Rights | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/category/rights/ News Related to Human Rights Sat, 24 Oct 2026 11:09:12 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png Rights | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/category/rights/ 32 32 7,000 farmers and workers rally in Maharashtra as drought deepens agrarian crisis https://sabrangindia.in/7000-farmers-and-workers-rally-in-maharashtra-as-drought-deepens-agrarian-crisis/ Sat, 24 Oct 2026 10:55:25 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49780 With 265 of Maharashtra’s 358 talukas declared drought-affected, protesters in Akole demand immediate crop-loss compensation, insurance payouts and loan waivers

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]]> Around 7,000 farmers, agricultural workers and women took to the streets of Akole in Maharashtra’s Ahilyanagar district on October 22, demanding immediate relief as a severe drought pushes farming communities towards mounting losses and financial distress. Led by the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI), the rally marched through the town to the Tehsil office, where protesters submitted a memorandum alongside thousands of individual applications from farmers and other residents.

Carrying red and white flags and raising militant slogans, the protesters demanded substantial drought relief, immediate disbursal of crop insurance compensation, a ₹2 lakh loan waiver for farmers who have regularly repaid their loans, land titles for people cultivating forest and other lands, and the resumption of financial assistance to beneficiaries of the Ladli Behna scheme.

The rally followed an ongoing round-the-clock sit-in Satyagraha in Akole, with organisers announcing that the agitation would continue until October 26. Addressing the gathering, senior leader Brinda Karat, AIKS National President Ashok Dhawale and AIKS National Joint Secretary Ajit Nawale criticised the Maharashtra government’s handling of the agrarian crisis. They condemned the ₹5,000 drought relief announced for farmers as grossly inadequate in the face of widespread crop damage and escalating debt, while also pointing to the withholding of ₹4,000 payable under the Namo Kisan Nidhi scheme.

The Kisan Sabha leadership warned that if the state government failed to take concrete decisions on the demands, hundreds of vehicles carrying farmers from across Maharashtra would set out from Akole for Mumbai to press the government for action.

The protest comes as the scale of Maharashtra’s drought becomes increasingly difficult to ignore. The state has declared 265 of its 358 talukas drought-affected, covering nearly three-quarters of its administrative subdivisions. Yet, despite announcing a series of concessions, the government has left direct crop-loss compensation dependent on field assessments, prolonging uncertainty for farmers who are already watching their harvests fail.

Drought declared, but direct compensation remains uncertain

A September 25, 2026, government resolution issued by Maharashtra’s Relief and Rehabilitation Department directed district administrations to assess crop damage in the drought-affected talukas. Collectors have been instructed to conduct field inspections, prepare panchnamas, document crop conditions through photographs and GPS-tagged records, and submit their findings to the state government. The declaration covers extensive parts of Marathwada and Vidarbha, alongside drought-hit areas in northern and western Maharashtra. Among the districts affected are Beed, Latur, Dharashiv, Nanded, Parbhani and Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar in Marathwada, and Yavatmal, Amravati, Akola, Wardha, Nagpur and Chandrapur in Vidarbha.

As reported by The Indian Express, Maharashtra’s overall monsoon rainfall deficit has obscured the severity of the crisis in its most vulnerable agricultural regions. While the state recorded a deficit of around 18% between June 1 and September 25, some districts experienced far more severe shortfalls. Solapur recorded a 57% deficit, followed by Beed at 49%, Hingoli at 48%, Jalna at 46%, Dharashiv at 45% and Akola at 41%.

The consequences have been particularly severe in Marathwada, where prolonged gaps between rainfall have deprived rain-fed crops of the soil moisture needed to survive. Agriculture department estimates reported in the media indicated that at least a quarter of standing crops in the region had been damaged following a dry spell lasting approximately 45 days.

The government has announced concessions in land revenue, restructuring of crop loans, suspension of the recovery of agriculture-related loans, electricity-bill relief for agricultural pumps, examination-fee waivers for students and expanded employment under the Employment Guarantee Scheme. It has also provided for tanker-based drinking-water supplies where necessary, fodder arrangements for livestock and water-conservation works.

However, these measures do not amount to direct compensation for the crops already destroyed. The government resolution states that financial assistance for drought-affected farmers will be announced separately after the prescribed assessments are completed. According to a PTI report, Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar has also said that the actual assistance would be determined after ground-level assessments. For farmers confronting immediate losses, the concern is critical. Loan restructuring does not replace a failed harvest, and electricity concessions cannot compensate for crops that have withered in the fields. The demand for immediate financial relief has therefore become central to the agitation in Akole.

From failing soybean crops to dying orchards

The drought is damaging both seasonal crops and plantations that take years to establish. Soybean, cotton and maize have suffered extensive losses, while fruit growers are struggling to secure enough water to keep trees and vines alive. In an October 5 report, Mid-Day report described the devastation in Yevta village in Beed district, where farmer Sheikh Rashid’s four-acre soybean crop was drying up after prolonged water shortages. Rashid told IANS that farmers had anticipated a good harvest but had suffered significant losses because of the lack of rainfall.

The damage extends well beyond a single season’s produce. In a report published on October 12, India Today documented the growing crisis among Maharashtra’s horticultural farmers, with grapevines, orange trees, pomegranate plantations, banana crops and mango orchards all facing water stress. The report highlighted the threat to vineyards in the Nashik region, where October is a crucial period for pruning and preparing vines for the next harvest. Kailas Bhosale, president of the Maharashtra Grape Growers’ Association, told Kisan Tak that farmers could not carry out normal vineyard operations without water. He called for emergency intervention, including tanker supplies, to prevent the vines from dying.

The difference between losing a harvest and losing a plantation is devastating. According to India Today, growers could face a wait of at least four years before newly planted grapevines begin yielding commercially. Farmers who have invested years of labour and substantial sums in their orchards risk losing not merely their current income but the foundation of their future livelihoods.

The crisis has also reached Maharashtra’s orange-growing belt. The Times of India reported on October 8 that orange orchards across an estimated 5,000 hectares in Amravati had suffered extensive damage, with trees being cut down and surviving orchards struggling with flowering, fruit development and fruit size.

The state’s fruit economy is particularly vulnerable because Maharashtra is a major producer of grapes, pomegranates and bananas, with horticultural output supporting agricultural households, traders, exporters and workers across supply chains. The destruction of perennial crops threatens to leave farmers without income for several seasons, even after rainfall returns.

Water scarcity is becoming a crisis of survival

As local wells and other water sources dry up, farmers are increasingly being forced to purchase water simply to keep their crops and livestock alive.

India Today report described the mounting costs faced by drought-hit growers. In Shahapur in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district, farmer Badrinath Bharat told The Indian Express that he was spending ₹3,000 a day on two water tankers after his well dried up. Having already lost his cotton and maize crops, he was buying water to protect his ginger crop and provide for his family and ten cattle.

The burden is particularly punishing for small and marginal farmers, who have limited financial reserves to absorb repeated crop failures or sustain expensive irrigation through prolonged dry spells. Purchasing water can become an additional debt even when there is little certainty that the surviving crop will generate enough income to recover the cost.

The shortage is also threatening the coming rabi season. As reported by The Indian Express, the depleted soil moisture and declining reserves in reservoirs and borewells could discourage farmers from sowing crops such as chickpea and jowar. A drought that has already devastated the kharif harvest could therefore compromise the next agricultural cycle as well.

Scientists have warned that the timing and distribution of rainfall matter as much as the overall deficit. Karthikeyan Lanka, associate professor at IIT Bombay’s Centre for Climate Studies, told Down To Earth that the monsoon had been characterised by repeated swings between wet and dry conditions. Sporadic heavy rainfall may briefly replenish soil moisture, but prolonged dry spells allow that moisture to dissipate through evaporation and plant transpiration.

The India Drought Monitor, maintained by IIT Gandhinagar, indicated that around 84% of Maharashtra’s area was under dry or drought conditions as of September 23. The figures underline how widely the crisis has spread, even though the extent of agricultural damage varies by region.

Government relief under pressure as farmers demand accountability

The Maharashtra government’s drought declaration has formally recognised the crisis, but farmers’ organisations argue that recognition without timely and adequate assistance will do little to prevent mounting indebtedness and the destruction of rural livelihoods. The state’s response has included loan restructuring, revenue concessions and other administrative relief, while direct compensation remains contingent on assessments. Meanwhile, farmers are facing immediate expenses for water, livestock fodder, agricultural inputs and household needs, often without the income expected from their crops.

The growing pressure has also reached the Union government. India Today reported that Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis met Union Home Minister Amit Shah to seek financial assistance through the National Disaster Response Fund. An inter-ministerial team subsequently visited Maharashtra between October 8 and 11 to assess crop losses and relief requirements, according to The New Indian Express.

But for the farmers gathered in Akole, the central question remains whether these assessments will translate into timely assistance on the ground. Their demands extend beyond the immediate drought declaration to include crop insurance payments, a loan waiver for farmers who have regularly repaid their loans, land rights for cultivators and the restoration of financial assistance to Ladli Behna beneficiaries. With the sit-in scheduled to continue until October 26, the Kisan Sabha leadership has made clear that it is prepared to escalate the agitation to Mumbai if the government fails to act.   

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A Silent Emergency: Farmer suicides surge in Maharashtra amid apathy, debt, and systemic collapse

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]]> Assam must resist sir, defend voting rights, says Guwahati Citizens’ Forum https://sabrangindia.in/assam-must-resist-sir-defend-voting-rights-says-guwahati-citizens-forum/ Sat, 24 Oct 2026 10:36:40 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49777 At a protest meeting organised by the Forum for Social Harmony, speakers criticise the Election Commission and demand a time-bound completion of the NRC; police prevent demonstrators from marching out of the Press Club

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]]> Citizens in Guwahati on October 23, 2026, joined the nationwide protests against the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, demanding that the exercise be scrapped and Assam’s long-pending National Register of Citizens (NRC) process be completed within a stipulated timeframe. The protest, organised by the Forum for Social Harmony – Citizens’ Initiative at the Guwahati Press Club, also called for the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar and the restoration of voting rights to eligible people excluded from the NRC.

The protest meeting, held at 1 p.m. in response to the nationwide call issued by People Against SIR, brought together prominent intellectuals, citizens and representatives of political parties and organisations. Speakers, including Dr Hiren Gohain, Dr Ghanshyam Nath and Dr Rituraj Kalita, raised concerns over the implications of SIR for citizens’ constitutional rights, citing alleged violations and the growing threat to democratic participation.

The meeting demanded the immediate scrapping of SIR, the completion of Assam’s pending NRC process within a defined timeframe, and the adoption of 2014 as the base year for electoral rolls. It also called for eligible people left out of the NRC to have their names included within a specified period.

‘SIR is being used to deprive citizens of voting rights’

Addressing the gathering, Dr Hiren Gohain criticised what he described as the erosion of the Election Commission’s independence, alleging that the constitutional institution had increasingly become an instrument serving the political interests of the BJP.

“Under the pretext of SIR, the BJP is creating conditions to win elections by depriving Indian citizens, particularly Muslims and Dalits, of their voting rights. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar is being used for this purpose. This is fascism in the name of democracy,” Gohain said.

He further warned that the attacks on democratic institutions extended to the Constitution itself, and demanded that Kumar either resign or be removed from office. Pointing to the growing resistance against SIR, Gohain said that young people across the country were taking to the streets despite police repression and intimidation. He described this mobilisation as a positive development and called for a similar political awakening in Assam.

“It is time for the people of Assam to wake up,” he said, urging citizens to join the wider struggle to defend democratic rights.

The meeting was attended by several other prominent individuals and representatives of political parties and organisations, including Harkumar Goswami, Debajit Choudhury, Khagen Kalita, Pankaj Kumar Das, Mukut Lochan Kalita, Jayanta Gogoi, Phanidhar Das, Munin Mahanta, Shankar Uccha Saikia, Kishor Kumar Kalita, Yechmin Ara Begum and Humayun Choudhury.

Assam cannot remain on the sidelines of the struggle over voting rights

In a statement issued after the meeting, the Forum for Social Harmony – Citizens’ Initiative said Indian democracy had reached a decisive juncture, with state power and repression confronting citizens determined to defend their constitutional and democratic rights.

The Forum noted that people across the country were mobilising to protect democracy, the Constitution and the right to vote. It argued that Assam, given its long and fraught history of disputes over citizenship and electoral rights, could not afford to remain detached from this national struggle.

“Assam, which has been turned into a testing ground for decades over questions of citizenship and voting rights, cannot remain aloof from this struggle. On the contrary, drawing upon its own historical experience, Assam must play a decisive role in this pan-Indian struggle to defend democratic rights,” the statement said.

The Forum extended its support to the nationwide protest call issued by People Against SIR and appealed for a united movement against attempts to curtail voting rights through the revision exercise. It also stressed the need for a just resolution of Assam’s unresolved citizenship and electoral issues, including the completion of the NRC process and the inclusion of eligible people who have been left out.

The demands reflect the longstanding concerns surrounding the intersection of citizenship documentation and electoral participation in Assam, where the NRC process has remained unresolved despite years of official scrutiny and public uncertainty. The Forum’s position is that electoral revision cannot become a substitute for resolving these pending questions or a means of excluding eligible citizens from democratic participation.

Police shut Guwahati Press Club gate, prevent protesters from marching out

The protest took a contentious turn after the meeting concluded. When participants attempted to leave the Guwahati Press Club premises while raising slogans, a large contingent of police personnel stationed at the entrance shut the gate, preventing them from marching out. The protesters raised slogans demanding that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign, that SIR be scrapped, and that the pending NRC process in Assam be completed. They also challenged the police action that prevented them from leaving the Press Club premises.

Questioning the restriction on their movement, the protesters asked: “Has the Press Club premises now also been turned into a place of confinement to silence the voice of protest?”

The incident underscored the central contradiction at the heart of the gathering: citizens had assembled to defend their voting rights and democratic freedoms, only to find themselves prevented from marching out of the venue while expressing those demands.

A continuing campaign against SIR in Assam

The Forum for Social Harmony – Citizens’ Initiative has consistently opposed SIR in Assam and has raised concerns about its implications for citizenship, electoral participation and constitutional rights. Its latest mobilisation places Assam within the wider nationwide campaign challenging the revision exercise and demanding accountability from the Election Commission.

By linking the demand to scrap SIR with the completion of the NRC and the inclusion of eligible people excluded from the register, the Forum has foregrounded the specific anxieties surrounding citizenship and voting rights in Assam. Its appeal is for a collective democratic response that safeguards electoral participation rather than deepening existing uncertainty over who can exercise the right to vote.

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]]> People take to the streets to defend the right to vote and protest against SIR https://sabrangindia.in/people-take-to-the-streets-to-defend-the-right-to-vote-and-protest-against-sir/ Fri, 23 Oct 2026 13:16:04 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49765 From Delhi to Bengaluru and Mumbai, farmers, workers, students, women’s groups and citizens’ organisations came together on October 23 to demand the scrapping of the SIR of electoral rolls and the resignation of CEC Gyanesh Kumar

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]]> On Friday, October 23, central Delhi witnessed a gathering that was as much about the right to vote as it was about the right of ordinary people to claim ownership of their democracy. Hundreds of protesters marched from Bhai Vir Singh Marg towards the Election Commission of India (ECI) headquarters, carrying the national flag and raising demands against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Farmers, workers, students, women’s organisations, youth groups and civil society members came together under the banner of the nationwide People Against SIR mobilisation.

 

There was no single face around which the protest revolved, no one leader whose presence defined its purpose. Instead, the streets filled with people who had come to assert a collective right: to vote, to question the institution entrusted with protecting that right, and to resist an electoral process they fear could exclude legitimate voters. The significance of the mobilisation lay precisely in this coming together, in citizens refusing to leave the defence of electoral democracy to political parties, prominent activists or a handful of familiar public figures.

The march was organised at the joint call of 143 organisations, with protests reported across 88 cities in 18 states, according to the mobilisation’s organisers. The breadth of participation underlined how the concerns surrounding SIR have travelled beyond election administration and become a question of democratic participation, accountability and the security of the franchise.

A march to the Election Commission, a confrontation with the police

In Delhi, protesters assembled around Gurudwara Bangla Sahib and marched towards the ECI headquarters near Patel Chowk. Carrying the Tricolour, they demanded the immediate scrapping of SIR, the removal and prosecution of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, and the repeal of the 2023 law governing the appointment of Election Commissioners, which protesters have criticised for providing legal protection to members of the Election Commission.

Visuals shared by Scroll.in and others showed police detaining protesters in central Delhi, while some demonstrators climbed onto police buses in an attempt to prevent them from leaving with those detained. Police buses carrying demonstrators were also seen moving away from the area outside Bangla Sahib Gurudwara.

 

The people are not waiting for someone to lead them

One of the most striking features of Friday’s mobilisation was the refusal to make the movement dependent on any one individual. As protesters were detained, the question of what would happen if prominent participants were taken away was put to CJP’s Ashutosh Ranka by PTI.

His response captured the spirit of the gathering: “We are not leaders; we are custodians of this platform that the people of this country have given us.” He added that the movement would continue whether its participants were in jail or outside, and that it would change and evolve as necessary.

 

The statement spoke to something visible on the streets that day. The mobilisation was not simply an event organised around speeches delivered by recognised leaders. It was a collective assertion by people who had come to occupy democratic space themselves. Students stood alongside farmers and workers; women’s organisations marched alongside civil society groups; familiar public figures shared the streets with citizens whose names might never appear in a news report.

The absence of a single commanding face did not mean an absence of political conviction or organisation. Rather, the joint call of 143 organisations created a platform on which different groups could bring their concerns together without surrendering the movement to one personality. Its strength lay in the possibility that people could participate in the struggle without waiting for permission from a leader, or for a prominent figure to tell them when to act.

 

 

When Jantar Mantar is barricaded, the streets become the site of protest

Friday’s march also carried a message about the shrinking space for public demonstrations in the national capital. As protesters gathered around Bangla Sahib and moved towards the Election Commission, the invocation of Section 163 and the subsequent detentions became part of the confrontation over the right to dissent.

 

In a statement shared from Himachal Pradesh, advocate Prashant Bhushan’s message, relayed by another account, captured the resolve of protesters confronting restrictions on public assembly: “If you barricade Jantar Mantar, the whole of Delhi will become Jantar Mantar.” The statement went on to warn that attempts to suppress protests in Delhi could spread the call for resistance across the country.

 

The message resonated with a mobilisation that was not confined to one gathering point. Anti-SIR protests were reported in Bengaluru, where demonstrators assembled around Infantry Road and the War Memorial on Brigade Road, as well as in Mumbai, where university students took to the streets demanding the CEC’s resignation.

 

 

 

The spread of the protests gave concrete meaning to the call that the defence of democracy could not be confined to a designated protest ground. People were asserting that their constitutional rights did not begin and end at a barricade, and that the demand for electoral accountability could be raised in cities and towns far beyond the capital.

 

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Protest Denied, Dissent Policed: India’s crackdown on those challenging the Election Commission

 

 

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]]> A Mother’s Prayer for Her Son: Faith, Forgiveness and Justice https://sabrangindia.in/a-mothers-prayer-for-her-son-faith-forgiveness-and-justice/ Fri, 23 Oct 2026 10:25:46 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49754 As parents, our hearts are deeply pained to see our beloved son, Randall Sequeira, in judicial custody. We firmly believe that he is not involved in any criminal activities. He is a doctor who has dedicated his life to serving the poor, the oppressed, the downtrodden, and the Adivasi communities who desperately need his care, […]

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]]> As parents, our hearts are deeply pained to see our beloved son, Randall Sequeira, in judicial custody. We firmly believe that he is not involved in any criminal activities. He is a doctor who has dedicated his life to serving the poor, the oppressed, the downtrodden, and the Adivasi communities who desperately need his care, compassion, and medical services.

Randall has stood beside the Adivasi people because he is deeply concerned about their lives, their health, their ancestral lands, and their future. He fears that mining activities could expose these vulnerable communities to serious health problems and deprive them of the environment and livelihoods on which they depend.

The poor and oppressed need Randall. They need their doctor, their compassionate healer, and someone who cares about their suffering. His place should be among the people he has dedicated his life to serving.

He is facing grave charges, including murder, dacoity, and offences relating to arms. As his parents, we believe these charges are false, and we pray that the truth will emerge and justice will prevail.

When Randall called us today, he said, “Sorry.” Those words touched our hearts deeply. We know how much he respects and loves us. But, my dear son, you have nothing to apologise to your parents for. Our love for you is unconditional. We are your parents, and we will continue to stand by you with all the strength that God gives us.

We do not wish ill upon anyone. We forgive everyone, even those whom we believe have wronged our son. We place our faith in God, who calls us to forgive even in our deepest pain.

Yet, forgiveness does not mean giving up our hope for justice.

“Learn to do right; seek justice. Defend the oppressed.”

Today, our only heartfelt prayer is for Randall’s immediate release, so that he may return to his medical service and continue caring for the poor, the sick, the Adivasis, and all those who have no one else to turn to.

We pray that he will receive a fair trial, that the truth will be heard, and that justice will prevail.

As parents, we may be helpless in many ways, but we are not without hope. We place our son in the hands of Almighty God, trusting Him to sustain us through this painful ordeal.

Lord, please bring our son Randall home. The poor need him. The sick need him. The oppressed need him. His family needs him. Please give us the strength to endure this suffering and the grace to forgive without losing hope for justice.

We ask everyone to keep Randall in their prayers. May God protect him, strengthen his spirit, and open the doors to his freedom.

We seek no revenge. We harbour no hatred. We ask only for truth, justice, and our son’s release.

May Almighty God hear a mother’s prayer, comfort a father’s heart, protect the Adivasi people, and bring Randall safely back to the people who need him.

Lord, let justice prevail. Let compassion triumph. Let our son come home.

Nancy Sequeira is the mother of Dr Randall Sequeira, who is in judicial custody in Odisha

Courtesy: https://countercurrents.org

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]]> Bikaner House censors 75 photographs of Delhi protests from Raihan Vadra’s exhibition, leaving empty walls behind https://sabrangindia.in/bikaner-house-censors-75-photographs-of-delhi-protests-from-raihan-vadras-exhibition-leaving-empty-walls-behind/ Thu, 22 Oct 2026 11:52:00 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49738 The photographs documenting youth-led protests were removed hours before the exhibition opened, with the venue reportedly threatening cancellation

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]]> Hours before photographer Raihan Vadra’s exhibition No Idea Is Final was scheduled to open at Delhi’s Bikaner House on October 21, 75 of the 105 photographs planned for display were removed after the venue’s management objected to their political content. The photographs documented youth-led protests across Delhi over the preceding six months. By the time visitors entered the exhibition, two rooms had been stripped of most of their works, leaving behind empty red walls, exposed nails and a catalogue of photographs that the public could see on paper but not on the gallery walls.

The removal, which Vadra said was enforced under the threat of cancellation, is a disturbing instance of a cultural institution restricting the documentation of public dissent. The photographs were not being presented as inflammatory propaganda or accompanied by political slogans. They recorded protests, demonstrators and police action, capturing events unfolding in the capital. Yet their proximity to the political present was enough to make them unacceptable to the venue’s management, according to the artist.

 

In an exclusive interview with ThePrint, Vadra said Bikaner House had objected to the “political nature” of the photographs despite having approved his exhibition proposal on June 30 last year. He said the exhibition layout had also been shared with the management in advance, without objections being raised until the final hours before the opening.

“They made us take them down. We spoke to them, but they threatened that they would cancel the show if we didn’t take them down. So, there wasn’t much of an option left,” Vadra told ThePrint.

The artist said he was informed that the photographs were inappropriate given the prevailing political climate and the timing of the exhibition. The management reportedly maintained that the images violated Bikaner House’s booking policy, which prohibits political content. But the rationale raises a fundamental question: if photographs documenting protests can be excluded because the political circumstances surrounding them are considered inconvenient, what meaningful space remains for artists to record contemporary events?

Protest photographs deemed too political

Vadra’s exhibition brought together three years of photographic work, including wildlife photography, abstract pieces, street photography and documentation of youth movements. The protest photographs formed a substantial part of the collection, capturing demonstrations against issues including alleged irregularities in the NEET examination and protests against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

According to The Wire, the photographs included images of police personnel overpowering demonstrators, a man holding a copy of the Constitution and crowds participating in political demonstrations. One image reportedly featured Congress leader Rahul Gandhi amid the commotion surrounding a protest march. These were not detached images of an abstract political landscape. They documented people exercising their right to protest and the police response to demonstrations in the national capital. Their removal therefore raises concerns beyond an individual artist’s exhibition: it concerns whether public cultural spaces will permit visual records of dissent when those records intersect with politically contentious events.

Speaking to The Wire, Vadra questioned why an artist living in Delhi and witnessing the protests should be prevented from exhibiting what he had documented. “Forget the context and my background, but even as an artist who lives in Delhi and went to a lot of these protests – I can’t have a show here?” he asked.

Vadra said he had already removed photographs containing slogans and other overt political messaging because he did not want the exhibition to become a vehicle for political commentary. He maintained that the remaining photographs were visual documentation rather than an attempt to advance a political position.

A press note issued before the exhibition similarly described the photographs as documentation of protesters and armed personnel, without additional commentary, and stated that none contained derogatory or inflammatory material.

An ultimatum hours before the opening

Vadra told ThePrint that the management first contacted him on October 20, the day before the exhibition was due to open. He said the layout had already been shared with the venue a week earlier, on October 15, and that the administration had acknowledged receiving it. According to his account, the management subsequently raised objections to the photographs but did not provide a satisfactory resolution before the final hours of preparation. The principal resident commissioner of Bikaner House, Rohit Kumar, later inspected the exhibition and informed Vadra that works considered political would have to be removed.

Speaking to India Today, Vadra said the administration had objected to 75 photographs across two rooms. He recounted that he had initially asked the management to identify the specific photographs it considered objectionable and explain its concerns in writing, offering to discuss possible replacements. Instead, he said, he was warned that the exhibition would be cancelled if the works were not removed within the stipulated deadline.

Vadra and his team initially attempted to turn the photographs around, leaving the backs of the frames visible. That arrangement was reportedly rejected, and the photographs ultimately had to be taken down and placed in storage.The compressed timeline left little room for negotiation.

Vadra also told The Wire that he was informed that the Rajasthan state government had weighed in on the matter and that a consensus had been reached that photographs depicting the protests could not be displayed. Bikaner House management’s reported reliance on a prohibition against political content also raises questions about how that rule is interpreted and applied. Vadra said he had pointed to earlier exhibitions at the venue that featured political figures and questioned why his documentation of contemporary protests was being treated differently.

Even the Tricolour became a point of contention

The dispute extended beyond the protest photographs. Vadra said the management also asked him to remove two photographs featuring the Indian national flag. In a statement posted on Instagram, he wrote that the management had compelled him to remove most of the artworks and had also directed him to take down the two images of the Tricolour. He initially refused, insisting that he would not remove a photograph of the Indian flag. In his account to ThePrint, Vadra said he eventually had to comply with the venue’s demands to ensure that the exhibition could continue.

 

Congress MP Pawan Khera criticised the move, writing on X that when even the Tricolour was not safe from censorship, the problem lay not with the art but with the political establishment. He described the removal of the photographs as an example of a government seemingly threatened by the documentation of protests.

 

Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also defended her son. As reported PTI, she criticised the removal of the photographs, arguing that they contained no derogatory commentary and simply documented events. She warned that restrictions imposed on one young artist could be extended to others.

In a separate post on X, she wrote: “When someone with power becomes afraid of the expression of another, he doesn’t know it, but he has already lost the very power he is trying to protect.”

 

 

 

Empty walls, exposed nails and a catalogue of what was censored

The physical consequences of the removal were visible throughout the exhibition. According to ThePrint, the two rooms from which the photographs were taken down were left largely bare, with exposed nails marking where the works had hung. The remaining exhibition included wildlife photographs and abstract works, while a catalogue allowed visitors to view images that the venue would not permit on its walls.

The empty spaces have become an unavoidable reminder of what the exhibition was supposed to contain. The photographs have not disappeared, but their exclusion from the gallery changes how visitors encounter the work: the public can now see a record of the images, alongside the visible evidence that they were removed.

Vadra told India Today that curtailing artistic expression was wrong and questioned the decision to remove such a large body of work simply because it might be considered objectionable. He also said he had regarded Bikaner House as a space where artists could exhibit their work freely, having held his first exhibition there in 2021 and returned in subsequent years.

“You can’t call yourself a cultural institution or a stakeholder in the arts if you’re going to curtail freedom of expression,” he told India Today.

Vadra told ThePrint that he intended to find another venue in Delhi to display the removed photographs. The exhibition is also scheduled to travel to Bengaluru in December, where he plans to show the collection. Speaking to The Wire, he acknowledged that he anticipated possible difficulties with future venues but said he remained determined to exhibit the work in the city where the protests had taken place.

“I can’t have a show here with only wildlife, just showcasing how beautiful things are. It would’ve been dishonest to myself,” he said.


Related:

CJP leaders Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka released on ₹50,000 bonds, undertake not to call protests at Jantar Mantar

Jamia’s Missing Students’ Union: Two decades without elections, and a protest met with rustication

UN experts condemn India’s crackdown on youth-led protests, flag 7,000 detentions and alleged sexual abuse

JNU revokes rustication of five students after hunger strike, agrees to withdraw FIRs and review CPO manual

India’s Electoral Crisis is fast becoming a civil-liberties crisis

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]]> CJP leaders Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka released on ₹50,000 bonds, undertake not to call protests at Jantar Mantar https://sabrangindia.in/cjp-leaders-saurav-das-ashutosh-ranka-released-on-%e2%82%b950000-bonds-undertake-not-to-call-protests-at-jantar-mantar/ Thu, 22 Oct 2026 07:55:19 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49730 Special Executive Magistrate rejects Delhi Police plea for three more days of custody after Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka submit written undertakings to maintain peace; preventive proceedings to continue

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]]> Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) co-convenors Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka walked out of Tihar Jail on October 21, after spending days in judicial custody over an attempted Tiranga protest at Jantar Mantar. The Special Executive Magistrate’s order bringing their detention to an end followed an earlier decision to extend their custody by two days after rejecting the sureties furnished on their behalf.

The case began with a mobilisation against alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and demands for the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. Das and Ranka were among those who attempted to stage the protest at Jantar Mantar after the site had been de-notified as a designated protest venue. According to The Indian Express, the group entered the site by climbing over a locked iron gate, unfurled the national flag and raised slogans before being detained.

What followed was a series of preventive proceedings under Sections 126 and 170 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), culminating in the leaders’ remand to judicial custody on October 14. Their detention continued even after the defence furnished sureties, with the Special Executive Magistrate finding those sureties unacceptable and directing the two leaders to produce fresh ones.

On October 21, Special Executive Magistrate Ritu Raj ordered their release after they furnished personal bonds and surety bonds of ₹50,000 each and submitted written undertakings promising not to call for protests at Jantar Mantar until the site is notified as a designated protest venue in accordance with law.

The sequence raises serious questions about the use of preventive powers against political mobilisation: two leaders remained in custody after their sureties were rejected, while the subsequent order found that bonds and written undertakings could adequately secure the maintenance of peace.

Sureties rejected, custody extended by two days

The immediate circumstances of the extended detention are central to the case. On October 19, after the initial five-day period of judicial custody ended, the Delhi Police sought a further five days of custody, alleging that the two leaders had violated peace bonds executed on October 11 by mobilising people for protests at Jantar Mantar and other non-designated locations.

The Special Executive Magistrate extended their custody by two days, until October 21, while rejecting the sureties produced by the defence. The order cited an apparent mismatch between one surety’s photograph on the bond and the photograph on their Aadhaar card. In the case of the other surety, the magistrate recorded that the person could not provide satisfactory answers to basic questions, including details of Das’s parentage and address.

The magistrate concluded that the sureties had no sufficient control over the two leaders to ensure their appearance before the court. The order also stated that the leaders had allegedly breached their earlier bonds and that their assurance that they would not repeat the conduct did not inspire confidence.

As reported by The Indian Express, the magistrate relied on police submissions concerning the likelihood of a breach of peace and disturbance of public tranquillity. The defence, however, disputed the basis for continued detention, arguing that the two leaders had made no fresh calls for protests after October 10 and had gone to Jantar Mantar individually.

Their counsel, advocate Abhik Chimni, also questioned the rejection of the sureties and the continued detention. The defence sought their release and maintained that there was no concrete basis to conclude that they posed an ongoing threat to public safety.

The rejection of the sureties meant that the two leaders remained in judicial custody until the next hearing, despite the defence’s efforts to secure their release. The two-day extension came after the police had sought a longer period of detention.

Release comes with an undertaking not to call protests

On October 21, the police again sought a three-day extension of judicial custody, arguing that apprehensions of a breach of peace persisted in light of the leaders’ statements and subsequent conduct. The prosecution also cited remarks allegedly made by an associate while the two were being taken to Tihar Jail, claiming that the comments undermined the authority of the Special Executive Magistrate’s court. Chimni tendered an unconditional verbal apology and assured the court that such conduct would not recur.

The magistrate declined to prolong their custody, holding that the preventive measures contemplated under Section 135(3) BNSS could be adequately secured through bonds for keeping the peace, supported by the written undertakings furnished that day.

The undertakings were specific. Das and Ranka promised not to commit any breach of peace and stated that they would not make calls for protests at Jantar Mantar until the site is notified as a designated protest venue in accordance with law. They also expressed faith in the judiciary and undertook that any protest they undertook would remain within the constitutional framework.

The magistrate directed the two leaders to furnish personal bonds and surety bonds of ₹50,000 each and ordered their release after being satisfied with the sureties. A release warrant was issued to the Superintendent of Central Jail, Tihar. Both leaders were directed to appear at every hearing and comply strictly with the conditions of their bonds and undertakings.

The matter is listed for further proceedings on October 23 at 3 PM.

The complete order may be read below:

Download PDF

Detailed piece may be read here.


Related:

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India’s Electoral Crisis is fast becoming a civil-liberties crisis

 

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]]> UN experts condemn India’s crackdown on youth-led protests, flag 7,000 detentions and alleged sexual abuse https://sabrangindia.in/un-experts-condemn-indias-crackdown-on-youth-led-protests-flag-7000-detentions-and-alleged-sexual-abuse/ Wed, 21 Oct 2026 08:21:35 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49717 In a strong rebuke of the Modi-led government’s handling of dissent, 24 UN human rights experts have called for an end to excessive force, blanket assembly bans and arbitrary detentions

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]]> Twenty-four United Nations human rights experts have condemned the reported crackdown on peaceful, youth-led protests across India, raising concerns over police violence, mass detentions, alleged sexual abuse of protesters and restrictions on freedom of assembly. They have called on Indian authorities to end the excessive use of force, lift blanket prohibitions on public gatherings and ensure accountability for alleged human rights violations.

In a statement issued on October 23, the experts urged the Indian government to “respect, protect and fulfil the right to peacefully protest” and ensure justice for violations reported during recent demonstrations and previous protests. Their intervention comes amid reports of police action against demonstrators in New Delhi and other parts of the country, including protests against voter-roll deletions under the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise and government decisions concerning education.

The experts warned that the crackdown reflects a broader pattern of restrictions on dissent, including excessive force, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances and the targeting of student activists.

“We have repeatedly alerted the Indian authorities to undue restrictions on peaceful assembly, excessive use of force, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, and the targeting of student activists, amongst others,” they said.

Over 7,000 reportedly detained; concerns over gender-based violence

The UN experts referred to reports that more than 7,000 young people, journalists, human rights defenders, lawyers and political party members were recently detained in New Delhi and transferred to detention centres far from the sites of protest. Their phones were allegedly seized and protest-related material deleted. Most were reportedly released after around 24 hours, including protest leaders.

Despite the reportedly peaceful nature of the demonstrations, police allegedly used force against unarmed students, including lathi charges, while preventing thousands of others from joining the protests.

The experts also expressed particular concern over reports of injuries, ill-treatment and sexual violence against women protesters, as well as other forms of gender-based abuse during demonstrations and related detentions. They called for authorities to address the gender-specific consequences of restrictions on peaceful assembly and the reprisals faced by protesters.

The statement links the demonstrations to widespread concerns over government decisions affecting education and the SIR exercise, which has reportedly resulted in voter-roll deletions affecting approximately 130 million people, including members of Muslim, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities. The experts called on the government to uphold the democratic right of students and other citizens to assemble peacefully and express their grievances without fear of violence or retaliation.

Section 163 of BNSS flagged over restrictions on assembly

The experts also raised concerns over the reported use of Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) to impose broad restrictions on public gatherings, suspend public transportation and enforce internet shutdowns. Section 163 empowers executive magistrates to issue orders to prevent or address specified threats, including dangers to human life, safety and public tranquillity. Its use to impose sweeping restrictions on assemblies raises questions about whether such measures meet the legal requirements governing limitations on peaceful protest.

The UN experts stressed that restrictions on peaceful assembly must have a legal basis, pursue a legitimate aim and be necessary and proportionate. They warned that the reported actions implicate India’s international obligations concerning freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, personal liberty and security, and the right to defend human rights.

“We call on the authorities to immediately cease the use of excessive force, rescind blanket assembly bans, and refrain from the misuse of digital surveillance, including through biometrics, and internet disruptions,” they said.

The intervention highlights concern not only over physical force and detention but also over the use of surveillance and communication restrictions to impede mobilisation and the dissemination of information during protests.

Experts recall March detentions and alleged enforced disappearances

The statement also recalled the reported detention of 10 student and labour-rights activists in New Delhi in March. According to the information cited by the experts, plain-clothes police officers detained the activists, held them incommunicado for more than 24 hours and allegedly subjected them to ill-treatment, threats, coercion and forced declarations.

They were reportedly released after habeas corpus proceedings were initiated. Such proceedings allow courts to examine the legality of a person’s detention and provide a judicial remedy against unlawful deprivation of liberty. By invoking these earlier incidents alongside the recent protests, the experts situated the reported abuses within a wider pattern of concerns over police conduct and the treatment of activists.

They called for an independent, impartial and thorough investigation into the conduct of law enforcement personnel and affiliated forces, demanding accountability, justice and reparations for victims.

“The Government must guarantee non-recurrence and uphold the democratic right of students and others to assemble and express grievances,” the experts said.

Experts across 16 human rights mandates issue warning

The signatories include independent experts appointed by the United Nations Human Rights Council, among them special rapporteurs on freedom of peaceful assembly and association, freedom of expression, the independence of judges and lawyers, education, minority rights, privacy, torture, violence against women and human rights defenders. The statement also carries the support of members of two working groups: the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.

Among those signing the statement are Gina Romero, Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association; Margaret Satterthwaite, Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers; Farida Shaheed, Special Rapporteur on the right to education; Nicolas Levrat, Special Rapporteur on minority issues; and Reem Alsalem, Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls.

Their statement places the reported treatment of protesters under international human rights scrutiny and calls on the Indian government to respond through investigation, accountability and guarantees against recurrence. Their central demand is that peaceful protest must not be met with disproportionate force, indiscriminate detention or measures that effectively prevent citizens from exercising their democratic rights.

The complete statement may be read here.

 

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]]> Who will collect India’s data? Modi-led government opens census to private individuals https://sabrangindia.in/who-will-collect-indias-data-modi-led-government-opens-census-to-private-individuals/ Tue, 20 Oct 2026 12:49:12 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49711 The Centre’s amended Census Rules allow private teachers, members of societies and trusts, and other government-approved individuals to collect household information, without the notification setting out clear safeguards against political interference

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]]> The Modi-led government is widening the doors of Census 2027 to private individuals and organisations at a time when the collection of personal data has become inseparable from growing fears of citizenship scrutiny and electoral exclusion. A notification issued by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India on October 16, amending the Census Rules, 1990, now explicitly permits teachers from private educational institutions, members of societies and trusts, and virtually any person whom a state government or Union Territory administration considers “suitable” to be appointed as Census enumerators.

The timing makes the decision particularly alarming. The country is already witnessing opposition to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, amid concerns over the exclusion of eligible voters. The Census questionnaire, meanwhile, seeks information extending beyond conventional demographic particulars, including Aadhaar, voter ID, passport and mobile phone details, bank-account information, and the dates and places of birth of parents.

Detailed reports may be read here, here, here, here, here and here.

The government has offered administrative convenience as a justification for widening the workforce. But a shortage of government personnel cannot explain away the dangers of unchecked discretion over who gets to collect citizens’ private information. Nor can assurances of data security substitute for transparent rules that prevent the exercise from being weaponised. The Census is a nationwide exercise through which the State collects sensitive information from millions of households. Expanding access to that information through an opaque and discretionary recruitment process, without publicly establishing robust safeguards against political interference and data misuse, raises serious questions about who the government intends to empower and for what purpose.

A backdoor for the Sangh Parivar?

The amended rules permit teachers from government, local authority, aided and unaided private educational institutions, as well as teachers associated with societies and trusts, to be appointed as enumerators. Clerks and officials from government departments, public sector undertakings, banks, companies and other institutions are also eligible. The third category allows the appointment of “any person” considered suitable by the State government or Union Territory administration.

The last provision is especially troubling. It leaves considerable discretion with the appointing authorities without specifying, in the notification, sufficiently clear criteria for eligibility, political neutrality or independent scrutiny.

On October 17, Congress leader and Rajya Sabha MP Jairam Ramesh accused the government of turning Census recruitment into an employment scheme for Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) workers. In a post on X, Ramesh drew attention to an RSS training camp held in Belgaum from July 10 to 12, 2026, which he said had focused on Census 2027.

He also questioned the composition of the Union Home Ministry’s High-Level Committee on Demographic Changes, constituted on May 26, and its October 14 call for public inputs from Indian and foreign organisations. Linking these developments to the October 16 notification, Ramesh alleged that the government was preparing to recruit thousands of RSS-BJP workers under what he described as a “Rozgar Guarantee Yojana”. His warning was unequivocal: “. Just like with the SIR, dangerous manipulations will be carried out in the Census data as well.”

 

The CPI(M) has raised similar concerns. In a statement posted on X, party leader M.A. Baby warned that the amended rules could facilitate the entry of Sangh Parivar-linked individuals into the Census workforce, exposing citizens’ personal information to potential political misuse. He demanded that the amendments be withdrawn and an all-party consultation on Census methodology be convened immediately.

 

These allegations expose a fundamental problem with the government’s approach. When a ruling establishment has repeatedly been accused of using state institutions to advance its political agenda, widening access to sensitive household information through loosely defined recruitment criteria cannot be treated as an innocent bureaucratic exercise. The issue is not merely who gets a temporary job; it is about who is entrusted with collecting intimate details about people’s identities, families, documents and circumstances, and what prevents that access from being exploited.

Why does the Census need so much personal information?

The expanded recruitment rules are only one part of a larger problem: the growing volume of sensitive information being sought from households. As previously discussed, the 40-question Population Enumeration questionnaire includes several data fields not included in the 2011 Census. These include nationality, the spouse’s name, parents’ particulars, permanent residential address, digital literacy and the place of COVID-19 vaccination. Respondents are also asked about bank accounts and whether they possess Aadhaar, voter ID, a passport, a driving licence and a mobile phone.

The CPI(M) had already raised objections to this questionnaire. In a memorandum submitted to the Registrar General and Census Commissioner on August 24, M.A. Baby demanded that details such as Aadhaar, voter ID, passport and mobile numbers, bank-account information, religion and parents’ places of birth not be collected. The memorandum also sought strict safeguards against linking Census data with other databases.

These are questions the government cannot evade. What is the precise statistical necessity of collecting each additional data field? Who will have access to it? How long will it be retained? What prevents it from being linked to databases maintained for entirely different purposes?

A Census official told The Hindu that data collected through enumerators’ mobile applications would be centralised and deleted from the enumerators’ devices after their work was completed. The official also claimed that adequate checks were in place to protect privacy. That assurance does not answer the central questions. Deleting data from an enumerator’s phone does not establish who can access the central database, what safeguards prevent unauthorised sharing, or whether the information can be linked to other government records. Centralisation is not, by itself, a guarantee of security.

From SIR to Census: the danger of turning data into a tool of exclusion

The controversy cannot be separated from the political context in which it is unfolding. There are also reasons to question the political neutrality of the data-collection process itself. The Hindu reported in June 2026 that enumerators in Rajasthan had allegedly been instructed not to select certain government scheme-related responses that could reflect poorly on the government. The reported examples included open defecation, the use of wood or dung cakes as household fuel, and access to tap water. If government personnel are being instructed to avoid recording responses that might embarrass the ruling establishment, the integrity of the Census is already at stake. A national statistical exercise cannot be permitted to become a public-relations exercise for the government.

The shortage-of-staff argument is no excuse

The government has defended the expansion on practical grounds. According to The Hindu, around 34 lakh enumerators will be needed for the Population Enumeration phase. The exercise is scheduled for February 2027 across much of the country, while enumeration in poll-bound Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab and Goa is scheduled from December 1, 2026, to January 4, 2027. School examinations, Assembly elections and the deployment of government teachers for electoral duties have added to the administrative pressure.

Former Deputy Registrar General of India K. Narayanan Unni told The Hindu that the move appeared to reflect a shortage of government schoolteachers and personnel from government-aided schools. But administrative pressure cannot justify an unrestricted expansion of the workforce without adequate accountability. The previous practice of relying largely on government schoolteachers, revenue officials and other public personnel was not without its own shortcomings. Yet the move to widen recruitment demands a clear explanation of how standards of impartiality, confidentiality and accountability will be maintained.

The legal challenges surrounding the deployment of private schoolteachers further complicate the picture. The Hindu reported that the Punjab and Haryana High Court stayed two Haryana government communications seeking details of teachers for Census duties on October 16. Earlier, the Bombay High Court had granted interim protection to associations representing more than 500 private unaided and minority schools in Maharashtra against notices, appointment orders and coercive action relating to Census deployment.

 

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]]> JNU revokes rustication of five students after hunger strike, agrees to withdraw FIRs and review CPO manual https://sabrangindia.in/jnu-revokes-rustication-of-five-students-after-hunger-strike-agrees-to-withdraw-firs-and-review-cpo-manual/ Tue, 20 Oct 2026 11:31:31 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49699 The 13-point charter also called for the restoration of GSCASH, the return of JNUEE and action on wider concerns over campus infrastructure and governance

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]]> In a significant breakthrough after more than 17 days of protest, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has directed the revocation of the rustication of five students, including Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU) president Aditi Mishra and vice-president K Gopika Babu. A letter signed by Dean of the School of Social Sciences Vivek Kumar confirms the decision, addressing one of the central demands of the indefinite hunger strike that began on October 3.

The decision follows discussions between student representatives and a university-appointed committee, which also yielded assurances on the withdrawal of FIRs against students, a review of contentious provisions of the Chief Proctor’s Office (CPO) Manual and the withdrawal of proctorial enquiries initiated during earlier campus protests. Hindustan Times reported that the university has also agreed to constitute committees with JNUSU representation to review the disciplinary provisions, examine the JNU Entrance Examination (JNUEE) and address hostel reservation issues. The developments mark a breakthrough in the prolonged standoff, with further discussions also covering hostel infrastructure, library timings and the opening of a canteen at the Centre for the Study of Law and Governance (CSLG).

At the heart of the confrontation is the suspension and rustication of elected representatives of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU), alongside the administration’s continued enforcement of the Chief Proctor’s Office (CPO) Manual, which students argue imposes punitive restrictions on protests and collective gatherings. The dispute also raises questions about the university’s response to students exercising their right to protest, particularly when disciplinary action has excluded elected representatives from the institution they are mandated to represent.

The Hindu reported that CPI(M) Rajya Sabha MP John Brittas had sought intervention from President Droupadi Murmu and Union Education Minister Pralhad Joshi as the hunger strike has reached a critical point amid concerns about the deteriorating health of participants. Brittas, a former JNU student, has called for the revocation of the rustication orders and an expedited resolution of the students’ grievances.

Rustication of elected representatives lies at the centre of the dispute

JNUSU president Aditi Mishra, vice-president Gopika Babau and other students have participated in the indefinite hunger strike. As reported by Outlook, JNUSU joint secretary Danish Ali said the union, along with former president Nitish Kumar, was rusticated in February 2026 following protests against the installation of facial recognition technology (FRT) at the Dr B.R. Ambedkar Central Library. Ali said the union and Nitish were rusticated for a year and fined ₹20,000 each, while eight other students were fined ₹19,000 each for their alleged presence at the protest.

The university had earlier suspended five students and declared them “out of bounds” in connection with the alleged vandalism of the facial recognition technology gates in November 2025. The administration has maintained that public property worth ₹20 lakh was damaged.

However, the continuing exclusion of elected student representatives has become a central concern in the present agitation. In his letter to President Murmu, Brittas argued that keeping elected representatives off campus directly affects the functioning of the students’ union and weakens the mechanism through which students collectively articulate their grievances.

The issue goes beyond the individual penalties imposed on the students. When elected representatives are barred from the university, their ability to represent constituents, participate in campus discussions and negotiate with the administration is significantly curtailed. Disciplinary action against individual students can therefore have consequences for the wider student body, particularly when it affects the functioning of an elected representative institution. JNUSU has maintained that its office-bearers represent a student constituency of approximately 9,000. Its demand for the revocation of the rustication orders is therefore tied to the question of whether students can meaningfully exercise their collective voice through an elected union.

CPO Manual and the shrinking space for campus dissent

The students’ have called for the withdrawal of objectionable provisions of the CPO Manual, alleging that its disciplinary framework enables the administration to impose substantial penalties and restrict assemblies and protests. The agitation follows a university general body meeting (UGBM) on October 3, which reportedly passed a resolution calling for the withdrawal of the manual. The students have argued that its provisions undermine legitimate democratic expression by exposing those who protest to punitive action.

Brittas raised similar concerns in his letters to the President and the Union Education Minister. As reported by The Hindu, he warned that disproportionate disciplinary measures could deter students from raising legitimate grievances for fear of punishment. He also invoked JNU’s foundational commitments to social justice, secularism and a democratic way of life, as reflected in the Jawaharlal Nehru University Act, 1966.

President Droupadi Murmu, as Visitor of the university, has been asked to intervene under Section 8 of the Act. Brittas has urged her to facilitate the withdrawal of the rustication orders, address the disputed provisions of the CPO Manual and ensure that the outstanding grievances are resolved.

Students dispute the administration’s account of medical care

The disagreement has also extended to the provision of medical assistance to students participating in the hunger strike. In a statement reported by the Press Trust of India (PTI), Vice-Chancellor Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit said that a committee headed by Professor Vivek Kumar, Dean of the School of Social Sciences, had held discussions with protesters on October 9 and October 14. The first meeting reportedly lasted more than four hours. According to the administration, two groups subsequently ended their hunger strikes after receiving assurances, while discussions with other protesters continued.

The administration has also maintained that the university’s Chief Medical Officer has monitored the health of hunger strikers and that medical check-ups have been conducted twice daily. It said medical assistance was extended to rusticated students on humanitarian grounds.

JNUSU, however, has disputed this account. In its statement, the union alleged that its rusticated office-bearers were denied medical check-ups during the first six days of the protest and that their vital signs were monitored through a private laboratory instead. The allegations directly contradict the administration’s claim that medical care was provided to rusticated students from the beginning of the agitation.

The union has also questioned the Vice-Chancellor’s visit to the hunger strike site at approximately 9 am on October 16. It alleged that the visit, which took place without prior intimation, risked creating the impression that only a small number of students were participating. The administration, meanwhile, stated that a representative had visited the site at approximately 8.50 am but found no students sleeping there.

A wider charter of demands remains unresolved

The agitation encompasses a broader set of concerns about the university’s academic environment, infrastructure and institutional accountability. Students have demanded the restoration of the Gender Sensitisation Committee Against Sexual Harassment (GSCASH), which was replaced by an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC). As reported by Outlook, a student identified as Dhananjay argued that GSCASH offered a more inclusive platform, while students were in the minority under the ICC structure.

The demand places the question of gender justice alongside the wider dispute over student participation in university governance. The charter also includes a demand for an Equal Opportunity Cell under the proposed Rohith Vemula Act, an inquiry into alleged recruitment irregularities, improvements to deteriorating campus infrastructure and the reinstatement of the JNU Entrance Examination (JNUEE) in place of the Common University Entrance Test (CUET). Students have also opposed the introduction of recorded video lectures through the Siddhanta Foundation, alleging that the arrangement undermines the quality of teaching and the possibility of holistic academic development.

 

Related:

Books Under Siege: Bengal’s Left bookstalls, the Calcutta High Court’s intervention and the warning from Hitler’s Germany

Seeking justice for Ankita Bhandari, parents detained in pre-dawn crackdown at India Gate

Mumbai Police detain Ambedkarite leaders demanding justice for Sahil Wakode; IIT Bombay refuses to hear delegation

Calcutta High Court says political dissent must not be stifled, directs police to protect CPI(M) bookstall near Durga Puja Pandal

Jamia’s Missing Students’ Union: Two decades without elections, and a protest met with rustication

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]]> India’s Electoral Crisis is fast becoming a civil-liberties crisis https://sabrangindia.in/indias-electoral-crisis-is-fast-becoming-a-civil-liberties-crisis/ Tue, 20 Oct 2026 08:46:59 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=49695 The resistance to any form of democratic questioning, dissent or protest marks the Indian government’s response to widespread protests around #VoteChori

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]]> There are moments in the life of a democracy when the conduct of the government becomes more consequential than the controversy it is attempting to contain. India has reached such a moment. What began as a dispute over the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has developed into something more disturbing: a confrontation over the citizen’s right to question the institutions that regulate democracy itself.

On October 10, the United Nations Human Rights Office expressed concern over reports of mass detentions of demonstrators, civil-society members, lawyers and journalists in India. It called for the release of those arbitrarily detained and urged respect for peaceful assembly. The government rejected the criticism. Similarly, over 100 Harvard University alumni issued a statement condemning police brutality, unlawful detention and constitutional rights violations.

That response was predictable. The events that produced the criticism were not.

Delhi witnessed an extraordinary mobilisation of state power against demonstrations demanding accountability from Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar. Protesters were prevented from assembling at Jantar Mantar. Police detained leaders, including MPs and former Chief Ministers. Police removed students from trains before they could reach the capital. Lawyers were detained. Journalists covering demonstrations were taken into custody. Police used force and violence against protesters, especially students: private parts of women were kicked and phones taken away. The internet was suspended in parts of central Delhi, Metro stations were closed, and railway services were severely disrupted.

The scale was extraordinary. On October 10, 45 Delhi Metro stations remained shut, while more than 250 railway services were cancelled or disrupted.

Eventually, Jantar Mantar itself got denotified by the Home Ministry as a protest site, even as right-wing groups were reportedly free to proclaim that they would “destroy all anti-Modi forces” and “slay protesters,” while the Delhi Police remained mute spectators.

Even a week later, the police continue to assault peaceful protesters carrying national flags, refusing to register an FIR over the police brutality. Leaders like Neha of AISA and Dipke are still being detained for prolonged periods, including at night, at undisclosed locations. Even delegations of lawyers and concerned citizens who march to police stations seeking answers are long-denied information about their whereabouts.

This was not proportionate policing of an unruly mob. Much of it was preventive action against citizens who had not committed violence. The distinction matters enormously.

Article 19 does not confer an unlimited right to occupy every road or disregard reasonable lawful restrictions. But travelling to a demonstration is not a crime. Reporting a protest is not participation in disorder. Representing protesters is not obstruction of justice. Peacefully demanding the resignation of a constitutional functionary is not an attack on the Republic.

When a government begins to erase these distinctions, law enforcement ceases to look neutral and begins to resemble political management.

The Supreme Court recognised the danger. In an exceptional Sunday sitting on October 11, it directed that peaceful and unarmed persons must not be illegally detained. It said Metro and railway services should function normally subject to genuine public-order necessities, free movement should be permitted, lawyers should not be obstructed in their professional duties, and internet services should remain undisturbed in accordance with law.

A constitutional democracy should find it sobering that its Supreme Court had to remind, after strong attention-seeking, the executive of propositions so elementary.

The government cannot hide behind the legality of SIR

Electoral rolls require revision. Dead voters cannot remain indefinitely registered. Duplicate entries must be removed. People who have permanently shifted must be correctly recorded. Persons legally ineligible to vote cannot acquire electoral rights merely because an administrative error went unnoticed. Indeed, on May 27, 2026, the Supreme Court upheld the legality of the Bihar SIR, recognising the Election Commission’s authority under Article 324 and the Representation of the People Act to undertake intensive revision. The Court also permitted a limited inquiry into citizenship for electoral purposes.

But the judgment contained an equally important restraint. The Election Commission does not become the final authority for terminating a person’s citizenship. Formal adjudication belongs to the competent authority under citizenship law.

The government’s defence therefore answers only one question: Can electoral rolls be revised? Of course they can. It does not answer the far more important question: How has that enormous power been exercised? Has the motive of conducting the exercise been to “clean” up the roles or to exclude pre-determined sections of voters?

More than 13 crore names were omitted from draft electoral rolls across 30 States and Union Territories during the nationwide revision. When exclusion occurs on such a scale, transparency is not optional. Nor can the government dismiss every criticism as partisan agitation, because some of the most serious objections have come from inside the Election Commission itself.

Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi recorded objections on at least fourteen occasions within ten months concerning voter enrolment, deletion, restoration and control over electoral-roll systems. Among the descriptions reportedly used were “unauthorised” and “illegal”.

One dispute involved Form 6, used for registering new voters. Changes introduced through the Commission’s digital system required applicants to answer questions linked to previous SIR records and their parents or grandparents. Sandhu and Joshi reportedly objected that the alteration had not been lawfully authorised and risked harassing first-time voters. The Commission subsequently removed the disputed addition from its ECINET portal in states where SIR had concluded.

That is not an insignificant administrative disagreement. It goes to the heart of who enters the electorate and under what conditions.

An institution weakened by the way its guardians are chosen

These developments cannot be separated from the altered architecture governing Election Commission appointments.

In Anoop Baranwal, the Supreme Court created an interim selection arrangement comprising the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition and Chief Justice of India until Parliament enacted legislation. The Modi government subsequently did enact legislation—but removed the Chief Justice from the committee and substituted a Union Cabinet minister nominated by the Prime Minister. The result is straightforward: the executive now holds two of the three positions on the selection committee. The Supreme Court itself has recorded that this replacement lies at the heart of the constitutional challenge to the 2023 law.

This does not establish the allegation that Indian elections have been “rigged”. But institutional independence is not sustained merely by the absence of proven misconduct. Constitutional bodies survive because citizens can reasonably believe that they are insulated from the government whose political fortunes their decisions may affect.

The Modi government weakened that perception even when it constructed an appointment system in which the executive enjoys a built-in majority.

Now, when questions arise inside the Commission itself, the government’s instinct appears not to be radical transparency but political defence.

That is precisely the wrong response.

This is how democratic erosion occurs

India is not formally under an Emergency. There has been no proclamation under Article 352.

Democracies rarely collapse in a single constitutional explosion. They are hollowed out institution by institution. The judiciary may continue to deliver important interventions, yet public confidence in its ability to consistently confront executive power has been strained. Large sections of the mainstream media, meanwhile, operate in an environment of concentrated ownership, political alignment and governmental pressure; India now ranks 157th of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ 2026 Press Freedom Index. Overall trust in news among respondents to the Reuters Institute’s 2026 India survey fell to 39 per cent.

Then comes the machinery of everyday coercion: a journalist detained, a lawyer obstructed, a student pulled from a train, an internet connection suspended, a Metro station closed, a peaceful assembly prohibited, a constitutional institution stripped of visible independence, a voter suddenly required to prove an entitlement once presumed secure.

Each abuse can be rationalised in isolation. Together they reveal the steady normalisation of a state in which institutions meant to restrain power are themselves losing credibility, independent scrutiny is treated as hostility, and coercion substitutes a democratic response.

An Emergency need not always be proclaimed and democratic freedoms can also be extinguished by accumulation.

If the Election Commission’s SIR is legitimate, accurate and procedurally fair, they should not fear scrutiny. If Gyanesh Kumar’s decisions can withstand examination, barricades cannot strengthen his credibility. If the allegations are false, the appropriate answer is evidence.

Instead, the spectacle presented to the country has been one of police buses, blocked stations, disrupted trains, internet restrictions and preventive detention.

The state has used coercive power to contain a crisis of institutional trust. In doing so, instead of an uncomplicated right approach, it has enlarged that crisis.

Publish the records. Explain the major categories of voter deletion. Make restoration simple and accessible. Answer Sandhu and Joshi’s objections point by point. Establish transparent audit trails for electoral databases. Investigate allegations of misconduct by police against journalists, lawyers and other demonstrators. Permit peaceful protest.

And above all, stop treating scrutiny of the institutions as hostility towards India.

The Chief Election Commissioner derives authority not merely from statutory tenure but from public confidence that the referee is independent of every player—including the one occupying the government benches. His resignation is thus non-negotiable.

The Modi government should understand a fundamental truth that every democratic government eventually learns: institutions cannot be protected from criticism by protecting them against criticism.

A confident democracy answers questions. An insecure state arrests those who ask them.

When the question is who remains entitled to vote, there can be no bigger test of the Republic.

(Amal Chandra is an Indian author, policy analyst, and columnist, currently serving as The Statement Fellow and Coordinator, South Asia at Students for Liberty; Shabnam K. is an alumnus of the University of Delhi and a former SBI Youth for India Fellow)


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