The Division Bench of Justice Rajeev Ranjan Prasad and Justice Sourendra Pandey delivered the ruling in a criminal writ petition filed by Neeraj Kumar @ Neeraj Singh, who had remained in the Central Jail, Gaya, even after securing bail in a case under Sections 30(a) and 37 of the Bihar Prohibition and Excise Act, 2016.

Release order issued on September 29 — but prisoner not released

Neeraj Kumar’s ordeal began after the Special Excise Judge issued a release warrant on September 29, 2025, which was promptly sent to the Superintendent of the Central Jail, Gaya. Yet, instead of being released, he continued to languish in custody. The Court meticulously reconstructed the timeline:

• The petitioner was arrested in Sarbahda P.S. Case No. 91/2025 and lodged in Central Jail, Gaya.
• He was granted bail on September 23, 2025.
• A release warrant dated September 29, 2025 was issued by the Exclusive Special Excise Judge, Gaya, directing that he be released unless required in another case.
• The jail acknowledged receipt of this release order.

Yet, the petitioner remained confined.

Instead of complying with the bail order, the Jail Superintendent relied on an earlier production warrant issued by the Chief Judicial Magistrate, Buxar, in connection with an unrelated theft case under Section 303(2) of the Bhartiya Nyay Sanhita. Significantly, the production warrant had fixed the production date as September 4, 2025—well before the release warrant arrived, and long expired by the time the petitioner’s liberty was at stake.

The High Court noted that the jail authorities had been corresponding with police officials for “vehicle with adequate force” to take the accused to Buxar, but at no point had they secured a fresh production warrant after the earlier one lapsed, even though both Section 304 and Section 305 of the Bhartiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 allowed such recourse.

The Bench held unequivocally:

“…once the date fixed in the production warrant expired and the order of release had already reached in the hand of the Superintendent of Central Jail, Gaya Jee, he had no option but to release the petitioner.” (Para 3)

Instead, the jail kept him confined “for 18 days even after release without there being any order of a competent court,” as initially observed by the Court. Later, after accounting for a virtual production on October 4, the Bench narrowed the illegal period to five days—still an admitted constitutional violation.

IG Prisons Called to Court; Durga Puja holiday excuse rejected

On November 12, 2025, disturbed by what it termed “disturbing features” of the case, the Court summoned the IG, Prisons. Appearing online, the IG attempted to justify the delay, arguing that the non-release “occasioned due to the intervening Durga Puja holidays.”

The Bench rejected this outright, pointing out that:

• In-charge courts function even during holidays,
• The petitioner’s virtual production on October 4 occurred during Puja holidays, disproving the justification,
• The delay reflected not an isolated lapse but a habitual administrative practice.

The Court recorded that upon being confronted, the IG “immediately realised” and conceded:

“Yes, there is an illegal detention for at least five days.” (Para 6)

Court observes systemic violations across Bihar

The Bench expressed grave concern that such illegal detentions were not unique to this jail.

Justice Prasad observed: “There being an admitted position that it is a case of unauthorized detention of the petitioner from 29.09.2025 until 04.10.2025 and this practice is going on without drawing much attention of the Department, this Court being a Constitutional Court cannot remain a silent spectator.” (Para 7)

The Court’s warning was not limited to the Gaya jail, but directed at the State’s entire prison administration.

On Compensation: Court rejects ‘tokenism’, Cites Rudul Sah and Delhi High Court precedent

When asked to suggest a reasonable compensation amount, the IG proposed ₹10,000—a suggestion the Bench considered wholly inadequate.

The petitioner’s counsel demanded serious compensation, arguing that monetary relief must reflect the gravity of an Article 21 violation and citing:

• K.K. Pathak v. Ravi Shankar Prasad (2019), where the Patna High Court held that compensation for constitutional wrongs must be recovered from erring officials;
• Pankaj Kumar Sharma v. GNCTD (2023), where the Delhi High Court awarded ₹50,000 for only half an hour of illegal detention;
• Arvind Kumar Gupta v. State of Bihar (2025), where ₹1 lakh each was awarded for unauthorized police custody.

The Bench quoted extensively from Rudul Sah v. State of Bihar (1983), reaffirming that denying compensation would amount to “lip service” to fundamental rights.

After weighing these precedents, the Court held:

“Having considered the entire materials and the submissions as recorded hereinabove, we are of the considered opinion that a consolidated amount of Rs.2,00,000/- (Rupees Two Lakhs) would be a reasonable amount which may be awarded to the petitioner by way of compensation for his unauthorized detention by the Jail Superintendent, Central Jail, Gaya Jee.” (Para 11)

Crucially, the Court reiterated the principle that public money cannot bear the burden of unconstitutional action:

“The Respondent State of Bihar shall pay the compensation amount of Rs.2,00,000/- (Rupees Two Lakhs) to the petitioner within one month from today. Following the settled principle as discussed in the case of K.K. Pathak (supra), we direct that the amount so paid to the petitioner shall be realized from the erring official in accordance with law.” (Para 12)

State-wide Reform Direction: Mandatory guidelines in two weeks

Recognising the systemic implications, the Court issued a sweeping administrative directive:

• The IG, Prisons must issue uniform guidelines to all Jail Superintendents in Bihar,
• These guidelines must ensure strict compliance with release orders and constitutional guarantees,
• They must be issued within two weeks.

“Since we have come to know that this practice is going on in other jurisdictions of the Jail Superintendents in the State, the I.G., Prisons and Correctional Services is directed to issue appropriate guidelines to all the Jail Superintendents in the State of Bihar requiring them to strictly abide by the Constitutional Mandate and order of the Court without any exception. Such guideline shall be issued within a period of two weeks from today.” (Para 12)

The writ petition was accordingly allowed.

The complete judgement may be read here.

Related:

A Decade after Bisada: Why Uttar Pradesh’s attempt to drop the Akhlaq lynching case defies law and constitution

Bihar Elections: Trains for votes? The unanswered mystery of the ‘phantom’ specials from Haryana to Bihar

‘They Have a Right to Be Heard’: Supreme Court suggests Union brings back alleged deportees from Bangladesh “at least as a temporary measure”

A Terror Case Without Evidence: Allahabad High Court’s ‘heavy heart’ acquittal After 28 Years

The post Six Days Behind Bars After Bail: Patna High Court orders ₹2 lakh relief, flags state-wide pattern of illegal detention appeared first on SabrangIndia.

With these words, Hamela Khatun, also known as Hamela Begum, recalls the moment her world collapsed. A resident of Bhakeli Kanda in Darrang district, she grew up in a family of small farmers who survived on a patch of land along the Brahmaputra. Like millions in Assam’s char regions, river erosion was a familiar enemy. Their land vanished gradually, leaving the family impoverished and forcing them to migrate to Kerala as labourers.

Yet the destruction of their home was only the first blow. In 2009, the Border Branch of Darrang issued a notice against her under the Foreigners Act, accusing her of being an “illegal Bangladeshi migrant.” Overnight, a woman who had been born, raised, and registered as a voter for nearly two decades was declared a suspect. For Hamela, who had lived her entire life in Assam, the allegation was not merely bureaucratic confusion — it was a wound to her sense of belonging. The notice left the family shaken, terrified, and mentally shattered.

How help arrived — entirely by chance

In early 2025, as the family travelled to Bako in Kamrup district for temporary work, fate intervened. At a relative’s house, they unexpectedly encountered Advocate Abdul Hai, a member of CJP’s Assam legal team. With hesitation, they shared their ordeal — the FT notice, the years of fear, the absence of guidance, their displacement to Kerala, and the looming threat of deportation. Moved by their distress, Hai immediately informed CJP State Secretary Nanda Ghosh, who assured them that CJP would provide full legal assistance, completely free of cost.

This chance meeting, almost accidental, changed the entire course of Hamela’s case. For the first time in years, the family felt a faint sense of hope.

Hamela Khatun stands with CJP’s Assam Team

The Case Before the Foreigners Tribunal: What the state alleged

The reference against her — Ref. Case No. 294/2009, formally registered as F.T. Case 5861/2011 — was forwarded by the Superintendent of Police (Border), Mangaldai. It claimed that Hamela was not an Indian citizen but an illegal migrant who had entered Assam unlawfully. Her entire identity was placed under suspicion, and the Tribunal was asked to determine whether she was an Indian or a foreigner.

Crucially, under Section 9 of the Foreigners Act, 1946, the burden of proof lies on the accused — meaning Hamela had to prove her own citizenship, rather than the state proving she was a foreigner. For a poor, illiterate woman displaced by floods, this burden is extraordinarily harsh. Yet she refused to give up.

How Hamela Proved Her Citizenship: A lifetime of records, preserved against all odds

Despite years of displacement, poverty, and illiteracy, Hamela managed to gather a remarkable collection of documents establishing her lineage, identity, and continuous presence in Assam.

She proved that her grandfather, Jasim Mandal, appeared in the 1951 Legacy Data and in the 1960 Voters’ List. Her paternal uncles appeared in 1966 and 1977 Voters’ Lists, showing that the family has lived in the same region for decades. Her father, Haidar Ali, appeared consistently in voter lists from 1985 all the way up to 2025, establishing uninterrupted citizenship across generations. Similarly, her mother, Rupbhan Nessa, and her siblings were all documented in electoral rolls in Sipajhar LAC across the years 1997–2025.

Hamela also produced all her own electoral records from 2006, 2010, 2021, and 2025, each showing her as a resident of Mangaldai LAC. Alongside this, she submitted a residential certificate, a linkage certificate from the Gaon Panchayat, land documents from the 1950s and 60s, Aadhaar card, PAN card, ration card, bank passbook, and several other personal IDs.

In addition to documentary evidence, her father testified before the Tribunal. His deposition — detailing the family tree, place of origin, the names of his brothers and sisters, and his movements over the years — matched perfectly with every document filed. This consistency became a decisive factor in establishing her citizenship.

Tribunal’s Detailed Findings: A clear, decisive, evidence-based victory

The Tribunal, after examining every record, deposition, and certified document, delivered a clear and categorical finding. It held that Hamela’s forefathers were genuine Indian nationals, and her family lineage from her grandfather to her father was fully supported by electoral records dating back more than six decades. Her own voting history since 2006 further reinforced her claim.

The Tribunal found the evidence “reliable, trustworthy, and sufficient,” noting that there was nothing in the record to cast doubt on her claims. Her grandfather’s name appeared in the 1960 electoral roll, her uncles in 1966 and 1977, her father and mother across multiple voter lists until 2025, and her own name in four different rolls over nineteen years. Every link in her family tree was documented, certified, and verified.

Based on this, the Tribunal concluded:

“Musstt. Hamela Khatun @ Hamela Begum… is not a Foreigner/Illegal Migrant of any stream. The reference is answered in the negative.”

It directed the Superintendent of Police (Border), Mangaldai, and the Deputy Commissioner, Darrang, to take necessary action recognising her as an Indian citizen.

It was a complete victory — built entirely on evidence, consistency, and truth.

When the Order Reached Her Home: Relief after years of fear

On November 24, 2025, a CJP team comprising State In-charge Nanda Ghosh, DVM Joinal Abedin, Advocate Abdul Hai, driver Asikul Hussain, and local community volunteers travelled nearly six hours across rough, broken roads to reach Hamela’s house.

The journey was long, but when they arrived, they saw a sight that made every hour worth it — Hamela standing with a wide, relieved smile, holding the order copy that restored her identity.

She told the team, her voice trembling with gratitude: “You saved us by fighting the case for free. You stood by us in times of trouble.”

In a gesture of humility and affection, she offered them boiled eggs from her chickens and small flower seedlings from her garden — a heartfelt expression of thanks from someone who had endured years of erasure and suffering. She added, “I was worried for so long, but today I’m happy.”

As the team left, the sun was setting over the Brahmaputra, casting a warm glow over the green fields that surround her house — a fitting end to a journey that symbolised justice, dignity, and belonging.

Why Hamela’s story matters for Assam and India

Hamela’s struggle is emblematic of the larger issues in Assam’s citizenship verification system. Her case highlights how:

• River erosion uproots entire communities, leaving them without documents.
• Poor, illiterate women are disproportionately targeted and unable to navigate legal processes.
• The burden of proof under Section 9 places crushing pressure on the accused.
• Entire families with long-established presence in Assam can be declared “suspects” based on bureaucratic doubts.

Yet her case also demonstrates the power of community support, legal aid, and sustained documentation. It shows that even in a system stacked against the poor, justice is possible when facts are presented clearly and fearlessly.

Conclusion

Hamela’s story is ultimately one of resilience. She lost her land to the river. She lost her livelihood to displacement. The state tried to take her citizenship. But she fought back — through truth, documentation, and sheer courage. The Foreigners Tribunal vindicated her, reaffirming that she belongs to this land as firmly and deeply as her ancestors did.

Her journey — from erosion and poverty to legal recognition and dignity — stands as a reminder that citizenship is not merely a bureaucratic label. For India’s poorest and most vulnerable, it is the foundation of belonging, identity, and survival.

The complete order may be read here.

Related:

From Despair to Dignity: How CJP helped Elachan Bibi win back her identity, prove her citizenship

CJP scores big win! Citizenship restored to Mazirun Bewa, a widowed daily wage worker from Assam

CJP Exclusive: Homeland to No Man’s Land! Assam police’s unlawful crackdown on residents still battling for restoration of citizenship rights?

A Long Road to Justice: CJP helps Alijon Bibi reclaim her citizenship after 2-year legal battle

The post Washed Away by Floods, Targeted by the State: Hamela Khatun’s fight for citizenship appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the country, says PUCL,  is an exercise that is leading to the disenfranchisement of lakhs of voters. Notably, the SIR in Bihar led to the deletion of almost 65 lakh voters. While lakhs of eligible voters, mostly women, migrant workers, Muslims and Dalits have, according to investigative reports by independent media, been “robbed of their right to vote in Bihar,” now, across several other states, people from across the country have expressed angst and fears of being deleted from electoral rolls.

While the constitutionality of the SIR is a matter pending in the Supreme Court, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has hurriedly ordered for its implementation in nine states and three union territories: Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Kerala, Lakshadweep, Madhya Pradesh, Puducherry, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. Assembly elections are scheduled for six of these states in 2026. The enlisted Guidelines by the ECI introduced new procedures, which were contrary to the gazetted Rules for Registration of Electors, and set new thresholds for proof of citizenship before being enrolled as voters.

Before the release of the PUCL report too, civil servants and citizens had demanded a “social audit of the ongoing process.”

Outlining the well- known process, the first phase of the SIR, ie, the enumeration phase began on 4th November, 2025 and is scheduled to be completed on December 4, 2025. In the enumeration phase, Booth Level Officers (BLOs) are supposed to visit every household and provide them with a pre-filled enumeration forms containing the name, Election Photo Identity Card (EPIC), also known as Voter ID, address, details of Assembly and Parliamentary constituencies and their photos. Voters then have to fill some details in this form, which will be collected by BLOs, who will give an acknowledgement receipt. The most important part of the enumeration phase is that voters are required to establish a link with the last SIR (2002).

Sabrangindia was among the first to do a detailed comparative analysis of the processes that the ECI has launched. Our reports may be read here, and here. Since then we have also been collating and publishing reports on the acute distress caused by the ongoing process all over the country. These reports may be read here and here.While initially it appeared that West Bengal was worst hit by this inordinate administrative pressure causing distress, across states including Tamil Nadu and Kerala –both opposition ruled—a trail of despair can be seen.

This first phase of submission of documents has been given only one month to be completed, which has imposed a great deal of pressure on BLOs. This has pushed several BLOs into severe health crises, and even forced some to take their own lives. Rinku Tarafdar (aged 52) and Shantimoni Ekka (aged 48) from West Bengal, Mukesh Kumar Jangid (aged 45) from Rajasthan, Arvind Mulji Vadher (aged 40) from Gujarat, Mukesh Chand Jangid (aged 45) and Aneesh George (aged 44) from Kerala are the names of the BLOs who committed suicide. The bereaved families have said to news agencies that it was due to the immense pressure they were facing in implementing the SIR. Several BLOs across the country have been admitted to hospitals due to sudden ill health, heart attacks, suicide attempts and cerebral attacks, which families have attributed to the tight deadlines and extended working hours to collect and upload enumeration forms. An NDTV report (November 25) said that nine BLOs have died in total, by suicide and otherwise, while Rahul Gandhi, Congress MP, claimed on November 24, that 16 BLOs have lost their lives. PUCL is appalled at the apathy of the Union government and the Election Commission of India towards the loss of so many lives, and the working conditions of the BLOs, despite several protests, resignations and letters communicating their exhaustion and the excessive stress they are under.

Ordinary people have also expressed their distress and frustrations with the process of SIR, fearing that they will be deleted from the electoral rolls. Jahir Mal (aged 30), Shyamal Kumar Saha (aged 70), Tarak Saha (aged 52), Bimal Santra (aged 51), Kshitish Majumder (aged 95), Mahul Sheikh (aged 45) and Pradip Kar (aged 57) are the names of people in West Bengal who were forced to take their own lives over fears of being deleted from electoral rolls.

It is following these widely reported instances in independent media and social media that PUCL reached out to activists and organisations in Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Goa, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh to collate the experiences of the ongoing implementation of SIR, and to document the challenges being faced by people in filling these enumeration forms.

Here is what the PUCL report documents:

1. Chhattisgarh:

At the end of October 2025, PUCL-Chhattisgarh put out a call, inviting everyone to form a new forum, solely for the purpose of addressing SIR-related issues. Consequently, the “SIR Sachetan Matadhikar Bachao Manch (SSMBM)” was formed in Chhattisgarh. In English, the name translates to ‘Forum to Raise Awareness on SIR and Protect the Right to Vote’. Apart from meetings to train volunteers and spread awareness, the Forum also met with the CEO-Chhattisgarh to outline the problems people are facing.

One of the issues in Chhattisgarh is that BLOs are required to visit each voter twice – to distribute the pre-filled enumeration forms, and then to collect them. This phase has been given only 30 days, but on ground, it is being done in a very slow manner. The Forum has also pointed out that given the length and breadth of the state of Chhattisgarh, and the lack of road connectivity with many remote villages in tribal districts, the SIR has been planned in an impractical timeline. However, the Forum has also acknowledged the tremendous burden being unnecessarily put on the BLOs, and have been consistently seeking an extension of time required to complete the SIR exercise.

The Forum pointed out that frequent realignment of polling booths since 2003 makes it very difficult for people to find their names in the correct constituency or polling booth. Further, it is extremely difficult for voters to trace their names and those of their relatives in the 2003 SIR voter list.

The Forum also pointed out that there is inadequate training and a lack of clear instructions to BLOs. Despite the Supreme Court clarifying that Aadhar can be accepted in this phase to verify the identity of the voter, most BLOs in Chhattisgarh have instructions not to accept it as one of the documents establishing validity of the voter. While the Guidelines issued by the Election Commission of India specifically state that no documents are required for the initial phase of filing Enumeration Forms, many BLOs all over the state are asking people for various documents at this stage itself, such as documents showing ownership of property. Not only is this causing a lot of confusion.  It is also discriminatory against those poor and landless people, who may not have such documents.

The Forum pointed out that many BLOs are school teachers, who have been pulled out of their schools for this exercise. This is having a deleterious effect on the school education of children. In Bastar Division, which has one of the highest rates of illiteracy and poor school performance, a total of 3,128 teachers have been employed in the SIR process, leaving many students in the lurch.

Additionally, the SIR exercise is being carried out during the peak of harvest season, where a large population of the state is engaged in the harvest of the paddy crop, which is highly time sensitive. This will be followed by the post-harvest activities of drying, threshing, milling and preparing the crop for sale, which is also bound to the schedule of the state for purchasing the paddy crop. This is the busiest time of the year for farmers, who form the majority of the population of the state. It is inconceivable why this crucial exercise is kept at this time, when most people are hard-pressed to make time for arranging their documents to complete this process.

The Forum has also written to the CEO fearing that a large number of valid voters, including women, will be unable to procure their documents from the limited set of 13 documents indicated in the enumeration form, leading to many unwarranted deletions

Another issue raised by the Forum was regarding the difficulties that people were having in submitting two colour photographs, as required. Many voters are in remote tribal villages, with no photo studios, or any other photo printing facilities. They are having to forgo a day’s wages to go to the nearest town in order to get photographs. In response, the CEO issued an order to all Collectors that day itself, affirming that photos are not mandatory, and if some voter wishes to update his/her photo, the BLO can use the BLO App in his/ her smartphone to directly capture the voter’s photo. This came as a big relief to the voters.

The delegates also showed the CEO some examples of enumeration forms which had wrongly been filled out by the concerned BLO. Taking immediate action on it, the CEO ordered that all forms of the concerned BLO and supervisor to be re-done, re-verified and re-submitted.

2. Gujarat:

Though the SIR was formally announced on October 28 and was scheduled to begin on November 4, enumeration forms were ready in many districts only by the November 10. BLOs therefore do not even have the entire one month for the enumeration phase. This time limit imposed by the ECI is one of the main roots of most of the issues.

Also, there was little to no efforts by the CEO-Gujarat, in ensuring awareness about the SIR process. Wherever the DEO and ERO were proactive, they collaborated with civil society organisations to get help in the enumeration phase.

Various civil society organisations have organized camps and written representations documenting the difficulties faced by people in filling the enumeration forms. In rural areas, BLOs took the support of many local organisations for the distribution of enumeration forms.

Though the Guidelines say that voters must be given duplicate copies of the filled forms, in rural areas and many towns, only a single copy of the form is being given to the voters. Therefore, a large number of people today do not have any copy of their filled SIR form.

One of the biggest issues is that the 2002 list of voters has not been made available in a searchable format. They are shared as PDFs in zip folders with unnamed files. It is therefore a mammoth task for people to go through hundreds of folders to locate their names. Due to a technical ‘font’ issue, the second link that was given by the CEO was not even accessible. People who had voted in 2002 could not trace their names in the list. In cities and towns, BLOs did not even have the 2002 list in hand. In metropolitan cities like Ahmedabad and Surat, after the exercise of delimitation, wards and booths have changed, leading to frustration among people about non-searchable lists of 2002. Also, the provision to fill enumeration forms online did not work because people could not find their names in the 2002 list, and because there were discrepancies in spellings in their Aadhar card.

The Guidelines also state that the digitization of collected enumeration forms must be done in real time. Till November 23, only 37% of the forms were digitized. Shockingly, the CEO announced in a half page advertisement, that people can submit blank forms by signing it and attaching a copy of their Aadhar cards.

Another issue is that BLOs are facing extreme pressure from the EROs, supervisors and political party representatives. Nine of them told PUCL that they were asked to fill the form on behalf of the people who had migrated to another place long ago. They are also facing difficulty collecting the filled forms from people. They are required to work after 6 PM to upload the forms, but many BLOs are not familiar with technology and are facing internet and server issues. Women BLOs are facing several challenges, especially those who are pregnant and are forced to work for long hours, walk long distances in rural areas and climb stairs. BLOs are also facing the brunt of being answerable on issues of governance, as many people are treating them as representatives of the government.

In Gujarat alone, four BLOs have lost their lives, one of whom, committed suicide.

Overall, people are worried that their names will be deleted from the draft electoral rolls, and will have to undergo processes to re-register.

3. Goa –

The seriousness with which Booth Level Officers (BLOs) have been instructed to conduct the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Goa is evident. They have been told that this is a very serious exercise and that there can be serious consequences if anything is found to be wrong. Yet, on the ground, BLOs are visibly under pressure—caught between demands to include certain names and exclude others.

In this cross-fire, exclusionary practices emerge at the very first stage of enumeration. BLOs are found asking for documents that could potentially disqualify individuals. As anticipated, in Goa, some BLOs have been asking people to show their passports, claiming they have instructions to check whether a person may hold a Portuguese passport. This creates a serious problem: many individuals may not possess any passport at all. More fundamentally, it raises the question of whether the ECI has the authority to make determinations about citizenship based on information gathered by BLOs, without due process, and without the Government addressing the long-standing demand of Goans for special status through dual citizenship, in view of their belated entry into the Indian Constitutional framework. This issue is compounded by the specific circumstances under which Goans are enabled Portuguese citizenship notwithstanding their Indian citizenship, and by recent developments in Portuguese law, where registration of birth in Portugal is assumed to confer Portuguese citizenship.

Another difficulty faced by the public is the reliance on the 2002 electoral rolls as the reference point for the SIR in Goa. With part numbers having changed, many people are struggling to locate their names and details in those rolls. BLOs, by and large, are being helpful, but individuals should be empowered to check and be satisfied independently. The official website, however, is not user-friendly.

Booth Level Agents (BLAs) are permitted to accompany BLOs to ensure that the latter are not compromised by MLAs or ruling party politicians in the area. Yet, two practical issues arise: synchronizing the timings of BLOs with BLAs, and the tight timeframes within which the exercise must be completed. Moreover, the ruling or dominant party usually has the resources to engage BLAs across all booths, while representatives of other parties often lack such capacity.

If BLOs are to resist pressure, a transparent and consistent system is required—one that demonstrates clearly that each BLO has indeed covered all households.

The seriousness of the authorities is further reflected in the indicative list of documents provided with the SIR form in Goa. At point 13, it refers to the “Electoral roll of Bihar SIR with reference to 01.07.2025.” This raises questions. Migrant workers from Bihar, who form a significant part of Goa’s labour force in garbage collection, manual work, and construction, certainly wish to register their names in the electoral rolls of their constituencies in Bihar. Yet it remains unclear whether they have been able to do so in the recent SIR, and how this is going to play out in terms of their inclusion or exclusion in the Goa SIR.

4. Madhya Pradesh:

Seasonal Migration: Families missing during enumeration

The SIR survey is being conducted during peak migration season (November to March). Thousands of Adivasi families migrate to Gujarat, Maharashtra and other states for work. Many work in conditions close to bonded labour, making communication with them nearly impossible. Because entire families are away, they are likely to be marked as “absent” or “shifted” even though they are alive and eligible. Elderly relatives who remain in the village cannot handle the complex paperwork involved in SIR.

• Women likely to be excluded due to design of the process

Women who married after 2003 do not have their own names in the 2003 voter list. Unless BLOs trace the names of their parents or grandparents, these women cannot be mapped to 2003 records and will be excluded. The problem is even more serious in southern Madhya Pradesh because many women come from Maharashtra. BLOs are unable to access Maharashtra records, especially since SIR is not being implemented there as of now. This will result in a large number of women being left out of the voter list.

• Lack of documents due to historical displacement

Adivasi families already struggle to access education, ration, social security and healthcare due to Aadhaar-linked requirements. Frequent eviction, insecure forest and land rights and displacement mean documents often get lost or are never issued. The SIR process assumes that every family has secured long-term documentation, which is not the reality in tribal areas.

• Low literacy and absence of the educated youth

Most literate youth migrate for employment, leaving elderly and women behind. Low literacy levels prevent people from verifying whether the BLO recorded their details correctly, following up on notices or checking names in the draft list. This increases the chances that incorrect deletions will go unchallenged.

• Name mismatch problems

Adivasi names often differ in different documents. Spellings vary, surnames may not exist and even fathers’ names vary within the same family. A simple search failure by the BLO results in “name not found” which leads to exclusion from the list.

• Document requirements stricter than Form-6

Form-6 allows Aadhaar, PAN, bank passbook or driving licence as identity and address proof. The SIR demands stricter rules for continuing on the voter list than for becoming a new voter. This makes it harder for existing voters to retain their names on the list than for new names to be added.

• Digital barriers

Draft rolls and forms are online. Internet connectivity and smartphones are scarce in Adivasi regions. The 2003 electoral rolls are English-language PDF scans that require exact spellings to search. People are forced to depend on cyber-cafés or political intermediaries, creating space for exploitation and bribery.

• Survey will not reach all households

In inaccessible forest belts, scattered hamlets and remote areas, BLOs are unlikely to reach 100% of the households. Anyone who is not physically located will be marked “absent”, “shifted” or “dead” regardless of whether they are entitled to vote.

• BLOs are overburdened

BLOs are Anganwadi workers, teachers and revenue staff who already have full-time duties. They do not have the time to carry out thorough house-to-house voter surveys. This leads to incomplete and rushed enumeration.

• Institutional failures worsening the situation

Enumeration forms were supplied a week late in many parts of western MP, which wasted one quarter of the total enumeration time. BLOs were not provided Form-6 or Form-8 making additions and corrections impossible. Essential public services like Anganwadi nutrition, schooling and revenue work are suffering because staff have been shifted to SIR work.

5. Rajasthan:

Rajasthan has 52,490 booths, with an average of 1000 to 1200 voters per booth. Although in the city it goes up to even 1400 voters per booth. As of October 27, 2025, the day SIR was declared for our state, the total number of electors were 5.48 crores. So this humungous exercise had to be carried out at crash course speed in 30 days, one month.

Rajasthan had begun a certain preparation a while ago and in the month of August – September, BLOs were trained on the basis of the Bihar SIR orders. Later day-long SIR refresher sessions for BLOs were organised to clarify the changes from the Bihar orders, after October 27. Some of the most important changes were listed, that no document would be required to be collected in the enumeration phase. The 2002 voter linkage was not just of one’s own, but of any parent and the term guardian was introduced. Only the entries of the 2002 linkage had to be added and that new voters could fill Form 6 along with the process of Form 4 filling. It also stated that Aadhar could be used, as a document for identity, along with 2025 Bihar SIR as the reference for the Bihari origin people who were living in Jaipur. The 13 documents were mentioned in the guidebook for BLOs.

The CEO Rajasthan also announced that they had already undertaken the mapping exercise and that 71 % voters already had legacy established. About 15 to 20 percent of the voters would have legacy in other states and that it was the duty of the BLO and BLA to help the voter access their progeny in other states. It was also emphasised that married women would have to trace their legacy to their parents and not their marital homes. And that all the state voters list of 2002 was on the ECI website and that very easily it could be accessed. Those voters who were unable to fill the form themselves could use the online option of filling Form 4. Although it was also cautioned that when there was a difference in name and spellings between the Aadhar document and the EPIC number then it was better to give a hard copy as the online form would not accept the document.

The PUCL sub-report for the state that while these outlines seemed do-able on paper when the process actually started several issues emerged that are to date, unresolved.

The first breakdown that the PUCL team experienced was of the ECI portal. It would just not open. Leave alone accessing the 2002 voters list of various states. If it did by chance open on your computer, it was very difficult to open it on the mobile. This problem continued for almost ten days to two weeks. But it is smoothened out to some extent, yet very slow, when sitting on booths and trying to open other state lists to identify the 2002 legacy.

The other set of issues were more serious. An informal network of local groups working on SIR in Rajasthan and decided to hold regular zoom meetings and resolve issues in less than 24 hours if they came. A team of 10 people was constituted who were to respond ASAP to the problems.

The PUCL volunteers also worked with the de-notified and nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes within Jaipur’s walled city, single / abandoned and runaway women/ migrant workers colony, Muslim dominated areas, we also had massive complaints from the South of Rajasthan of Adivasi women, workers of all kinds, including industrial and informal sector workers and especially with the issues of out-migrants and in-migrants who were voters in Rajasthan.

Regular representations were sent to the CEO and individual Collectors and telephonic contact maintained with other officials. Little changes were seen on the ground however.

The engagement showed how the design of this process was to exclude and not include. It was contrary to all earlier exercises. Even the booth level workers were in agreement that it was an exercise of disenfranchising the poor, the migrant, the Dalit, the transgender people, the DNT, NT & SNTs, the Adivasis, women across the board. It was not just the poor that felt disempowered but also the powerful. Conversations with several retd. IAS officers led to realising how this exercise was a criminal exercise, impossible for many of them, because of the 2002 EPIC number entry. Someone’s daughter in law was suffering, some of them were suffering as they did not remember the booth they voted from in 2002, due to different postings.

Some of the key issues that have emerged from the engagement of the last 20 days are as follows.

1. Many Women in South Rajasthan, in particular in Dungarpur and Kotra, Udaipur district, have natal homes in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, were unable to find their progeny details of 2002 as they had no idea what the booths of their parents were. They had lost contact with their natal homes and therefore were finding it difficult to establish the 2002 entries required.
2. The names of the women in these regions change after marriage and therefore it was difficult to establish that they were the same person in 2002, if they were voters in 2002 on the basis of their maiden name. This would be a case like in Bihar, where SIR ended up changing the gender ratio in the electoral roles, affecting women adversely.
3. Married women everywhere were at a losing end, leaving the booth disappointed. Despite having a voter ID of their home state, of 2002, they were not able to access it to give it to the BLO. Most BLOs made it clear that unless they get details from E-mitra of 2002, they will not waste any time.
4. Runaway women, sex workers, abandoned women, orphans were at a complete loss. How do they establish their legacy? Even if over the years they had established themselves with cards, like a voter ID, Aadhar, PAN card, it seemed meaningless as they had no clue of their 2002 data, many of them wept that not only would they lose out, but their children would also not be accepted in SIR, as their legacy would not be established. The state refused to accept that people live in rented accommodation and had moved on to newer housing, without knowing their booth or constituency.
5. SIR was not accessible to migrants and labourers. With the data of 46.26 % Households in Rajasthan, at least one member migrated for work, which rises to 56.6 % in Southern Rajasthan, in the districts of Banswara, Dungarpur, Pratapgarh, Rajsamand, Sirohi, Udaipur who migrate to Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh to work. Similarly all the big cities host a lot of migrant population from outside the state. The demands were clear that migrants leave soon after Diwali and change their SIM numbers in these states and are inaccessible. They would not return within the window of SIR and would be excluded. Even if there are members left behind, they too were struggling with the 2002 progeny mapping. The lists were not machine readable and therefore mostly inaccessible, the online voter ID and Aadhar linkage due to its own attendant issues of internet and different names, seemed out of the pale. Despite urging that camps be organised, except for one district, no other district organised camps for migrants. Both the industrial workers and unorganised sector workers said that they would not care to waste their time to fill the SIR form unless their jobs were assured as employers refused to give them time off. They would require at least two days to deal with the details of form 4.
6. The DNT, NTs, SNts and Homeless faced the most peculiar issues. They had no documents to establish that they even belonged here. Most had no legacy, since their parents had no cards in 2002. If at all they did make their cards, they found it deleted. Many had Aadhar cards, and we were telling them to fill form 6, but strangely, the form had a section asking for the 2002 entries of their parents/relatives. And if you were above 40 years old, the BLOs refused to accept their form 6, claiming that it was impossible that they had no card till now. The majority of course had no card, neither election card nor an Aadhar, as getting an age declaration was the toughest. Authorities refused to accept their age affidavits, despite all formalities, secondly, many were just squatters. Despite the 2013 order for homeless people, where the BLO had to spend two nights in a Basti to assess whether the person stayed there to establish residence, the people were without any documents.
7. People living in the walled city were surprised to find that though they had never changed residence, (or even if they did, it was their parental home) they found their names deleted from the 2025 lists. And received no Form 4. They were extremely upset that they had to fill form 6 and become a new voter. We met many Hindus and Muslims who had lost their right to vote, despite having voted in 2023 state elections and 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the majority were Muslims though.
8. One of the worst situations was of the BLOs. Most importantly, the people were not returning filled in forms. It was clear that they needed assistance, which is where PUCL volunteers stepped in. The entire paraphernalia of BLOs, Supervisor, AEROs would sit with our volunteers and interns and would collect the forms. The team states that they helped fill 300 to 400 forms in the camps that were organised. Through this process, the BLOs spoke of their stress. The husband of a BLO shared that she had a massive heart attack due to the stressful work and was admitted in the ICU. Although the election department had replaced her with two women teachers, they were nervous and did not know what to do. On the day of the heart attack more than 300 forms were to be still distributed. In the camp that was held in that area, the team managed to fill 200 forms. But 100 were to be distributed. They were all tense. Her total count was of 1400 forms, only 700 had returned.In another shocking instance, the SDM of Ramganjmandi tehsil, Kota District, sent the police to the residence of a BLO, who abducted him and took him to the SDM. He was questioned as to why he should not be removed. Another BLO added that the publishing of data about the number of forms that have been uploaded is causing an unnecessary competition between states and districts, and is leading to the BLOs facing additional pressure from their EROs. A Teachers’ Union representative shared that teachers have been made to suffer like never before.
9. Suicide and Deaths of 3 BLOs, did result in technical teams being set up to assist the BLOs, but the timeline of 30 days, is taking a major toll on the people’s health and also their relationships. Cases of Domestic violence, where women are not returning home till late, neglecting their children are galore.

With the 30 day pressure of finishing the enumeration and the overwhelming progeny mapping push, SIR is an exercise to delete and not include.

6. Tamil Nadu:

Firstly, the Tamil translation of the enumeration forms has left people in confusion, and many voters have left some portions blank, including ‘Details of Relative’. Secondly, it has been a massive challenge to locate the old voter lists and booth details of 2002 and 2005. People are unable to recollect the exact details of the booths from so many years ago, leading to incorrect entries, risking deletion of many voters.

Thirdly, BLOs have not received enough training. Tamil Nadu’s Federation of Associations of Revenue Employees went on a one day strike demanding the halting of SIR, because the BLOs have not been trained sufficiently. Fourthly, the uploading of Enumeration forms online is challenging for those who are not comfortable with technology. Even a technically sound person needs to spend at least half a day for the same.

Fifthly, despite almost reaching the end of the enumeration phase, forms are yet to reach all localities especially of Dalit, tribal and minority communities in rural areas. It may be estimated that at least 40% of the people are yet to receive their forms. Six, awareness campaigns and knowledge about the consequences of SIR are only being done in limited areas by some political parties and social organisations. There is insufficient advertising and awareness campaigns being run in the state, which may lead to a large number of unfair deletions.

7. Uttar Pradesh:

In UP, lakhs have not received the enrollment forms yet. This is extremely worrying as the 30-day phase for enumeration is almost coming to an end. Off the record, BLOs have shared that they do not know how to reach migrant workers. 30-40% of the people of the state migrate to other cities. In some villages, almost 70% of the people migrate outside. BLOs do not know how to reach voters who are not available in their homes. They have also shared off the record, that in a state like Uttar Pradesh, no BLO has the courage to complain and that the enumeration forms were provided much later than the start date (4th November). BLOs are therefore forced to complete the process in a haste.

Another issue is that residents who were on the 2002 list have shifted homes, and are not receiving the enumeration forms in their old place of residence or new. Many have reported that BLOs in their old addresses have marked them as ‘shifted out’, and BLOs in their new addresses do not have their names in their lists. For instance, a big settlement with Muslim residents was demolished, and had even approached the Supreme Court to fight for relief. They have not received their forms in their new place of residence.

A common issue faced by the people is that there are hundreds of mistakes in the spellings of their names and date of birth in their Aadhar Cards, leading to problems in verification for enumeration. Additionally, there are many people without Aadhar cards, especially disabled persons in rural areas. Many married women do not have EPIC Numbers or information about their parents, and are unable to establish their genealogy in the forms. In rural areas, we fear that there will be hundreds of mistakes in the family register being maintained by the Secretary, which will lead to several voters being marked as ‘doubtful voters’.

Another issue is that people are not being given acknowledgement receipts or the duplicate copies of the filled enumeration forms.

Finally, there is a rise of many middle-men, who are charging money to fill forms for marginalized and poor communities, who cannot do it themselves. Even BLOs are sending others to distribute and collect forms as they are unable to cope with the tight timelines.

While BLOs are picking up phones to guide or collect the forms, there is a lot of panic and confusion, especially among poor and Muslim communities, who are recalling the repression they faced during the CAA-NRC time.

(This is a report made public by the PUCL National Team:

Inputs by Shalini Gera, PUCL Chhattisgarh

Inputs by Pankti Jog, PUCL Gujarat

Inputs by Madhuri, PUCL

Inputs by S. Balamurugan, PUCL TN & Puducherry

Inputs by Albertina Almeida, NAJAR in Goa

Arundhati Dhuru, NAJAR

Inputs by Kavita Srivastava, PUCL National President and Mamta Jaitly, Vice President of PUCL Rajasthan

Related:

The Deadly Deadline: “I Can’t Do This Anymore”—India’s electoral revision turns into a graveyard for BLOs/teachers

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

Pregnant woman deported despite parents on 2002 SIR rolls, another homemaker commits suicide

The post ‘Designed to Exclude’: The ongoing enumeration phase of the SIR appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls—a mandated verification drive by the Election Commission of India (ECI)—has left a trail of devastation across the states, turning the routine bureaucratic exercise of updating voter lists into a lethal trap for civil servants.

While the Election Commission insists the drive is necessary to “purify” voter lists and ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the teachers, Anganwadi workers, and clerical staff forced to execute the order on the ground are collapsing. They are buckling under what they describe as “inhuman” pressure, squeezed between an unforgiving digital system, aggressive supervisors, and an impoverished public. From suicide notes addressed to orphaned children in Tamil Nadu to teachers collapsing in classrooms in Gujarat, the narrative is no longer about updating rolls; it is about the ultimate cost of a vote.

The tragedy is not just in the statistics, though the rising frequency of suicides is terrifying; it is in the methodology of the despair. In less than three weeks, a harrowing pattern has emerged, a deadline is set, a threat of suspension is issued, a worker begs for relief, the relief is denied, and a family is left to mourn. The “Deadly Deadline” has become a silent killer, stalking the corridors of government schools and block offices across the nation.

Gujarat

On Friday, November 21, 2025, a government teacher in Gujarat named Arvind committed suicide in Gir Somnath. He was serving as a Booth Level Officer (BLO) for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. His death immediately highlighted the severe pressure faced by the teaching community. The extreme workload to meet enumeration targets had become overwhelming. Arvind did not die silently, leaving a brief suicide note that explained his final act. The note, as reported by the New Indian Express, carried the harrowing message: “I can’t do this SIR work anymore…”

Tragic incident in #Gujarat : A teacher involved in the SIR process has died by suicide in Gir Somnath. A note was reportedly found near teacher Arvind. Family members allege he had been under severe stress due to his duties as a BLO.@NewIndianXpress @jayanthjacob @santwana99 pic.twitter.com/Xcrg12F0DU

— Dilip Kshatriya (@Kshatriyadilip) November 21, 2025

This single sentence stripped away the bureaucratic jargon of “efficiency” and “targets,” exposing the human fragility underneath.

After Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan, and Kerala, now Gujarat. Under the disastrous pressure of SIR, a BLO has died by suicide in Modi-Shah’s Gujarat.

Gujarat BLO Arvind Vadher wrote in his suicide note, “I can no longer carry out SIR work.”
Not just in Bengal, even in other states,… pic.twitter.com/2iGfgUqnse

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) November 22, 2025

The crisis in Vadodara further highlighted that this “deadly deadline” causes not just psychological snaps, but physical collapse. On November 22, Ushaben, an Assistant BLO and ITI employee, died while on duty at a school.

According to The Wire Hindi, Ushaben collapsed and died on the spot. The tragedy is compounded by the fact that her family had already raised red flags about her health. Her husband, Indra Singh Solanki, stated that the family had “already warned officials” about her deteriorating health, pleading for her exemption. Yet, the machine required a cog, and she was deployed for SIR duty regardless.

“Ushaben was deployed on BLO duty despite poor health,” the family had alerted the authorities

A pall of concern has descended following the suspicious death of yet another Booth Level Officer (BLO), Dinkal, a 26-year-old technical assistant with the Surat Municipal Corporation. Dinkal was discovered unconscious in her bathroom and, despite efforts to save her, was later pronounced dead at a private hospital.

#Gujarat
One More BLO Dies Under Suspicious Circumstances, A 26-year-old BLO and Surat Municipal Corporation technical assistant, Dinkal was found unconscious in her bathroom and later declared dead at a private hospital.@NewIndianXpress @santwana99 @jayanthjacob pic.twitter.com/vPGGZ2R1vp

— Dilip Kshatriya (@Kshatriyadilip) November 24, 2025

These incidents raise serious questions about the lack of medical consideration for the staff forced into these high-intensity field roles, where they must walk kilometres in the heat, face hostile voters, and then return home to perform hours of data entry.

West Bengal

The West Bengal continues to see the highest concentration of fatalities. The death toll among BLOs in the state continues to climb, with new incidents reported in the Nadia district, bringing the total in the state to five within this short window.

On November 19, a 48-year-old Anganwadi worker, Shantimoni Ekka was found hanging in the courtyard of her home. Her death revealed the systemic cruelty of the process; she was a Hindi speaker in a Bengali administrative zone, tasked with processing complex legal forms she could not understand.

Deeply shocked and saddened.

Today again, we lost a Booth Level Officer in Mal, Jalpaiguri — Smt Shanti Muni Ekka, a tribal lady, an anganwadi worker who took her own life under the unbearable pressure of the ongoing SIR work.

28 people have already lost their lives since SIR…

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) November 19, 2025

Similarly, on November 21, Rinku Tarafdar, a para-teacher assigned to BLO duty, allegedly died by suicide due to similar work pressure. The gravity of the situation forced the Election Commission to seek a report from the District Magistrate regarding her death. In the Chapra constituency, a 52-year-old BLO was found dead, with The Hindu reporting her family’s assertion that she was “under immense mental duress regarding the filing of enumeration forms.”

The relentless accumulation of bodies has turned the SIR exercise into a political flashpoint in Bengal. The ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has lashed out at the Election Commission, describing the deaths as a result of “inhuman workload,” echoing the sentiment of workers who feel they are “left with no choice but death.”

Mamata Banerjee, Chief Minister of West Bengal, expressed on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter) that “Profoundly shocked to know of the death of yet another BLO, a lady para- teacher, who has committed suicide at Krishnanagar today. BLO of part number 201 of AC 82 Chapra, Smt. Rinku Tarafdar, has blamed ECI in her suicide note (copy is attached herewith) before committing suicide at her residence today.

How many more lives will be lost?

How many more need to die for this SIR?

How many more dead bodies shall we see for this process? This has become truly alarming now!!”

Profoundly shocked to know of the death of yet another BLO, a lady para- teacher,who has committed suicide at Krishnanagar today . BLO of part number 201 of AC 82 Chapra, Smt Rinku Tarafdar, has blamed ECI in her suicide note ( copy is attached herewith) before committing… pic.twitter.com/xG0TyD4VNy

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) November 22, 2025

Uttar Pradesh

In Gonda, the deadline claimed the life of Vipin Yadav, a dedicated teacher and BLO. The timeline of his death is a testament to the inescapable nature of the pressure. On a recent Tuesday morning, at around 7:30 am—a time when most are preparing for the day—Yadav fell critically ill after reportedly consuming a poisonous substance. Local medical facilities were helpless against the toxicity, prompting a desperate rush to Lucknow’s King George’s Medical University (KGMU) Trauma Centre.

यूपी – गोंडा जिले के BLO विपिन यादव इस दुनिया में नहीं रहे। उन्होंने जहर खा लिया था। लखनऊ में मौत हो गई है।

मरने से पहले BLO ने कहा– “SDM, BDO, लेखपाल के दबाव के कारण जहर खाया” pic.twitter.com/vw3CKBBa4G

— Neha Singh Rathore (@nehafolksinger) November 25, 2025

By 3:15 pm, as confirmed by the sub-divisional magistrate (SDM) of Gonda Sadar, Yadav was dead.

Similarly. In Fatehpur, where the administrative machinery showed a complete lack of humanity. Sudhir Kumar Kori, a 25-year-old revenue clerk (lekhpal), committed suicide just one day before his scheduled wedding.

Sudhir was young, employed, and about to start a new chapter of his life with Kajal, a resident of a nearby village. The Haldi and Mehendi ceremonies had already begun; relatives had gathered, and the house was filled with the sounds of celebration. However, hanging over Sudhir was the shadow of the SIR campaign. He had been assigned as a supervisor for the Jahanabad Assembly constituency.

According to his shattered family, Sudhir had been repeatedly requesting leave for his own wedding. It is a request that, in any humane system, would be granted automatically. Instead, the kanungo (revenue inspector) allegedly refused to approve it. Worse, the refusal came with a threat. He was reportedly threatened with suspension for prioritising his marriage over the election commission’s targets, and eventually, he was suspended on Monday.

यूपी के फतेहपुर में SIR सुपरवाइजर सुधीर कुमार ने अपनी शादी से एक दिन पहले फांसी लगाकर जान दे दी।

सुधीर के परिजनों ने बताया कि 26 नवंबर को सुधीर की शादी थी। इसीलिए सुधीर ने छुट्टी के लिए एप्लीकेशन दी थी, लेकिन उन्हें छुट्टी नहीं दी गई।

शादी के कार्यक्रम के चलते जब सुधीर SIR के… pic.twitter.com/RI5OTACDnm

— MP Youth Congress (@IYCMadhya) November 25, 2025

Caught between the shame of suspension and the pressure of his duties, Sudhir took his own life. The festivities turned into a funeral. While the district administration has promised a “thorough investigation,” for Sudhir’s family, the inquiry is meaningless. The timeline of the SIR drive did not just claim a worker, it destroyed two families before a marriage could even be solemnised.

In Allahabad (Prayagraj) district, Booth-Level Officers (BLOs) are actively refusing or avoiding their duties for the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists, despite facing penalties like salary cuts and an FIR.

The refusal stems from public anger and resistance against accepting the SIR forms, particularly in rural areas like Phaphamau, where BLOs, often local residents, feel vulnerable. Unlike voters in other regions, voters in Uttar Pradesh reportedly do not fear being delisted and believe they can bypass the exercise, with some also being listed at multiple polling booths.

The resistance is significantly impacting the SIR work, with only 1.5 lakh of the 46.92 lakh voters covered so far, making it unlikely to meet the December 9 target. Authorities have taken action against several BLOs and supervisors for non-compliance, but the officers maintain that the extra work is causing severe stress and public backlash, as the Observer Post reported

Tamil Nadu

In the southern state of Tamil Nadu, the distress has permeated the Anganwadi sector, where workers—already chronically underpaid and overworked—are being drafted for SIR duties. These women, who are responsible for the health and nutrition of the state’s poorest children, are now being broken by the election machinery.

On November 18, Chitra, a 59-year-old anganwadi worker and Booth Level Officer (BLO) in Kumbakonam, Thanjavur, attempted suicide. Fellow workers stated that Chitra, a widow, had consumed pills after being subjected to “immense pressure” and allegedly threatened with suspension by superiors if she failed to digitally upload a large number of SIR entries by a stringent deadline. Her colleagues, who staged a protest demanding action against the officials responsible, claimed that age-related struggles and the stress of unreasonable targets had pushed her to the extreme step.

Chitra was rushed to a government hospital and is reported to be stable, but the incident drew immediate attention to the mental toll the rushed SIR process is taking on frontline employees.

In a similar incident, on November 20, a Booth-Level Officer (BLO) named Jahitha Begum in Kallakurichi district tragically died by suicide due to an alleged excessive workload and pressure related to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

According to the Times of India, her husband, Mubarak, and colleagues stated that she was being pressurised by senior officials and political party representatives to expedite the work. Mubarak recounted that his wife, who had a target of 800 SIR forms, was struggling due to poor internet connectivity at the Tirukoilur centre, managing to digitise only 35 forms and collect 80 filled-in forms. After returning home, she reportedly committed suicide by hanging herself.

Her colleagues corroborated the stress, stating that officials were forcing them to collect the filled-in forms from electors within a single day after distribution. The Tirukoilur police have registered a case of suspicious death and are currently investigating the matter, including the husband’s statement.

Collateral damage: the citizen’s panic

The deadly deadline affects not only those holding the pen but those whose names are on the list. In West Bengal, the SIR exercise—which involves verifying old records—has inadvertently triggered deep-seated trauma related to the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

In North 24 Parganas, this fear nearly killed Ashok Sardar. The 63-year-old rickshaw puller threw himself onto railway tracks, resulting in the amputation of a limb. His crime? He could not find his name in the 2002 voter list.

“For days, father kept saying he had no documents,” his daughter Chaitali explained. “He feared he might be thrown out of the country.” The bureaucratic rigor demanded of the BLOs translates into terror for the poor, creating a feedback loop of anxiety that is claiming lives on both sides of the clipboard.

A systemic failure: the “Bihar Model” goes wrong

The root of this crisis seems to be the imposition of the “Bihar Model” of SIR onto other states without considering local realities. Officials claimed the model was a success in Bihar, but its replication is proving lethal across the diverse administrative landscapes of the rest of India. The exercise, which traditionally spans months, has been compressed into a tight window, ignoring the logistical nightmares of different topographies and languages.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, in a letter to the Chief Election Commissioner on November 24, noted that the process suffers from “critical gaps in training, lack of clarity on mandatory documentation and the near-impossibility of meeting voters in the midst of their livelihood schedules.”

Sharing herewith my today’s letter to the Chief Election Commissioner, articulating my serious concerns in respect of two latest and disturbing developments. pic.twitter.com/JhkFkF6RWs

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) November 24, 2025

The system assumes a level of digitisation and manpower that simply does not exist on the ground. It relies on the unpaid labour of Anganwadi workers and the coerced labour of teachers, assuming their resilience is infinite. The last three weeks have proven it is not. The digital infrastructure, meant to streamline the process, has instead become a bottleneck, with servers crashing and data vanishing, forcing BLOs to redo work they have already completed, often late into the night.

SIR is no reform; it’s an imposed tyranny: Rahul Gandhi

The mounting death toll has drawn sharp criticism from the highest echelons of the opposition. Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, termed the SIR exercise an “imposed oppression.” In a statement, Gandhi slammed the Centre and the Election Commission, alleging that the chaotic implementation of SIR is a “conspiracy to sacrifice democracy” at the cost of civil servants’ lives.

“SIR is an ‘imposed oppression’… causing chaos in the country,” Gandhi stated.

SIR के नाम पर देश भर में अफ़रा-तफ़री मचा रखी है – नतीजा? तीन हफ्तों में 16 BLO की जान चली गई। हार्ट अटैक, तनाव, आत्महत्या – SIR कोई सुधार नहीं, थोपा गया ज़ुल्म है।

ECI ने ऐसा सिस्टम बनाया है जिसमें नागरिकों को खुद को तलाशने के लिए 22 साल पुरानी मतदाता सूची के हज़ारों स्कैन पन्ने… pic.twitter.com/oHdabs0kHe

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) November 23, 2025

Despite these high-profile interventions, the grinding pace of the SIR continues. The Election Commission maintains its deadline. The supervisors continue to issue threats of suspension. In addition, in the homes of Shantimoni Ekka, Mukesh Jangid, Aneesh George, Arvind, Ushaben, Vipin Yadav, and Sudhir Kumar Kori, there is only silence.

The “Deadly Deadline” remains in place, and millions of government employees remain caught between a directive from ECI and the limits of human endurance, wondering who among them will be next to fall. The SIR drive, as ECI claims intended to strengthen the foundation of Indian democracy, is currently being built on the broken backs of the very people tasked with upholding it.

Related:

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

Haunted by NRC fears, 57-year-old West Bengal man dies by suicide; Mamata blames BJP for turning democracy into a “theatre of fear”

Pregnant woman deported despite parents on 2002 SIR rolls, another homemaker commits suicide

The post The Deadly Deadline: “I Can’t Do This Anymore”—India’s electoral revision turns into a graveyard for BLOs/teachers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In its scathing critique, the AIKS has said that the Draft Seeds Bill 2025 is poised to increase the cost of cultivation by allowing corporates to indulge in unchecked pricing of seeds; besides the all-India farmers organisation said that bringing in this law is a move to corporatise India’s seed sector and concede seed sovereignty

Elaborating further, SKM leaders said the draft Seed Bill surrendered the seed sovereignty of India and it was aimed at predatory pricing by the corporate monopolies. They have asked that the Centre should withdraw the Bill. The SKM also warned against “conceding on harmful clauses” in the summit to be held in Lima, Peru from November 24 to 29 on the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (ITPGRFA).

Federalism, Federal rights

The campaign pitch to be launched will be all-encompassing. The leaders said the SKM would launch a national campaign with the slogan of “Strong States for Strong India” to safeguard the federal rights of States demanding increase of State share in the divisive pool (including cess and surcharge) from the current 31% to 60%. The SKM would also demand that the Goods and Services Tax Act must be amended to reinstate taxation power of States. “Financial autonomy of the States is necessary to realise minimum support price and minimum wage through augmenting public investment to modernise agriculture, build agro-industries and share the surplus out of processing, value addition and trade on all crops, thus to end agrarian crisis, peasant suicides and distress migration,” the SKM said.

The leaders said November 26, 2025 marked the fifth year of the beginning of the farmers’ struggle on the Delhi borders. “Sacrificing the lives of 736 martyrs, the protracted struggle of 380 days forced the BJP-led NDA union government to repeal the three pro-corporate and anti-people farm laws. Though five years have passed, Prime Minister Narendra Modi just formed a committee, but yet to implement the written assurances on MSP at the rate of C2+50% (as per M.S. Swaminathan Committee report), debt relief and privatisation of electricity given to SKM on December 9, 2021,” they said. The SKM would organise meetings, rallies and conventions to support its demands on November 26.

The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in its condemnation of the proposed law has termed it “anti-farmer and part of the larger political project of the RSS-BJP to dispossess the small farmers and surrender India’s seed sovereignty to a handful of multinational and domestic monopolies.”

AIKS has also pointed out in a statement issued by office bearers Ashok Dhawale and Vijoo Krishnan that the RSS-BJP-led NDA government is pushing this extremely pro-corporate bill at a time when the agrarian crisis is deepening in India. Several scientific studies have established that the increasing corporate control on agriculture would intensify the agrarian crisis and farm suicides. The draft Bill has the necessary ingredients to accelerate the squeezing and looting of Indian farmers. For instance, this law would create a conducive atmosphere for monopolies to indulge in an unchecked pricing of seeds.

Besides, expanding its criticism further the AIKS ha stated that any new legislation regarding seeds — such as the draft Seeds Bill 2025 — must actively complement, not conflict with, the progressive legal safeguards already established under the PPVFR (Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers Right) Act 2001, and India’s international commitments under the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) and the ITPGRFA (International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture). These national and international commitments collectively uphold national sovereignty over genetic resources and protect indigenous varieties. They thus recognize farmers as breeders, conservers and rightful custodians of biodiversity with guaranteed rights to save, use, exchange and sell seeds.

In contrast, the draft Seeds Bill 2025 introduces a heavily centralised (and corporatized) regulatory system that risks weakening farmer-centred protection and diluting India’s legal architecture for biodiversity conservation and farmers’ rights. The draft appears to favour market control and stringent formalization of seed systems, potentially marginalizing indigenous varieties, public institutions and national/international seed networks. To be precise, the new draft of the Seeds Bill 2025 deviates India’s regulatory architecture on seeds substantially away from the provisions of the PPVFR Act 2001 and actively shifts the balance in the seed sector in favour of big corporate players.

The weeks and months ahead are likely to see campaigns and agitations against this draft law build up nationally.

Related:

Protest decision of Union Government to Scrap 11% Import Duty on Raw Cotton: AIKS

Unseasonal Rains: Over 80 Dead, Huge Damage to Crops, Orchards; AIKS Demands Ex-Gratia

AIKS, Karshaka Sangham and rubber farmers take on tyre cartel; file Intervention Application (IA) in Supreme Court

The post Draft Seeds Bill must be withdrawn: SKM, AIKS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

At the heart of the controversy is the Special Intensive Revision –SIR — a revised method of updating electoral rolls first deployed in Bihar, suddenly since June 2025. In a sharply worded joint statement, activists allege that SIR is not an administrative exercise but a tool that has disenfranchised lakhs of legitimate voters, fundamentally altering electoral outcomes. Political Economist and husband of Finance Minister Nirmala Sitaraman, Mr Parkala Prabhakar said speaking to TNIE said, `The SIR process “bears no resemblance” to the voter-roll revision system introduced in 2003. This statement by these NGOs from across the nation points out that additions and deletions were made to the voter list with “focused intent,” possibly manipulation engineered to benefit ruling-party candidates.” In a rare show of solidarity with state-level grievances, the groups declared, “We stand with the People of Bihar in rejecting the election results.”

Earlier in August 2025, the Vote for Democracy had released its preliminary analysis of discrepancies in the Bihar SIR. This may be viewed below.

This time, these groups have also directed criticism at Opposition parties, accusing them of participating in elections conducted under the SIR framework even as they protested against it. The statement argues that by doing so, Opposition parties have inadvertently lent credibility to what the groups call a “fraudulently elected government.” It further notes that despite large-scale mobilisation during movements such as the Voter Adhikar Yatra, the Opposition has failed to build durable alliances with grassroots civil society networks. The Election Commission has come under its most severe civil society criticism in recent years. The statement accuses the Commission of: firstly, “disregarding its constitutional mandate,” secondly, becoming “an assaulter, not a protector, of electoral integrity,” and thirdly of “losing its legitimacy under its current leadership.”

The signatories pledged to push for a non-partisan and transparent Commission, indicating that an organised campaign may be in the works. Civil society groups have warned that the SIR process is now slated for rollout in 12 more states, raising fears of further large-scale voter disenfranchisement. Their slogan — “No rightful voter left behind” — is emerging as a rallying point for activists preparing for legal, political and public mobilisation.

The statement has drawn support from a broad cross-section of society, including retired judges, senior civil servants, economists, farmers’ organisations, teachers’ groups, technologists, Jesuit institutions, artists and student networks. Prominent signatories include: Justice B. Sudershan Reddy (Retd., Supreme Court), Devasahayam M.G. (Retd. IAS), Dr Parakala Prabhakar, Political Economist, Tushar Gandhi, Activist, Meena Gupta (Retd. IAS), Thomas Franco, Voters Rights Movement, Justice Shankar K.G.,K. Ramachandra Murthy, Former Editor, Their combined presence signals an emerging nationwide civil society front preparing to challenge the SIR’s expansion. Senior IAS retired MG Devasahayam speaking to TNIE said, “How can we call this Bihar election fair by any stretch of imagination.”

As the ECI fends off unprecedented scrutiny, the Opposition faces questions about its strategy, and civil society groups mount coordinated pressure campaigns, India appears headed for a high-stakes confrontation over electoral integrity. The statement ends with a stark warning — and a pledge:

Related:

Vote for Democracy: Statistical, legal and procedural irregularities dot Bihar’s controversial SIR process

Vote for Democracy: Statistical, legal and procedural irregularities dot Bihar’s controversial SIR process

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Tharu Community and Dudhwa National Park

In the Palia Tehsil area of Lakhimpur Kheri district resides the Tharu community, known for its rich cultural heritage and deep-rooted connection to nature. Recognised as a Scheduled Tribe in 1967, most Tharu families depend heavily on forest resources for their livelihood, including bamboo, sugarcane, timber, and other forest produce.

The Tharu community inhabits around 40 villages situated in and around the Dudhwa National Park, which was established in 1977. The subsequent declaration of Dudhwa as a Tiger Reserve further intensified restrictions on land use and access to forest resources for local residents.

Section 2 of the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 (Restriction on the de-reservation of forests or use of forest land for non-forest purposes) provides that:

“Notwithstanding anything contained in any other law for the time being in force in a State, no State Government or other authority shall make, except with the prior approval of the Central Government, any order directing—
(i) that any reserved forest (within the meaning of the expression ‘reserved forest’ in any law for the time being in force in that State) or any portion thereof, shall cease to be reserved;
(ii) that any forest land or any portion thereof may be used for any non-forest purpose.”

While this law was intended to prevent the diversion of forest land, its rigid implementation in Dudhwa effectively displaced the Tharu population from their traditional habitats. Following the creation of the National Park and Tiger Reserve, many Tharu villages found themselves enclosed within or adjacent to protected forest zones, leading to the loss of access to ancestral lands and essential resources.

Forest Rights Act, 2006 and Criminalisation of the Tharu Tribe

The Forest Rights Act, 2006 (FRA) (attached below) recognises and vests the rights of forest-dwelling communities by providing a legal framework through which they can claim ownership over land, forest resources, and livelihoods. It was enacted to undo the historical injustice faced by Adivasi and traditional forest-dependent communities who were excluded from forest governance for decades.

Section 4(2) of the FRA provides that:

“The forest rights recognised under this Act in critical wildlife habitats of National Parks and Sanctuaries may subsequently be modified or resettled, provided that no forest rights holders shall be resettled or have their rights in any manner affected for the purposes of creating inviolate areas for wildlife conservation.”

However, in practice, these provisions were ignored. The Tharu community was arbitrarily denied their forest rights, including the right to collect firewood, graze cattle, and access forest produce, despite fulfilling all statutory criteria. In 2012, when members of the Tharu tribe petitioned the court demanding recognition of their rights, the Forest Department responded by filing thousands of fabricated “forest crime” cases against them.

As reported by The Times of India, BJP MLA Romi Sahani from Palia constituency stated that “they filed cases not only against those who went into the forest, but also people who never left home, the physically incapable, and even the dead.”

Over the years, the Tharu community has continued to face bureaucratic harassment and administrative pressure, resulting in the systematic erosion of the rights guaranteed to them under the FRA. Seventy-year-old Badhana Devi recounts, “If we raise our voices or refuse to pay when officers come, we are threatened with new cases.”

In 2020, the District Level Committee (DLC) further rejected the Tharu community’s forest rights claims, disregarding the explicit provisions of the FRA, which confer rights irrespective of the revenue status of a village. (See CJP’s previous coverage: “Vested Rights under Threat: Tharu Tribe Petitions High Court against Administrative Harassment”)

These instances illustrate a clear misuse of statutory powers and administrative authority, effectively stripping the Tharu community of their constitutionally protected rights under the pretext of performing “official duties.” What was meant to be a restorative statute has instead become a tool of persecution, deepening the community’s marginalisation.

Misuse of Conservation Laws across India

Over the years, similar patterns of criminalisation of Adivasi and tribal groups have been witnessed across India. In Uttarakhand, for instance, the Van Gujjars were evicted from their homes as part of a drive to ‘clear encroachments on forest property’. They invoked their right to inhabit forest land under Section 3 of the FRA, 2006 (read below). Further, Section 4 of the Act clearly states that, in cases where these members are residing in critical wildlife areas and National Parks, it is important first to rehabilitate them, to provide them a secure livelihood.

The Uttarakhand High Court, through an interim order, upheld the Van Gujjars’ right to migrate to their summer homesteads and held that any attempt to evict them would violate Article 21 of the Constitution as well as their rights under the FRA, 2006.

In the Hoshangabad district of Madhya Pradesh, the Adivasi tribes such as the Korkus and Rajbhars have faced similar ordeals. At Itarsi, the Central Proof Range was established as a testing ground for armaments and ammunition, leading the government to acquire vast stretches of forest land and displace Adivasi and Dalit families. The concept of ‘protected forests’ was further expanded under Section 4(2) of the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023 (attached below), to include land used for strategic or defence projects and paramilitary camps. These exemptions and definitional ambiguities are now frequently misused by the government to bypass conservation obligations and to criminalise local communities.

Perhaps the most alarming example lies in the implementation of the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972. Under the pretext of ‘conservation’, the Act has criminalised essential livelihood practices of forest dwellers, such as collecting mahua, grazing cattle, and fishing. Entry into these lands itself became a punishable offence. A report by the Criminal Justice and Public Accountability Project (CPA) reveals that most offences registered against Adivasi communities were categorised as ‘threats to ecological security and animal habitats’, often without any specific allegations.

Further, forest dwellers and Adivasis continue to face evictions through industrialisation and mining projects. The mineral-rich states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand are particularly affected. To facilitate mineral extraction, the standard state response has been to first declare forest land as ‘protected’ under the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023, and then evict its inhabitants in the name of ‘conservation’. This systematic process not only undermines the FRA’s purpose but also perpetuates the cycle of dispossession and displacement of forest communities.

Legal Framework: Setting a Precedent for the Tharu Position

The judicial trajectory surrounding forest rights has consistently reinforced the constitutional legitimacy and welfare-oriented purpose of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006. As seen in the preceding instances, from the Tharu community in Uttar Pradesh to the Van Gujars of Uttarakhand and the Adivasi groups in Madhya Pradesh, the administrative machinery has often undermined the FRA’s intent through procedural denials and criminalisation. However, Indian courts have, on several occasions, upheld the protective spirit of the FRA and reaffirmed the rights of forest-dwelling communities.

In Wildlife First v. Union of India, 2019 (read below),  the Supreme Court upheld the constitutional validity of the FRA, recognising it as a vital mechanism for securing the livelihoods and cultural identity of Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers. The Court underscored that the Act does not weaken forest conservation but instead democratises it by empowering local communities as custodians of the environment.

Similarly, in Orissa Mining Corporation Ltd. v. Ministry of Environment and Forests & Ors., 2013, concerning the proposed bauxite mining project in the Niyamgiri Hills, the Supreme Court upheld the Ministry’s decision to deny forest clearance. The Court found that the project violated both the FRA and the customary rights of the Dongria Kondh tribe, whose spiritual and cultural ties to the Niyamgiri Hills were constitutionally protected.
In paragraph 43 of the judgment (attached below), the Court characterised the FRA as a “social welfare or remedial statute” designed to recognise and vest forest rights. The legislative intent, it observed, is unambiguously to safeguard the customs, usages, and traditional practices of forest dwellers. The judgment further emphasised that under the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) (read below), particularly Section 4(d), the Gram Sabha is entrusted with the duty to preserve and protect tribal traditions, cultural identity, and community resources.

This landmark ruling thus establishes a jurisprudential framework that directly supports the claims of the Tharu petitioners. Their ongoing struggle to secure recognition of their Community Forest Resources (CFRs) in the Terai region echoes the Dongria Kondhs’ defence of their sacred landscapes. The same legal reasoning: recognition of customary rights, participatory decision-making through the Gram Sabha, and the FRA’s remedial purpose, should guide judicial interpretation in the Tharu case as well.

Constitutional Implication: Articles 14, 21, and 300A

The arbitrary usage of the Indian Forest Act and Wildlife (Protection) Act, to arrest and detain Tharu Tribe members, under the guise of ‘protecting wildlife and natural habitat’, violates equality and liberty guaranteed under Article 14 of the Constitution. The forest officials particularly target people belonging to Scheduled Tribes, who often lack legal and financial recourse to raise their voices. The FIRs are filed without looking at the facts of the circumstance (as in the case of Surdas Ram Bhajan), and any sort of resistance is framed as insurgency. Therefore, non-arbitrariness, which is at the heart of Article 14, is violated.

Article 21 guarantees the right to life and personal liberty. The FRA helps secure the right to life for forest-dwelling communities by protecting their ability to earn a livelihood from the forest. The petitioners argue that non-conferment of their forest rights is a violation of Article 21, and a further perpetuation of historical injustice, against which the FRA was meant to protect.

Article 300A of the Constitution protects the right of an individual to not be deprived of their property, secured by the authority of law. The Adivasis and Tharu tribe members are forced into a system of private/state property, as a result of unsettled land rights and lack of clear demarcations. The logic holds that any land that is not owned by individuals automatically becomes state property.

Thus, the 4000 cases against Tharu Community members violate their right to life, equality and property.

Conclusion and Way Forward

The core purpose of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 was to rectify the “historical injustice” committed against forest-dwelling communities, particularly Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers, whose customary rights to forest lands and resources were denied during the colonial period and, regrettably, even after independence (as reiterated in Orissa Mining Corporation Ltd. v. Ministry of Environment and Forests).

In the case of the Tharu community, the lands they had long inhabited were declared “forest land” or designated as “protected areas” for wildlife conservation, disregarding their traditional conservation practices and deep ecological dependence on forest resources.

The extensive rights guaranteed under the FRA remain largely unrealised due to the excessive control exercised by forest officials, whose discretion often renders these legal protections ineffective in practice. Furthermore, the recent Forest Conservation (Amendment) Act, 2023, has weakened the FRA’s intent by allowing the Union Government to grant forest clearances even before the rights of forest-dwelling communities are settled or their consent obtained. This legal overlap has created a dangerous precedent where conservation is invoked to justify dispossession.

These developments also highlight how state machinery, including the Police and Forest Departments, disproportionately target communities residing in and around forest areas, a significant proportion of whom belong to Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.

The petition submitted by Santari Ram Rana and Sadai before the Allahabad High Court exposes this subtle yet pervasive bureaucratic violence embedded within law. Unlike overt forms of repression, this harm is inflicted quietly through administrative procedures, documentation, and regulatory control, reflecting a colonial mindset that continues to view forests as needing protection from the very people who have protected them for generations.

While the writ petition remains pending before the High Court, members of the Tharu community must continue asserting their legal and cultural rights, drawing inspiration from the Van Gujjars of Uttarakhand and the Adivasi movements in Hoshangabad. Only through sustained advocacy, awareness, and judicial engagement can the original spirit of the Forest Rights Act be truly realised.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this resource has been worked on by Shyamli Pengoriya)

Related

Vested Rights under Threat: Tharu tribe petitions High Court against administrative harassment

Forest Conservation Amendment Act, 2023: A challenge to Adivasi land rights and environmental protections

U’khand Forest Dept admits faults in eviction notices issued to Van Gujjars

Forest Conservation Rules, 2022- An overview of changes that snatch rights of Gram Sabhas

Sokalo Gond and Nivada Rana lead the campaign for Forest Rights in SC

Tribals Allege Officials Use Forest Rights Act to Harass, Demand Money; Picket DM’s Office

The post When Conservation Becomes Coercion: The silent violence faced by the Tharus of Kheri appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The NACEJ has strongly condemned, what it terms as “the abject failure of the Government in systemically addressing the air pollution crisis and the brazen, arbitrary detention of peacefully protesting citizens, students, parents, environmentalists, workers and activists, who are courageously organizing against this public health catastrophe.” The Chief Minister (Rekha Gupta) owes a public apology to the protestors and the people of Delhi for the government’s failure, unjust detentions and use of police force against peaceful citizens. The NACEJ has called for withdrawal of cases registered, if any, against the protestors.

The indiscriminate action by authorities not only violates democratic rights, but also blatantly disregards the dire health emergency faced by millions in Delhi NCR, as air pollution soared to its highest levels in four years, especially following Diwali on October 21, 2025, as confirmed by official monitoring stations. In the backdrop of the severity of the issue, the short-sighted, politicised response of the government will only exacerbate the air pollution crisis further in Delhi NCR. 

The group has also demanded that the Delhi Government, the Union Government and all authorities must immediately, without delay or evasion, recognize the magnitude of this public health emergency and the legitimate outrage of the people of Delhi NCR, instead of treating it as a ‘law and order issue’ or a political blame game. This unchecked governance failure-fuelled has directly led to record-breaking pollution, with hazardous air choking the region and pushing public health to the brink.

Besides, the NACEJ has called all for urgent, transparent, and scientifically accountable actions; not repression and diversion, to protect the lives, rights, and dignity of every Delhi NCR resident. The Government needs to initiate year-round air pollution crisis management, built on long-term policy preparedness and a prioritization of public health and justice. It is high time for political and bureaucratic authorities to address the rightful angst of the people, setting aside political calculations and vested interests.

Despite years of crisis and public outcry, air pollution remains a severe and escalating public health hazard, with Delhi NCR and several other Indian cities suffering the world’s worst air quality. This crisis causes millions of preventable deaths and immense economic losses, while disproportionately impacting poor and marginalized communities, outdoor and informal workers, women, elders, children and those living in congested or industrial areas. Government actions have consistently excluded the most vulnerable, widening environmental injustice.

What is most alarming this year is that, despite clear evidence and expert warnings, the government prioritised appeasement-based political interests over scientific and public health advice, specifically legalizing the sale and use of so-called ‘green’ crackers for Diwali. This move led to rampant illicit use of fireworks, ignoring the Supreme Court’s limited hours order, leading to its weak implementation. The result was record-breaking PM2.5 levels and a dangerous spike in air pollution, with Delhi reporting levels as high as 675 µg/m³ (CPCB data) – the worst in four years.In parallel, non-compliance and apparent fudging of data such as the reported use of water sprinklers near AQI monitors to artificially lower recorded pollution further erode trust and delay meaningful action. The persistent blame games over stubble burning also do not address the reality, especially since, in 2025, its contribution to Delhi’s PM2.5 was notably lower than previous years. Year-round vehicle and industry emissions remain the primary drivers. Delhi’s pollution emergency demonstrates a deeper governance failure where populist politics has been allowed to overshadow public health and science-led environmental policy.

To genuinely address the roots of Delhi’s air pollution emergency, the following immediate and structural measures are essential:

• A time-bound, transparent policy and plan of action to reduce air toxicity and fixing answerability and accountability of all statutory authorities, as per law.

• Pro-active promotion and comprehensive upgrades to Delhi’s public transport as a clear alternative to odd-even private vehicle restrictions. Odd-even schemes are not novel and have demonstrated mixed results, while similar restrictions already exist as part of GRAP. What is urgently needed is a sharp pivot away from political optics and towards policies that truly discourage the daily use of private cars and SUVs by improving public transport and reducing road congestion through measures like congestion pricing.

• Differentiate between public transport modes: A renewed emphasis is needed on both bus and metro infrastructure, as well as the neglected surface rail network, which can provide cleaner, more inclusive mass transit, if upgraded and integrated into a unified transport system.

• Implementation of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) lanes alongside metro enhancements, for high-frequency, accessible public bus services, rather than segregated bus lanes. Upgrading, expanding, and integrating these modes is essential for sharply reducing waiting times and increasing convenience for commuters.

• When calling for tackling vehicular pollution “at source,” new concrete measures are needed: leapfrogging to BS6 fuel and emission norms and promoting EVs are steps already taken. What is needed now is a rapid phase-out and strict control of all non-BS6 diesel vehicles in Delhi NCR, combined with the elimination of diesel fuel subsidies for non-commercial vehicles. Non-BS6 diesels remain a disproportionate source of PM2.5 and PM10 compared to petrol vehicles—despite diesel’s lower price, its use for private transport is now obsolete and counterproductive for clean air.

• Highlight the persistent neglect of Delhi’s extensive surface rail infrastructure. Investments and integration with bus and metro systems are urgently needed to maximize sustainable, mass transit and reduce the reliance on polluting road vehicles.

• Reference existing scientific source apportionment studies (IIT Kanpur 2023, etc.) that establish the root sources and their respective shares – vehicles, dust, construction, waste and industry, so that measures are not misdirected.

• A clearly statement that stubble burning is not a major year-round pollution source. Recent studies confirm its limited, seasonal contribution, while vehicle and industrial emissions remain chronic drivers of Delhi’s poor air quality. Victimising and vilifying farmers while subsidizing or ignoring much larger polluters like the automobile sector is unjust and must be stopped.

• A firmly implemented year-round ban on firecrackers and a credible transition plan for firework-industry workers. WTE incinerator plants, and all unchecked construction and waste burning, must be banned or relocated beyond residential and ecologically sensitive areas, given their toxic emissions. Scientific evidence fully rejects their ‘green’ branding while they continue to drive air toxicity and perpetuate health crises.

• Recognize innovations, but emphasize their futility when major pollution sources, notably ‘green’ WTEs and vehicular fleets, remain inadequately regulated and incentivized.

• Government must set up an effective and permanent mechanism for inputs from and dialogue with environmental, civil-society organizations and collectives.

• Government must release real-time, credible and accessible air-quality data and health advisories in different formats.

• Government must respond to peaceful protest calls with dialogue and not intimidation, threats, detentions and arrests of citizens and activists.

• People at large must reject any political or religious narrative that undermines or delays urgent public health actions in response to environmental emergencies.

In conclusion, the NACEJ has also called for a scientifically informed, health-centred, long-term air quality management framework for Delhi NCR and all Indian cities. This must feature enforceable bans on new WTE plants and place existing WTEs in the Red Category. Year-round prohibition on firecrackers, strict controls on construction and vehicular emissions (with a focus on outdated diesel vehicles), and a fundamental reorientation of urban, transport and industrial policy towards safeguarding public health are equally important. ‘Innovations’ and civil society efforts cannot succeed while major polluters remain unchecked and unaccountable, especially under the guise of ‘green’ solutions.

Addressing air pollution requires an integrated, inter-sectoral, institutional accountability approach rooted in public well-being and aligned with broader environmental, economic, and development goals. India’s future depends on putting public health, social and ecological justice and constitutional rights of all citizens at the very centre of all environmental and urban policymaking.

Signatories to the Statement: NACEJ Members: 

1. Alok Shukla, Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan, Raipur
2. Apoorv Grover, People for Aravallis, New Delhi
3. Dr. Babu Rao, Scientists for People, Telangana
4. Chythenyen Devika Kulasekaran, Centre for Financial Accountability, Selam, Tamil Nadu
5. Disha A Ravi, Fridays for Future India
6. Dr. Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam & NAPM, Madurai, Tamil Nadu
7. John Michael, NACEJ and NAPM Telangana
8. Krithika Dinesh, Legal researcher, NAJAR, Delhi
9. Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan and NAPM, Madhya Pradesh
10. Meera Sanghamitra, NACEJ Telangana
11. Neelam Ahluwalia, Founder Member, People for Aravallis, Haryana
12. Nirmala Gowda, Mapping Malnad, Bengaluru
13. Prasad Chacko, Social Worker, Ahmedabad, Gujarat
14. Rajkumar Sinha, Bargi Bandh Visthapit Evam Prabhavit Sangh, Madhya Pradesh
15. Ramnarayan K, Natural History Educator and Independent Ecologist, Uttarakhand
16. Ravi S P, Chalakudypuzha Samrakshana Samithi, Kerala
17. Soumya Dutta, Movement for Advancing Understanding of Sustainability and Mutuality (MAUSAM) & NACEJ, New Delhi
18. Soutrik Goswami, Environmental Researcher and Activist, New Delhi
19. Stella James, Researcher and Independent consultant, Bengaluru, Karnataka
20. Dr. Suhas Kolhekar, NAPM & NACEJ (Pune, Maharashtra)
21. Sumit (For Himdhara Environment Research and Action Collective, Himachal Pradesh)
22. Tarini, Independent Filmmaker, Delhi
23. Yash, Environmental Rights Activist, New Delhi

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The post Say No to ‘Toxic Governance’: Arrest air pollution, not activists and protesters: NACEJ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Over 35 locations witnessed coordinated demonstrations led by the Bombay Catholic Sabha (BCS) — one of the largest lay organisations representing Catholics in Maharashtra. The participants gathered outside churches carrying placards reading “My Faith, My Right” and “Don’t Criminalise Compassion”, expressing alarm that the proposed Bill—while claiming to curb “forced” conversions—could, in effect, criminalise voluntary expressions of faith, humanitarian work, and social service. The BCS is one of the largest organisations of the Catholic laity representing as many as 68,000 believers.

‘A Violation of Article 25’: The constitutional concern

As per the press note released by BCS, protestors underscored that the Bill represents a direct affront to Article 25 of the Constitution of India, which guarantees “freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise, and propagate religion.”

BCS spokesperson Dolphy D’Souza stated that the law’s vague and sweeping provisions could “interfere with an individual’s personal choice of faith” and “open the door for surveillance, policing, or discrimination against religious minorities.” D’Souza described the Bill as “a misnomer — there is no freedom in the so-called Freedom of Religion Bill,” adding that it risks chilling constitutional rights by blurring the line between legitimate religious activity and alleged conversion.

Newly elected President, BCS, Norbert Mendonca, stated to Sabrangindia,” We organised this this peaceful protest to affirm our commitment to constitutional values, religious freedom and  liberty, and communal harmony, and to appeal to the Government of Maharashtra to withdraw any move that infringes upon these rights.”

‘Every act of compassion could be misinterpreted’

From the people present at the protest, unifying fear emerged: that ordinary acts of kindness, charity, or social work could be weaponised as evidence of ‘inducement’ or ‘allurement’.

According to the BCS press note, the proposed Bill “threatens to criminalise compassion,” warning that “every act of kindness could be misinterpreted or maliciously portrayed as an attempt at conversion.”

This sentiment reverberated through the protest at St Michael’s Church, Mahim, one of the major protest sites, where BCS members explained that schools, hospitals, and welfare institutions run by Christian organisations serve people of all faiths. “Our work is motivated by faith and humanitarian concern — not conversion,” said one participant. “But under this Bill, even that service could be labelled inducement.”

‘Misuse and Targeting’: A familiar pattern

While the text of Maharashtra’s Bill has not yet been made public, Global Bihari noted that BCS apprehensions are informed by experiences in other states where similar “Freedom of Religion” laws have been introduced — including Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Uttarakhand.

In Uttar Pradesh, the 2021 Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act has led to multiple FIRs and arrests. In May 2024, the Supreme Court observed that several provisions “may seem to be violative of Article 25,” staying further proceedings in certain FIRs. In Madhya Pradesh, the High Court in November 2022 declared Section 10 of its Freedom of Religion Act, 2021 — which required prior declaration before conversion — prima facie unconstitutional, with the Supreme Court refusing to stay that order in 2023.

Community Voices: Between fear and faith

The protests were marked not by confrontation but by prayer, song, and civic solidarity. At Our Lady of the Rosary Church in Goregaon (West), Free Press Journal reported that even non-Christian citizens joined the demonstration. Among them were civic and human rights activist Prof. Arvind Nigale, Gandhian Jayant Diwan, Rashtra Seva Dal convenor Umesh Kadam, environmental activist Mannan Desai, and Abu Shaikh from Jamaat-e-Islami, Goregaon — underscoring a rare show of interfaith unity.

In Mahim, Mid-Day report captured the mood poignantly: “This is not about aggression but awareness,” said Vinod Noronha of BCS. “Many people still do not know what this Bill is about. Our protest is to awaken civic consciousness, not to divide.”

Former BCS president Rita D’Sa added, “We would have actually liked to see inter-faith dialogue and goodwill. Instead, this Bill creates suspicion.”

‘A political diversion from real issues’

Beyond religious freedom, protestors questioned the political intent behind the legislation. As per the press note, it was provided that “While the stated aim of the Bill is to prevent forced or fraudulent conversions  experiences from other states suggests such laws in practice, could be used to harass faith-based groups, charitable institutions, or individuals who are simply practising their faith, especially in minority communities.”

It was further provided that such laws can be used selectively to harass minority groups, mirroring patterns seen elsewhere. “If the intent was merely to stop coercion, there would be no need for a new law. We already have adequate provisions in the Penal Code to deal with force or fraud.”

A retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, Joe Gaikwad, summed up the mood with quiet defiance while speaking to Mid-day: “If there was any conversion, it was from hate to love, from sinfulness to salvation. This is a peaceful community.”

‘Faith Does Not Require Permission’

As the gatherings drew to a close, participants joined in hymns and prayers. D’Souza’s concluding invocation, as quoted by Mid-Day, resonated across the crowd: “We pray, Lord, in your wisdom that you enlighten the minds of our leaders. Be with us in this moment of anxiety and grief. Let there be peace on earth.”

But this was no end — merely a beginning. The BCS announced a continuing campaign, with the next awareness event scheduled for November 16 at I.C. Colony, Borivali, as reported by all three outlets.

In its official press note, the BCS stated: “Our efforts will continue. The very title of the Bill is misleading — it is not a ‘Freedom of Religion’ law but a means to harass minorities. We will network with other religious communities and citizens of goodwill to defend the constitutional right to freedom of conscience.”

A broader warning

Beyond the Catholic community, the protest has become a bellwether for civil liberties in Maharashtra. Citizens for Justice and Peace, the lead on the case challenging various State anti-Conversion laws that remains pending before the Supreme Court, has warned that anti-conversion laws — though couched in the language of protection — often rely on vague and subjective terms such as “inducement,” “allurement,” and “coercion,” which invite misuse and threaten the presumption of personal autonomy. If enacted in its current form, the organisation fears that Maharashtra’s proposed law may replicate the chilling effects seen in northern states — discouraging interfaith marriages, constraining charitable activity, and empowering local authorities to surveil minority groups.

For the citizens gathered outside churches that Sunday, the message was clear: Faith is not a crime, compassion is not a threat, and constitutional freedom is not negotiable.

Related:

Guarding culture or policing faith? Chhattisgarh High Court’s ‘social menace’ observation and the future of Article 25

Allahabad High Court directs UP Police to ensure safe return of inter-faith to their desired destination

From Victim to Accused: High Court of Gujarat’s 2025 Ruling on Religious Conversion

SC: Freedom for man in interfaith union: SC grants bail to Muslim partner

Inter-Community clashes erupt at Dehradun railway station after interfaith couple meets

By quashing the FIR against an interfaith couple accused of “conversion”, the Allahabad High Court restores jurisprudence on a constitutional path, upholds freedom of choice

The post ‘Faith Is Not a Crime’: Mumbai’s Christians rise against Maharashtra’s proposed anti-conversion bill appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Free Speech Collective

With Bihar in the midst of Vidhan Sabha elections, 2025, this media tracker exposes the illusion of free speech and independent journalism in the state. The last five years have been marked with assaults on journalists, with six killings and eleven instances of attacks. The general climate for free speech has also been affected by detention and arrest of journalists and threats to editors of prominent dailies, coupled with defamation and censorship of social media posts.

(Visit the Free Speech Tracker or scroll to the end for more details.)

By 2015, when Nitish Kumar was re-elected as Chief Minister, several independent journalists began using social media platforms to publish stories, and alongside began facing reprisal. By 2020, when the Nitish Kumar government was re-elected as part of the JDU-led NDA along with the Bharatiya Janata Party, repression on the media continued unabated, this time targeting social media.

Bihar struggles with low socio-economic indicators. It consistently throws up high unemployment rates and there is an abject lack of facilities for health and education. In the NITI Aayog 2019-20 State Health Index, Bihar was ranked 18th out of 19 large states. In March 2025, Niti Aayog’s Macro and Fiscal Landscape of the State of Bihar said that the sex ratio is lower than the national average. Low literacy levels and low per capita income and high unemployment, forces lakhs of youth to migrate every year. With little or no industries, agriculture is a mainstay and government employment is a desperate struggle for thousands of youth. In NITI Aayog’s SDG India Index of 2023-24, Bihar was adjudged the worst performer in terms of social, economic and environmental parameters.

The large-scale deletion of voters in Bihar in the run up to the Assembly election, ostensibly to revise the electoral rolls, is bound to have an impact on the polls. But the slow erasure of an independent media that can question and hold its government accountable can only further weaken the foundations of a democracy.

Details of Free Speech Violations in Bihar, November ’20-’25:

Read FSC’s special features:

Wanted: A Responsible Media in Bihar, by Kiran Shaheen.

Criminalisation of politics in Bihar, by C P Jha.

Related:

From Welfare to Expulsion: Bihar’s MCC period rhetoric turns citizenship into a campaign weapon

Bihar Elections Build-up: ‘Won’t allow namaz’, ‘namak haram’, BJP MPs’ communal hate-filled remarks draw fire

Caste and Indifference: Two separate incidents of rape against minor Dalit girls in UP and Bihar receive no media coverage, protest or outrage

The post Bihar & the Delusion of Independent Journalism: A Free Speech Record of Five Years appeared first on SabrangIndia.