protests, the Delhi University Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh’s openly political exhortations to faculty and staff to push the ruling BJP’s agendas and the arrest of Prof Ali Khan Mahmudabad of Ashoka University over posts on Operation Sindoor even as the denial of permission for academic seminars on “sensitive subjects” became routine.

Now, barely two months into 2026, there are already more than six instances of censorship in academia in India.

At least 14 students of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) were arrested for protesting the casteist remarks of the university’s Vice Chancellor Shantisree Dhulipudi Pandit. Granted bail by a Delhi court on February 27, the students continued to remain in jail till late evening on Sunday (March 1) as police took their time to complete the verifications of their permanent addresses. It took the court to direct their immediate release stating that procedural formalities could not be the excuse for their continued detention after bail had already been granted.

Earlier, on February 17, 2026, the Proctor Office of Delhi University (DU) issued an order stating that “public meetings, processions, demonstrations, and protests of any kind are strictly prohibited within the university campus for a period of one month.”

On January 29, 2026, Sarover Zaidi, an associate professor at OP Jindal Global University in Sonepat, was suspended for one semester (February 1 to July 31) for allegedly comparing Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Adolf Hitler. BJP MP from Kurukshetra Naveen Jindal is the founding chancellor of the university.

The action arose after a hearing in the Haryana Human Rights Commission (HHRC) on a complaint by Vishav Bajaj, father of Vikhyaat Bajaj, a first-year undergraduate student of the Jindal School of Design & Architecture, that on November 7, 2025, during a lecture on the course “Politics of Representation” taught by Zaidi, repeated remarks were made in class that were “politically derogatory, inflammatory and deeply disturbing”.

Bajaj alleged that PM Modi was compared to Adolf Hitler, national security operations such as Operation Sindoor were described as “gimmicks” and “branding exercises,” civilian deaths were trivialised and official accounts of terrorism were questioned. Audio recordings made by Vikhyaat were also submitted to the HHRC.

The student had also complained against another assistant professor, Ekta Chauhan, alleging their statements against the RSS. But Chauhan refuted the allegations and described herself as a “devout and practising” Hindu. Her family was associated with RSS-linked social service traditions since 1972, she said in a written statement.

The trend of disinvitation of distinguished persons from campus events continued unabated. In Banaras Hindu University, a lecture by scholar Kedar Mishra, scheduled for January 20, 2026, was cancelled allegedly under government pressure In Mumbai, actor Naseeruddin Shah was disinvited from an academic literary event at Mumbai University on January 31, 2026.

In Mumbai, an SRFTI (Satyajit Ray Film & Television Institute) student film “Da’Lit Kids” was pulled out of the Animela Film Festival at Whistling Woods after it was reportedly denied permission for screening by the Ministry for Information and Broadcasting. In protest, film-makers of all the SRFTI films scheduled for screening at the festival pulled out but the festival went ahead.

The Animela Festival is an international Animation, VFX, Gaming, Comics & XR Festival run by a non-profit organisation – the Aniverse and Visual Arts Foundation (AVAF). While there is no clarity why government permission was sought for the films being screened, the festival website lists multiple sponsors, including the Maharashtra government, embassies of France and Australia and corporate support from sponsors like Adani.

All these instances of censorship further circumscribe the space for the free exchange of information and diverse viewpoints. APU prides itself on being “a space for social change” and a space for higher education that “can create critical and reflective practitioners with an understanding of the social impact of education, the law and development”. Instead of criminalising students, APU needs to ensure that its campuses remain safe spaces that nurture the spirit of enquiry. For a truly transformative educational institution, a climate of free discussion needs to prevail over censorship by vandals and vigilantes.

Courtesy: Free Speech Collective

The post The Throttling of Free Discussion in Academia: Strong-arm Tactics by ABVP and Cave in by Azim Premji University appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In his over, one-hour recitation cum talk Naseeruddin Shah introduced the audience to the charm and possibilities of Urdu and recited from many of the greats like Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Mirza Ghalib, Sahir Ludhianvi, Allama Iqbal and Imtiaz Ali Taj. Through narration, reflection and dramatic nuance Naseeruddin Shah revisited an era when literature shaped social thought and human values, celebrating poetry that spoke of love, injustice, hope and collective dreams

The Lectures That Needed to Happen series by Mumbai for Peace provides a platform to deserving lectures and events that are cancelled due to uncalled & non democratic interference by the State or non-state actors. “Mumbai for Peace” is a citizens’ platform formed by concerned Mumbaikars committed to safeguarding the city’s plural character and nurturing communal harmony.

Preet Nagar was a presentation that was scheduled in Mumbai University on February 1 but was unceremoniously cancelled at the last minute with no explanation. Earlier MFP had collaborated with other organisations to hold the Father Stan Swamy Memorial Lecture by Fr. Prem Xalxo that was similarly cancelled

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The post Censorship Broken: Naseeruddin Shah speaks on the Urdu language at Kalina, Mumbai & recites from its rich poetry appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Temple Pattas and the Politics of Sacred Property 

The decision to grant land titles to temples is being justified as a route to enable them to access government schemes. On the surface, this appears as a bureaucratic correction. But the social context matters. In Rajasthan, temple management and priesthood are overwhelmingly controlled by Brahmin and Bania networks. Regularising temple land thus strengthens institutions already embedded within caste hierarchies.

This is not merely about religion; it is about property, legitimacy, and state-backed sanctification. When the state confers pattas upon temples, it converts religious capital into legal capital. In effect, public land becomes anchored to institutions historically aligned with Brahmanical authority. The material beneficiaries are not abstract “devotees,” but specific caste-based managerial structures.

The larger concern is the asymmetry. If temples are to receive legal facilitation in the name of heritage and welfare access, where is the parallel policy for community institutions run by Dalits, Adivasis, or minority groups? Selective formalisation reproduces structural inequality while appearing neutral.

Meat Shops, NOCs and the Food Governance 

The mandate that meat shops cannot open without Panchayat NOC approval, especially near public places, carries heavy symbolic and economic implications. In Rajasthan, the meat trade is largely associated with Muslim, Dalit and Rajput communities. Introducing an additional layer of discretionary approval effectively subjects these livelihoods to local majoritarian pressures.

The language of “public sentiment” or “cultural sensitivity” often becomes a tool for social policing. Panchayats are not caste-neutral spaces; they reflect local hierarchies. Granting them veto power over meat shops risks institutionalising social prejudice under administrative cover.

Food regulation in India has increasingly mirrored ideological currents rather than public health concerns. When cow shelters receive hundreds of crores while meat sellers face regulatory tightening, the contrast is telling. One sector aligned with Brahmanical social ethos receives subsidy and legitimacy; another, tied to marginalised communities, faces scrutiny and conditionality.

Brahminism, State Patronage, and Sociopolitical Control 

These measures must be understood within the broader framework of Brahminism as a system of graded hierarchy sustained through cultural authority and economic leverage. Historically, Brahmanical power has not relied solely on theology but on proximity to the state and control over symbolic capital — education, ritual, law, and legitimacy. Historian Divya Cherian traces this food-policy in Rajasthan to the political rise of Brahmins, Banias, Mahajans and Jains as intermediaries between the local kings and the jagirdars. During the tenure of Maharaja Vijay Singh Rathore, a devoted Vaishnavite, policies promoting strict vegetarianism imposed legal sanctions on not just Muslims and Dalist but the Rajputs – causing unpopularity of the king among his own Rajput clansmen. His successor, Maharaja Man Singh Rathore, a Nath sampraday adherent, withdrew strict Vaishnavite vegetarianism but by then the state was heavily dependent bureaucratically on the ‘vegetarian’ mercantile- Brahmanical lobbies.

In the 21^st century, granting pattas to temples and privileging cow protection schemes extend this pattern into contemporary governance. They reinforce a moral economy in which Brahmanical religious institutions are treated as guardians of civilization, while occupations associated with lower castes are rendered morally negotiable.

Importantly, this is not confined to the BJP. While the BJP’s ideological articulation is explicit, earlier Congress governments in Rajasthan — especially those preceding Ashok Gehlot — often reproduced similar structural preferences. The rhetoric of socialism coexisted with conspicuous promotion of Brahmanical institutions and Bania-dominated capital networks. Socialist jargons were invoked vigorously only while fomenting caste conflicts between competitive agrarian castes like Rajputs and Jats, but economic policy frequently aligned with established mercantile and brahminical interests.

Thus, the current decisions are less an aberration and more a culmination — a clearer articulation of long-standing patterns.

Bania Capitalism and the Politics of Selective Regulation 

The political economy dimension cannot be ignored. Rajasthan’s commercial networks have historically been shaped by Bania capital, particularly in urban centres. Regulatory regimes tend to burden informal, small-scale, caste-bound occupations — such as local butchers or street vendors — while leaving entrenched commercial capital relatively unscathed.

When the state intensifies scrutiny over meat shops but not over large-scale corporate food supply chains, it signals whose economic activity is deemed culturally legitimate. This differential treatment reinforces caste-coded divisions of labour. The rhetoric of protecting “public order” or “tradition” often masks an uneven terrain of enforcement. Regulation becomes a means of disciplining marginal livelihoods while consolidating a symbolic alignment with Bania and Brahmanical interests.

Studies show that upwards of two-thirds of Scheduled Caste rural households are landless or near-landless, underscoring how economic exclusion persists; state focus on symbolic assets like cows and temples further diverts attention from redistributive needs. Communities such as the Badhik—who traditionally make a living from butchery—are low caste, landless and historically marginalised, raising concerns that new Panchayat NOC requirements for meat shops disproportionately affect socially excluded groups.

Trade data from Rajasthan cattle fairs shows a dramatic decline in cattle sales — from 31,299 in 2010-11 to under 3,000 by 2016-17 — following stricter protective regulations, revealing real economic impacts on livestock trade.” This affects both pastoral and agrarian communities as well.

Cow Shelters and Cultural Priorities 

The allocation of substantial funds to establish cow shelters across Panchayat Samitis fits within a broader politics of sacralisation. Cow protection has long functioned as a mobilising idiom of Hindu identity. But in budgetary terms, prioritizing such projects over pressing issues like rural employment diversification or agrarian distress reflects ideological choice.

Rajasthan collected over ₹2,259 crore in cow protection surcharges and spent more than ₹1,500 crore on gaushalas and related schemes over a 5-year period, according to state finance data, showing the weight of symbolic welfare in the budget compared to other competing social expenditures. This means a major chunk of a designated revenue stream — meant ostensibly to support cow welfare — has gone to cow shelter grants, even as other social sector needs compete for attention. As per a report in the Financial Express.

When combined with land grants to temples and conditionality for meat sellers, a coherent pattern emerges: state resources flow toward institutions and symbols aligned with Brahmin-Bania identity, while regulatory burdens accumulate around occupations associated with Muslims, and Dalits.

Beyond Party Lines: Structural Continuities

It would be simplistic to attribute this entirely to one party or one chief minister. Rajasthan’s post-independence political culture has frequently oscillated between socialist rhetoric and social conservatism. Congress governments often invoked redistributive language in moments of caste tension among agrarian communities, yet maintained close proximity to Brahminical cultural authority and Bania commercial networks.

The BJP’s current moves under Bhajanlal Sharma represent a more overt consolidation of that legacy. The difference lies less in substance and more in explicit ideological framing.

Conclusion: Governance or Cultural Engineering?

At stake is not merely administrative reform but the moral architecture of the state. When temple institutions are regularised and empowered while meat sellers face new hurdles, governance crosses into cultural engineering. It privileges one vision of society over pluralistic livelihood realities.

For a state, that constitutionally promises equality and secular governance, the challenge is to ensure that policy does not become a vehicle for reinforcing inherited hierarchies. Rajasthan’s latest announcements raise difficult questions: Who receives the state’s protection? Whose work is dignified? And whose livelihood is made conditional upon local moral approval?

In answering these, one sees less a neutral reform agenda and more a calibrated reassertion of sociocultural power — rooted in long-standing Brahmanical and mercantile dominance, now articulated with renewed confidence.

(The author is a mechanical engineer and an independent commentator on history and politics, with a particular focus on Rajasthan. His work explores the syncretic exchanges of India’s borderlands as well as contemporary debates on memory, identity and historiography)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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