The First Information Report of seven pages mentions offences under Sections 353 (2) of the Bharatiya Nyay Samhita and details a complaint lodged on December 18, 2025 over a reported Facebook post dated December 14, 2025. On perusal this post appeared unavailable for viewing. A resident of the United Kingdom and key consultant with the National Health Service (NHS) Dr Patil’s Videos and advise on public health issues especially at the time of the Covid-19 pandemic are remembered with affection and respect. The fact that before his arrest/detention no information as is required was provided to the British consulate since he is a citizen of that country has also raised eyebrows. The complainant, it is reported is one Nikhil Bhamare, member of the BJP Maharashtra’s Social Media cell who has faced cases for intemperate language posts on social media during the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi government (MVA) between 2019-2022.

The FIR may be read below.

Here are some of the social media posts strongly condemning the detention.

Dr. Sangram Patil, a British citizen of Indian origin and a proud son of Maharashtra, was arrested by the Mumbai Crime Branch at Mumbai’s Adani Airport early in the morning as he entered India, in connection with a case of engaging in “objectionable” social media conversations against the Modi government. His wife was also with him. It could not be ascertained whether anything was informed to the British legal authorities in this regard.

According to information received from sources:

Dr. Sangram Patil, a British citizen of Indian origin and a proud son of Maharashtra, was arrested by the Mumbai Crime Branch at Mumbai’s Adani Airport early in the morning as he entered India, in connection with a case of engaging… pic.twitter.com/94hCS0UFIG

— Raju Parulekar (@rajuparulekar) January 10, 2026

लंडनचे डॅा. संग्राम पाटील यांना मुंबई विमानतळावर पोलिसांनी
ताब्यात घेतलंय.
या बिनडोक कारवाईचा निषेध!#DevendraFadnavis

— nikhil wagle (@waglenikhil) January 10, 2026

Strongly condemn the arbitrary arrest of Dr. #SangramPatil at #Mumbai airport this morning!
A proud son of #Maharashtra, British citizen of #Indian origin, who fearlessly spoke truth is now targeted.

This is nothing but state-sponsored suppression of voice!… pic.twitter.com/wmpWFWox4k

— Dr. Jitendra Dehade (@jitendradehade) January 10, 2026

Some of Dr Sangram Patil’s social media posts may be seen here

April 2025

आपलं संविधान ,माझ संविधान.
धन्यवाद बाबासाहेब तुमच्या संविधानाने किमया केली. pic.twitter.com/mF9L6gLaWT

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) April 8, 2023

January 2025

“तुम्ही शूर विरांची संतान आहात ही गोष्ट काल्पनिक नव्हे, तर भीमा कोरेगांवला जाऊन बघा तुमच्या पूर्वजांची नावे तेथील विजयस्तंभावर कोरलेली आहेत. तो पुरावा आहे की, तुम्ही भेड बकरीची संतान नसून सिंहाचे छावे आहात.”
– डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर
(दिनांक २५.१२.१९२७ महाडचे भाषण) pic.twitter.com/43Xs0g7YpU

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) January 1, 2026

December 30 2025

pic.twitter.com/pVs24PBu2x

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) December 30, 2025

Related:

लंडनहून मुंबईत परतातच डॉक्टर संग्राम पाटील यांना विमानतळावर पोलिसांनी घेतलं ताब्यात, सरोदेंनी व्यक्त केला संताप

The post Dr Sangram Patil detained by Mumbai Crime Branch, move sharply condemned appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Yet, these early alarms were brushed aside as clerical oversights or minor glitches. The Commission maintained that tampering with rolls was “nearly impossible” (The Hindu).

That narrative has now cracked. Opposition parties, led by the Congress, are openly accusing the ECI of enabling “vote theft.” They argue that the manipulation of voter lists has become systematic — powerful enough to swing outcomes in closely contested seats. What was once niche activism has burst into the political mainstream, forcing India to confront an uncomfortable question: can the world’s largest democracy trust its own voter lists?

The Flashpoints: Where irregularities have surfaced

1. Madhya Pradesh: Sudden surge before the 2023 Assembly Polls

• Congress leader Umang Singhar alleged that between August and October 2023, 16.05 lakh voters were added — averaging 26,000 new voters per day (The Hindu; Indian Express).
• By contrast, only 4.64 lakh voters were added in the first seven months of 2023.
• In 27 Assembly seats, the number of new voters exceeded the victory margin.
• The BJP went on to win 163 seats, while Congress fell to 66 — leading to charges that inflated rolls helped tilt the balance.
• The State Election Commission has so far declined to respond (Indian Express).

2. Bihar: 65 lakh deletions and the SIR controversy

• In 2025, the ECI ordered a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar — a legally dubious exercise.
• The result: 65 lakh voters deleted from the rolls, sparking protests and litigation (Indian Express).
• Analysis showed that in 24 Assembly seats, the number of deletions exceeded the margin of victory in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls (The Quint).
• Opposition leaders allege a two-step strategy: fake voters were inserted earlier and then deleted in bulk, presenting the deletions as a clean-up (Scroll).
• The Supreme Court stepped in, directing the ECI to publish the names and reasons for deletions (The Hindu).

3. Maharashtra: Duplicate EPIC Numbers and Suppressed Voter Growth

• In August 2025, CHRI uncovered that a woman in Nalasopara, Palghar district, appeared six times on the rolls, each time with a different and supposedly unique EPIC number (Sabrangindia). This followed an initial investigation by Altnews. As revealing as the multiple presence of the woman on the voter’s rolls was the fact that the District Election Officer (DEO), Govind Bobde, the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO), Shekhar Ghadge and the Booth Level Officer (BLO), Ms. Pallavi Sawant are named against all these entries in all locations!
• Five entries were still active on the list just weeks before polling.
• The Maharashtra CEO admitted the discrepancy and called for deletions — but the fact it persisted until the eve of elections revealed serious administrative lapses.
• Separately, former Maharashtra minister Yashomati Thakur highlighted massive discrepancies in her Teosa constituency. She showed that:
  • Voter rolls grew steadily between 2009 and 2019, adding roughly 5,000 voters per year.
  • But in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, instead of reaching around 3.2 lakh voters, the rolls dropped to 2.84 lakh — a net shortfall of 36,000 voters once natural growth is included.
  • Just six months later, during the Assembly polls, the number jumped again by 12,252 voters, raising suspicions of manipulation.
• Thakur alleged that about 25,000 Congress-leaning voters were deliberately removed from Teosa, while BJP-leaning voters were selectively retained or added. She said scrutiny of Excel-format rolls revealed 14,000 bogus votes.
• In neighbouring Amravati Lok Sabha constituency, she noted that while voter rolls increased by over 2 lakhs between 2009 and 2019, they grew by barely 5,677 voters between 2019 and 2024 — implying that up to two lakh voters had been excluded.
• Thakur claimed that if these votes had not been suppressed, Congress candidate Balwant Wankhade’s victory margin of 20,000 in Amravati would have swelled to over one lakh. She vowed to take the matter to court if the ECI fails to explain the anomalies (Lokmat).

4. Karnataka: The Mahadevapura Case

• Rahul Gandhi revealed that in Mahadevapura (Bengaluru Central), 80 voters were registered at a single address, with fictitious details like “XYZ” listed as the father’s name (The Hindu).
• Gandhi said these were uncovered only after his team spent six months poring over ECI data.
• Instead of clarifying, the Chief Election Commissioner challenged him to file a sworn affidavit or apologise to the nation (Indian Express).

5. West Bengal: A faulty foundation for the next SIR

• In 2025, West Bengal’s Chief Electoral Officer admitted that parts of the 2002 SIR voter list were missing or flawed — including entire constituencies with no data and thousands of booths with incorrect names (Indian Express).
• Despite this, the EC intended to use the 2002 rolls as a reference point for the upcoming revision, sparking fears of a repeat of the Bihar crisis.
• Opposition leaders slammed the process as “Scientific Invisible Rigging” (TMC) and “partisan engineering” (CPI-M).

6. Ground Reality: Bihar’s Pranpatti village

• In Pranpatti, Purnia district, villagers found that Muslim names had been inserted into the voter list — despite no Muslim families living there.
• During the SIR, these names were deleted; one polling booth saw over 45% of its voters struck off (Scroll).
• Locals now question how many elections may have been influenced before these “ghost voters” were removed.

Why these irregularities matter

• Margins vs. manipulation: Deletions and additions often exceed recent victory margins — enough to change results (The Quint).
• Transparency gap: The ECI releases rolls mostly as PDF images, making independent verification nearly impossible. Civil society has demanded machine-readable formats (The Hindu).
• Legal grey zones:
  • Section 32 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 allows punishment for dereliction of duty — but only if the ECI itself files a complaint (Mid-Day).
  • Despite anomalies, there is little evidence of action against erring officials.
• Institutional credibility: The ECI’s confrontational stance, especially in demanding affidavits from political leaders, has raised concerns about neutrality (The Hindu).

The Turning Point: From citizens to political parties

For years, these issues were flagged by civil society — CHRI, journalists, and RTI activists like Venkatesh Nayak. Their findings were often ignored or dismissed as “clerical errors” (Mid-Day).

The shift came when:

• Umang Singhar in MP, Yashomati Thakur in Maharashtra, MP Rahul Gandhi and others nationally accused the ECI of enabling “vote theft” (The Hindu).
• According to ANI, Amit Chavda, Gujarat Congress president, took a press conference and claimed that their research provided that around 12.5% of the total voters, nearly 6.2 million, in Gujarat are fake.
• Massive numbers — 16 lakh additions in MP, 65 lakh deletions in Bihar — made it impossible to dismiss as routine revisions.
• The Supreme Court’s interim order in Bihar validated long-standing citizen concerns (The Hindu).
• The combination of citizen warnings and political amplification has forced India to face the reality that its electoral rolls — once assumed sacrosanct — may themselves be compromised.

The road ahead

• Data transparency: Rolls must be published in machine-readable formats (CSV) with audit trails.
• Accountability: Booth Level and Electoral Registration Officers must face legal consequences for lapses under the RPA, 1950 and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
• Independent oversight: Parliamentary or judicial scrutiny of large-scale revisions like the SIR may be necessary to restore credibility.
• De-centralise voter system: ECI to conduct only Parliamentary/Presidential elections; State ECs to conduct Assembly and local polls. They should be strengthened suitably.
• Immediate forensic audit of EVMs, VVPATs, and voter rolls.
• Public release of machine-readable rolls, Form 17A/17C, and CCTV footage.
• Rollback of restrictive Rule 93 amendments; restore transparency safeguards.
• Legislative guarantees for end-to-end vote verifiability.

Conclusion

India prides itself on being the world’s largest democracy. But as recent revelations from above show, the sanctity of elections rests on the integrity of the voter roll. With citizens’ warnings finally amplified by political voices, the time for denial has passed. The choice before the Election Commission is stark: embrace transparency and accountability — or risk presiding over a democracy where the vote itself is distrusted.

Reference articles:

https://indianexpress.com/article/india/mp-lop-umang-singhar-says-vote-chori-in-27-assembly-seats-bjp-hits-back-10199596/

https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2025/Aug/20/20-months-after-assembly-polls-defeat-congress-alleges-vote-theft-in-27-seats-in-madhya-pradesh

https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/nearly-30000-deleted-electors-in-bihar-seek-inclusion-election-commission-10221064/

https://www.thequint.com/news/politics/bihar-special-intensive-revision-deleted-voters-exceed-2024-election-victory-margins-in-24-seats

https://scroll.in/article/1086107/we-went-to-a-polling-booth-with-one-of-the-highest-deletions-in-bihar-heres-what-we-found

https://indianexpress.com/article/india/bihar-sir-row-sc-directs-eci-to-publish-details-of-65-lakh-deleted-voters-with-reasons-10189079/

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/sc-ordering-ec-to-publish-details-of-65-lakh-deleted-voters-during-on-bihar-sir-is-welcome-10191905/

https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2025/Aug/19/bihar-ceo-asks-voters-to-file-claims-with-aadhaar-after-65-lakh-names-deleted-from-draft-rolls

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/bihar-ceo-publishes-list-of-deleted-electors-from-first-sir-draft-list-after-sc-order/articleshow/123353766.cms

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/roll-revision-biggest-attack-on-constitution-cpiml/articleshow/123241214.cms

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/interim-order-a-beacon-of-hope-say-oppn-parties/articleshow/123311967.cms

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/rahul-questions-bjps-silence-on-deletion-of-65l-voters-names/articleshow/123484448.cms

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/bihar-electoral-survey-throws-up-foreigners-with-fake-papers-rjd-rubbishes-findings/articleshow/122421271.cms

https://theprobe.in/elections/growing-voters-list-anomalies-spark-calls-for-eci-accountability-9683020

https://www.facebook.com/LokmatNewsEnglish/videos/curious-case-of-sushma-gupta-from-palghar-6-voter-ids-6-epic-numbers-in-palghar-/1310883603983950/

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/entire-country-will-ask-for-your-affidavit-rahul-gandhi-slams-ec-calls-sir-a-new-form-of-vote-theft/articleshow/123367946.cms

https://sarkarnama.esakal.com/vishesh/biggest-voter-fraud-in-maharashtra-yashomati-thakur-exposes-scam-with-statistic-sw79

Related:

Palghar, Maharashtra: One woman voter in six locations, DEO, ERP and BLO common!!

89 lakh complaints of irregularities during Bihar SIR were rejected by ECI: Congress

Bihar 3 lakh electors served with doubtful citizen notices by Election Commission

Bihar SIR: New elector applications doubled in just 2 days, showing a 96.6% increase

The Stolen Franchise: Why the Election Commission cannot escape accountability

The post From Whispers to Shouts: How India’s voter roll irregularities are finally being heard appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In their detailed communication, they raise five crucial points:

1. Statements made by the Minister of Environment, Forests, and Climate Change himself which hold the implementation, such as it is, of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 responsible for degradation and loss of prime forest areas.
2. ⁠Continued submission of legally untenable data on encroachment of forest areas to Parliamentary forums as well to the National Green Tribunal.
3. ⁠Orders issued by the National Tiger Conservation Authority in June 2024 for the eviction of almost 65,000 families from tiger reserves across the country.
4. ⁠The mis-attribution by the Forest Survey of India for the loss of forest cover over the last decade to the implementation of the Forest Rights Act, 2006.
5. ⁠The 2023 amendments to the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 that were bulldozed through Parliament and the subsequent Van Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan Rules, 2023 that adversely impact both the quantity and quality of forests.

All these issues are of critical significance especially to tribal and other communities residing and earning their livelihoods in forest areas. They are also of fundamental importance to ecological security. The track record of the present Modi Govt –now in its third term–does not inspire the confidence that these issues will even get discussed and debated with those who have been compelled to bring the PM’s attention to them.

Elaborating these, the letter states that the statement of the Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav dated June 5.2025, “is part of a consistent series of subversions by the MoEFCC. As a result, FRA implementation has been dragging on stiffly resisted and disrupted by the forest bureaucracy as well as the environment ministry, for the last 16 years.”

On June 5.2025, the Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav answering a question on loss of forest and its degradation in a recent media interview reportedly stated, “Although there is a net increase in dense forests in the country, there are areas where the dense prime forests have been affected with degradation. This may be due to encroachment, illicit felling and in northeast region, due to shifting cultivation. And to a lesser degree, due to unregulated grazing, natural causes like storms and landslides, and also titles given under Forest Rights Act (FRA) 2006. This may be addressed by taking up stringent protection measures added with effective community involvement, and also by regulating shifting cultivation in case of north-eastern region.”

The Minster’s response attributing the loss of forest to FRA titles given to Adivasi and forest dwellers has no legal basis and evidence, says the joint communication, and is “highly irresponsible and misleading.” Further the writers state that, tThe statement is contrary to the fact that the MoEFCC in 2009 itself, in its own country report to the FAO stated that FRA ‘assigned rights to protect around 40 million hectares of community forest resources to village level democratic institutions. The fine tuning of other forest-related legislations is needed with respect to the said Act.’ While blaming FRA, the Adivasi and other forest rights holders, the Minister conveniently overlooks the fact that the MoEFCC itself allowed the illegal diversion of more than 3 lakh hectares of forest since 2008 for non-forest activities denuding forests, without complying with FRA. This contradicts both the minister’s statement and the MoEFCC’s approach.

The rest of the communication is extracted here:

2.  MOEFCC continues to submit legally untenable data on encroachment in Parliamentary forums and the NGT

On March 28, 2025, the environment ministry submitted on affidavit to National Green Tribunal (NGT) that 1.3 million hectares (13,05,688.387 ha or 13,056 sq. km) of forest land is ‘under encroachment’ as of March 2024. This affidavit was filed in compliance to the NGT order of April 19, 2024, in OA No.129/2024, and covers data from 20 states and 5 Union Territories (UTs); data from remaining states and UTs was awaited. Of this, at least 50,977.99 ha of “encroachments” have been allegedly removed. The aforementioned case registered suo moto by NGT in reference to a Deccan Herald news item of 05.01.2024, titled Forest land five times Delhi’s geographical area under encroachment govt data shows referred to 0.75 million hectares (7,50,633 ha) forest area under ‘encroachment’.

The MoEFCC has been repeatedly reporting such false data on ‘encroachment’ in both the houses of the Parliament too. In May 2002, the figure stood at 1.4 million hectares (14,95,746.732 ha). A decade later in 2021, the figure was 1.3 million (13,29,450.2 ha).

The Ministry makes no reference to the Forest rights Act or its statutory body the Gram Sabhas. On 03.02.2025, responding to a question on the forest encroachment, the Minister of State of MoEFCC said that, “The Protection and management of forests is primarily the responsibility of the concerned State Government/UT Administration and this Ministry issues advisories to State Governments/UT Administrations to remove encroachments on forest lands as per the provisions of the law.” Again, on 1.08.2022, the Environment Minister responding to the Lok Sabha Question No. 218 on forest encroachment stated that “the Ministry has written to State Governments/UT Administrations to remove encroachment as per the existing Acts/Rules and to ensure that no further encroachment takes place. In order to prevent and control encroachments, the States and UTs also take various measures such as demarcation and digitization of forest boundaries, strengthening infrastructure for forest protection, involving fringe area forest communities through Joint Forest Management Committees, Eco Development Committees etc.” Besides placing legally untenable statistics on encroachments, the Ministry also ordered for the removal of these ‘alleged encroachments’ without any reference to the drastic changes in applicable laws.

As per extant law, the rights of forest dwellers that are recognised and vested by FRA are to be determined, demarcated, recognized and recorded, and only after this can the area and extent of area under actual encroachment can even be determined. Only thereafter can the process of eviction be initiated under the State laws. FRA prohibits eviction under Sec.4(5) without the satisfactory completion of FRA process. Further, the Supreme Court order of 28 Feb 2019, in Wildlife First and Ors. vs. Union of India and Ors_, WP(C) 109/2008, etc. has kept on hold the eviction and requires a review of all rejected claims. Thus, any eviction of “encroachers” after 28 February 2019 is a violation of the Supreme Court order and amounts to contempt of court. This reveals the duplicity of the ruling government, who in 2019 informs the Supreme Court that the process of recognizing and determining rights in forests is incomplete and plagued by illegalities, and then later states to NGT legally untenable figures for “encroachment” and undertakes eviction of forest dwellers.

The MOEFCC should have apprised the Parliamentary forums and courts on all these legalities. Instead of doing so, it is deliberately misleading the NGT, the Court and deceiving the forest dwellers and Adivasis of the country.

3.  NTCA order dated June 19, 2024 directing eviction of 64,801 families from tiger reserves of India.

National Tiger Conservation Authority, a wing of the Environment Ministry, chaired by the Union Environment Minister, on June 19, 2024, ordered the expeditious relocation of 64,801 families from tiger reserves, in complete violation of the Forest Rights Act 2006 and Wildlife Protection Act 1972 and other existing legal frameworks. Several submissions have been made to the NTCA asking for the withdrawal of this legally untenable order. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs and the National Commission of Scheduled Tribes have both apprised the NTCA about the concerns pertaining to non- recognition of forest rights in the tiger reserves, forced evictions, non-compliance of the statutory framework – yet the NTCA has not withdrawn its June 19 2024 order till date. This has aggravated the risk of displacement, forced evictions, curtailment of rights, criminalization of forest dwellers and forced them into a state of economic and social insecurity in different parts of the country. The details of the same can be referred in the rejoinder submitted to NTCA.

4.   India State of Forest Report 2023 blames FRA for forest loss with no evidence.

The India State of Forest Report (ISFR) published by the Forest Survey of India (FSI), a scientific institute under the MOEFCC is a biennial assessment of the state and status of India’s forests. The ISFR 2023 has already been called out by civil servants, conservationists and scientists for its flawed scientific methodology, inconsistent data, fluctuation in statistical reporting, promotion of ecologically damaging schemes such as the Green Credits Programme, and interventions such as replacing of natural ecosystems with plantations. (Access here) The ISFR 2023 report while citing the reasons for negative changes in forest and tree cover attributes ‘titles given to beneficiaries under the Forest Rights Act 2006’ as one of the reasons (Annexure 3).

FSI, a scientific institution, cannot make such claims without substantiating their allegations with evidence or data. The statements in the FSI report are even more concerning since in 2019 it has been impleaded as a party respondent in the Wildlife First vs. Union of India case (supra) before the Supreme Court, raising apprehensions that it will raise these unscientific and absurd submissions before the court using inapplicable scientific tools as satellite imagery. The MoEFCC, its Ministers and affiliated institutions, are promoting false, malicious, legally untenable and politically sabotaging claims against FRA.

5.      Amendments in Forest Conservation Act, 1980 and subverting the legitimacy of institutional authorities opposing forest diversion.

The environment ministry in 2023 amended the Forest Conservation Act of 1980 (now Van Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan Adhiniyam, 1980) despite vehement opposition and concerns raised by constitutional bodies such as National Commission for Scheduled Tribes and from conservationists and scientists, forest rights groups and forest dwellers’ communities. This amendment aims to facilitate ‘ease of doing business’ that adversely impacts the forest and ecological security of the country. Among other things, the amendments:

a. Nullify the definition and extent of forest that the Supreme Court established in

b. Provide exemptions to different categories of projects even within this restricted definition of

c. Does away with Central government’s role, through the Forest Advisory Committee and MoEFCC, to ensure FRA compliance as a pre-requisite for forest diversion, regarding both prior forest rights recognition and prior Gram Sabha Instead, this responsibility has been shifted to the State governments after Stage-II clearance.

d. The Van Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan Rules, 2023 and a series of Guidelines issued by the MoEFCC in purported furtherance of these amendments have further diluted the integral role of the FRA and of forest dwelling communities in the conservation and preservation of forests in India.

In conclusion, the collective letter states that “it evidently clear that the environment ministry is least concerned with forest conservation but more inclined towards facilitating faster and easier forest diversion with scant regard for the Forest Conservation Act, the Wildlife Protection Act, in addition to the Forest Rights Act, all of which require the recognition of forest rights under FRA. FRA was enacted to undo the historical injustice committed upon the forest dwelling communities due to non-recognition of their tenure over their ancestral lands and their habitat in the consolidation of State forests during the colonial period as well as in independent India.”

“The environment ministry is duty bound to uphold the laws enacted by the Parliament, but its continued hostility towards the laws and forest dwellers in their untrammelled quest to serve commercial private interests is widely perceived as open encouragement and support to the explosion in forest degradation by the Government of India itself. The Environment Ministry’s aforementioned actions on behalf of the Government of India are in blatant disregard for all laws (IFA, FCA, WLPA, CAMPA, LARR and FRA) relegating MoTA to not exercising its institutional powers and role with regard to forest rights. This portends increased unrest that threatens forests and all its forest dwellers if not urgently contained.”

The demands articulated in the communication are:

1. Immediate halting of the MoEFCC’s attempts to subvert the Forest Rights
2. Union Environment Minster must issue a public clarification of his media statement, and immediately withdraw his legally untenable claim that Forest Rights Act results in forest degradation.
3. MoEFCC to stop spewing false, malicious, legally untenable claims against Forest Rights Act; to issue clarification on the same and to stop undue interference and overreach in the functions of MoTA and Forest Rights Act.
4. MoEFCC to immediately appraise the Supreme Court of India and NGT about the legalities pertaining to forests, forest “encroachment” and Forest Rights Act, unambiguously clarifying that encroachment and any subsequent action on it cannot be taken up till the process of implementation of FRA is completed. Necessary orders to the state Forest Departments be issued to suspend evictions until after the Gram Sabhas declare the completion of FRA implementation and after obtaining their consent.
5. MoEFCC and FSI to stop misleading government institutions, Parliament, the Judiciary by filing affidavits with legally untenable data and figures on No such data can be deduced till FRA has been implemented completely and lawfully.
6. Immediate withdrawal of the NTCA letter dated June 19, 2024 without any further delay and order complete halt on relocations from tiger reserves till NTCA has provided data on rights recognized under FRA in tiger reserves and to provide all records of due compliance with all the statutory provisions under Section 38 V of Wildlife Protection Act, 1972.

Among the signatories are the Mahila Kisan Adivasi Manch (MAKAAM), the Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch, CPI(M), India, Akhil Bhartiya Adivasi Mahasabha (CPI), India, Gondwana Ganatantra Party, (Tuleswar Markaam- National President), Akhil Bharatiya Mazdoor Kisan Sangharsh Samiti Udaipur, Rajasthan, Buffalo Back Consumers Federation, Bangalore, Bundelkhand Majdoor Kisaan Shakti Sangathan, Tendukheda, MP and Campaign for Survival and Dignity, Food Security Forum, Jammu and Kashmir among many others.

The communication to Prime Minister Modi has also been sent to Principal Secretary and Joint Secretary to the Prime Minister, PMO’s office, Shri Jual Oram, Union Minister of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MOTA), Principal Secretary, Joint Secretary and Director- FRA Division of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA),  Antar Singh Arya, Chairman- National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST), Bhupendra Yadav, Union Minister of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) and Dr. Virendra Kumar, Union Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment.

The entire text may be read here

The post MoEFCC subverting the Forest Rights Act, 2006: 150 Citizens groups appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Kashmiri porters carried the tourists to safe places and opened their houses and masjids for the guests. Kashmir observed a ‘bandh’ and many processions were taken out, raising slogans of ‘Hindu Muslim Unity’, while across the country, Muslims and other groups took out candle marches and offered condolences for the martyrs.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was due to visit Kashmir during that time but just a few days prior to the visit, he cancelled his trip. At the time of the tragedy, he was in a Gulf country. He cut short his trip and headed back home, and rather than going to Kashmir, went to Bihar to attend a rally, from where he gave a powerful warning to terrorists. The message that terrorists were Muslims and the victims were Hindus was the undercurrent of the whole narrative that was circulated.

Thereafter, there was escalation of tension and hostilities between India and Pakistan, and a ceasefire was declared by US President Donald Trump, while the Modi government has a different interpretation of the ceasefire. Meanwhile, ‘godi media’ had a field day spreading hate with different television channels reporting India winning over different cities of Pakistan while sitting in their plush studios. The TV media fell to unimaginable lows, further smashing the ethics of journalism long abandoned by them.

The worst outcome of all this has been the increase in hate against Muslims. Islamophobia is gripping the country with increasing intensity. In Latur, a Muslim was reportedly labelled a Pakistani and beaten black and blue. Humiliated by this, he allegedly died by suicide. Kashmiri students in a hostel in Uttarakhand were thrown out in the middle of the night and had to stay put in front of the Dehradun airport.

The worst of this was seen when Vijay Shah, a minister in Bharatiya Janata Party’s Madhya Pradesh government, indirectly referred to Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, one of the spokespersons of the Indian Army, as a ‘sister of terrorists’. For the sake of face-saving, he did apologise for this but now the MP High Court has called for an FIR against him.

Mithila Raut, who works with Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai, in an article in Dainik Loksatta (Marathi) enumerates the number of hate incidents, as reported in the newspapers. As per her article, there have been many anti-Muslim incidents after the Pahalgam attack. In one such shocking incident in Uttar Pradesh, in Shamli’s Toda village, one Sarafaraz was attacked by one Govind, who is said to have stated that “you have killed our 26; we will kill your 26!” In Punjab’s Dera Bassi in the Universal Group of Institutes, Kashmiri students were allegedly attacked in the hostel.

One Shabbir Dhar, a Kashmiri vendor, living in Uttarakhand’s Mussoorie and selling shawls, was attacked along with his shop assistant as “revenge for Pahalgam”. He, and many other Kashmiri vendors, were threatened not to come back again. In Haryana’s Rohtak, in Kharawar village, Muslim residents were allegedly threatened and asked to leave the village by May 2.

These are some of the incidents that have been culled out from newspapers. How the atmosphere of hate has intensified is very clear from these incidents. The atmosphere in society has been gradually worsening. The Hindu Right-wing has already created an atmosphere against Muslims. Initially, this was created by use of medieval history, where the training in Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) shakhas, the ‘godi media’ and social media created an “enemy image” of Muslims.

The formation of Pakistan gave another major pretext to those practicing communal politics to assert that it had been formed by Muslims. This is a totally distorted version of the account of history, as the formation of Pakistan was a combination of three factors — the British policy of ‘divide and rule’, Muslim communalism and Hindu communalism. The ‘Two Nation Theory’ was first articulated by Hindutva idealogue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.

After the formation of Pakistan, the propaganda was that Partition took place due to Muslims, and this became an additional reason for spreading hate. As such, it was the formation of two States simultaneously, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was to be in Muslim-majority areas.

The add-on to the anti-Muslim propaganda came from the complex Kashmir issue. The exodus of Kashmiri pandits in 1990 was yet again used against Muslims. Exodus of pandits happened when the V P Singh government supported by BJP was ruling at Centre and the pro-BJP Jagmohan was the Governor of Kashmir. Ignoring all that, the anti-Muslim angle in pandits’ emigration became the central point around which hate against Muslims was unleashed.

So, step by step, more issues have been used to torment Indian Muslims. The voices of amity have been muted and every occasion now is turned into adding to the prevalent hate against Muslims, to vitiate the hate used by RSS-BJP to intensify its agenda of a Hindu nation.

Pahalgam and Diplomacy

The issue of Pahalgam has also brought to fore the change in the nature of Indian diplomacy. As per the Shimla Agreement (1971) between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the India-Pakistan issues were to be sorted out in a bilateral manner, without mediation from any third party. With Trump dominating the scene now, and Modi unable to confront him, the equations seem to be changing. Globally, not many countries came to side with India.

The core point is to solve the Kashmir issue based on former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Doctrine of ‘Insaniyat, Kashmiryat and Jamhooriyat’ (Humanism, Democracy). We need to live in peace with our neighbours, as Vajpayee again said: “Friends can change, but not neighbours.”

The reflections of ‘Hate Pakistan’, as is the wont of the Hindu Right-wing, supplemented by the loud-mouthed and hate- spewing Indian ‘godi media’, reflects badly on Indian Muslims. It vitiates the possibility of an amicable atmosphere at home.

The intensification of communal problems due to the Pahalgam tragedy needs to be grasped and war- and -hate- mongers have to be negated for peace and prosperity of our country. So far, ‘Pakistani’ was the main abuse for Muslims, ‘Kashmiri’ seems to have been added to the hate list.

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Pahalgam Tragedy and Rising Spiral of Hatred appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A FIRST IN LIFE

For the first time in my life, I went and saw the Hindi film, Phule, made by Anant Mahadevan, in a modern mall theatre in Hyderabad, and that too along with 20 Phuleites — lawyers, doctors, including a Telugu film director. I do not normally see films unless they have historical relevance. I have seen major changemaker’s films, such as Amazing Grace, made on the life of William Wilberforce in England in 2006. It was directed by Michael Apted. I saw Richard Attenborough’s film, Gandhi. I also saw Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, directed by Jabbar Patel in 2000.

The movie, Phule, can be compared more with Amazing Grace than any other. Both of them are about the life and struggle of slave liberators.  

Amazing Grace is a biographical drama film about the abolitionist campaign against slave trade in the British Empire, led by William Wilberforce (1753-1833), who was responsible for steering an anti-slave trade legislation through British Parliament. He fought against slave traders and masters in the British Empire and forced British Parliament to make a law against slave trade.

That was the first ever law against slave trade in human history.  

A COUPLE’S FIGHT TO THE END

The Phules fought against the Shudra/Dalit slavery beginning in 1848. The film is a feast for thinkers, writers and activists, as it combines both fighting in a non-violent way and constructing a theory about how the Shudra farmers, untouchables and women get liberated through education, which was prohibited for them for millennia.

Though Mahatma Phule, even before his marriage, was a spirited boy, after his marriage with Savitribai Patel (after marriage Savitribai Phule) he became a revolutionary, with her readiness to learn and educate herself as a 9-year-old girl. She too was an uncommon girl since her childhood. Her desire to learn and go against her father’s spirit of casteism is well documented. Her spirit lit a real fire in Jyotiba to educate women in India, and she was willing to join the fight from the beginning.   

A SCENE THAT SPEAKS ABOUT A CRITICAL POINT

The film captures the collective consciousness of Phule’s school mate team along with Savitri and Fatima Sheikh and her brother Usman Sheikh, to take a massive step to liberate the entire Shudra/Dalit samaj from the superstitious grip of Brahmanism.

There is an amazing scene that invokes the most significant and game-changing thought process. After the 1957 war, the Poona Brahmins made a drum-beat announcement on the streets where the Shudras lived that to fight the British, they must join Vyayam Shalas (for physical training). That they must learn the methods of fighting and making their bodies fit, while seriously opposing access to education for them.

A Shudra pehelwan (wrestler) keeps training the youth in an open air vyayam shala, teaching them all kinds of exercises —weight-lifting, stick-rolling and fighting. Jyotirao goes there to talk to the master. He asks the master, “Why are you training the youth in this art?” The pehelwan replies that “if we make our youth learn these arts, they can fight the British.” Phule tells him, “Rather, we must teach them reading and writing to fight the British in a better way.” The pehelwan says, “No, it is a sin. We should not do that. If we learn reading and writing we will violate the Dharma”. Phule tells him that there is no such religious rule. The pehelwan throws him on the ground and puts his foot on him and asks him to “get lost”, since he was opposing Dharma.

Phule simply gets up and walks away.

PHULE’S SHUDRA NATIONALISM

The Shudras and Dalits were supposed to fight the British only physically, not intellectually. But the British rule was being sustained through their intellectual might more than military might. Jyotirao understood this. Unless the Shudra/Dalits and women of all castes—including Brahmins—are educated, the fight against the British will not succeed. That is what he tries to impress upon the pehelwan. In response, the latter uses his enslaved brain to physically beat Jyotiba down.

In another scene, a Brahmin team goes to their school and attacks them, beats up Phule and destroys the furniture. Savitri protects the traumatised girls by huddling them in a room. Afterward, she treats Phule’s wounds. Phule tells her that they must be prepared for not just yuddh (battle) but for a Maha Yuddh (mega battle). The Phules’ life was under threat all the time. Yet, they did not abandon the fight.

Two mercenaries were paid Rs 100 and sent by Brahmins to kill Phule. But he won over them. Phule says, “At least, they spent hundred rupees on me.”     

Phule’s philosophy was to educate farmers to produce more food. Educate Dalits to produce better technology of leather and better services by joining the whole society. Phule’s deeper reformist revolution was to prepare India to defeat the British once for all.

The Brahmin pundits, on the other hand, were thinking that they could come to power while keeping humans, production and distribution of goods and commodities backward even after the British left. Savitri tells the Pandits when she confronts them, “You want to rule us exactly like the British are doing”. The Brahmins of that time had a self-interest, not national interest. The Phules were envisioning a bigger national interest.      

After some time, the Phules opened a school for girls in an open field. But no parent was being allowed to send girls to school as an atmosphere of terror was created in entire Poona town.

Suddenly, we see the pehelwan walking with several girls to the school and admitting them. He later follows the Phules all through their struggle.   

The Phules started Shudra/Dalit and women’s education, a revolutionary process in an absolutely non-violent way. Throughout the film, when the Phules and their supporters face violence, they kept the movement completely non-violent. Except in one incident, when the Shudra workers themselves were opposing girls’ education and come to threaten Savitri and Fatima Sheikh, Savitri slaps one. Patralekha, who played Savitri’s role, has shown her talent as an actor.

The Shudra/Dalits were brainwashed for centuries, generation after generation, that education for Shudras is paap— a sin. It became a self-inflicting human torture. Whenever there were attempts to overcome the fear of ‘sin’ and punarjanma (rebirth) as pigs and dogs, a violent attack was launched from multiple corners. The life of the Phule couple is a standing example of that process of Indian history.

The whole project of Phules’, graphically shown in the film in a manner that even a child can understand, was to violate the rules of Shudra/Dalit slavery. From Phule teaching his ‘child wife’, Savitri, opposing the controls of the Brahminic society and self-inflicted father and elder brother, stretching his reform movement farther and farther in the face of resistance, is a new mode of non-violent revolution. No couple in the world has ever played such a revolutionary role in changing their own uncivilised society.

William Wilberforce was fighting his educated and slave trading class with reasoning. It was to make a law to abolish slave trade in the early 19th century in England. But the Phules’ fight was much more difficult. The determined couple, by embracing a philosophy of mass liberation of all Indians, including Brahmins, who were steeped in deep superstition, paved a way for the future. They steered the struggle with grit. They were fighting to counter the practice and theory of embedded slavery and barbarism. No other couple in human history has shown such a spirit filled with revolutionary ambition for change. That too in a stagnant society like that of India.

While watching the film, I was either breaking into tears or trying to clap when they (the Phules) won in some fight.

No other film has made such a deep impact on my life and conscience as the film Phule has.

The writer is a political theorist, social activist and author. His latest book is the Shudra Rebellion. The views are personal.      

Courtesy: Newsclick                        

The post ‘Phule’: A Revolution on Screen appeared first on SabrangIndia.

That was Anil da—firm, clear, and unsparing in his political clarity. He never sought the spotlight. He chose, instead, the long, hard road of process-building, capacity-strengthening, and nurturing leadership from the grassroots. He passed away on 14th April 2025 after long battle with cancer, and though he would have resisted any personal homage, it is impossible not to speak of the man who shaped so many of us and the political spaces we inhabit.

For many of us, the loss is personal. I was fortunate to meet him at the PEACE gathering marking its 30 years, just a few weeks ago. We had planned a breakfast meeting, but I left Delhi before it could happen. Now, it never will. Over the years, since I moved out of Delhi in early 2020, whenever I visited the city, I would make time to meet him. He was always generous—with his time, his home, and his deep, reflective insight into political processes, not only with me but with everyone. During the pandemic, when I began writing about resistance movements across the world, he was often the first to respond—encouraging me, commenting thoughtfully, and nudging me to keep going. He did this with so many of us, encouraging the younger generation and always available in PEACE library in a corner holding addas conspiring initiatives and welcoming people.

A Life Dedicated to Collective Struggle

Anil Chaudhary was a lifelong organiser, dissenter and political educator whose activism spanned over four decades starting with his early days of student activism in JNU. He remained a lifelong dissenter, got expelled from CPIM, left Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), PRIA, some of the big established structures in 80s. But remained a steadfast member of the broader Left, critically engaging with several processes, bringing thought to action and was an epitome of unconditional support and solidarity to innumerable initiatives – big or small, local or national. An independent left outside of political Party factionalism was a dream and always a part of his ideological frame, somethings which guided his associations with many autonomous processes. To name a few, Coalition of Nuclear Disarmament and Peace, Aman Ekta Manch, Delhi Solidarity Group, Sangharsh, the People’s Council for Shrinking Democratic Spaces (PCSDS), Jan Adhikar Andolan, Nation for Farmers, Bhumi Adhikar Andolan, and so many other processes and movements, the list is too long to be counted. He was instrumental in creating a space which became the harbinger for so many campaigns around toxic waste, nuclear waste, UID, neo-liberal attack on education, rights defenders and so on were launched over the years. He remained committed to the ethics of solidarity, self-reflection, and critical engagement, which he would often refer as sawaliya sanskriti. He disagreed politically—often, sharply—but never disengaged and that’s the reason that when needed he became part of so many processes where Left parties played a crucial role. His belief that differences are not divisions was rooted in a deep democratic sensibility.

In 1995, he founded the Popular Education and Action Centre (PEACE)—not as just another NGO, but as a capacity-building organisation committed to popular education. PEACE was built on the belief that education could be a transformative tool—especially for the oppressed and marginalised. It sought to enable people to critically examine the structures affecting their lives, and to engage with the world in ways that disrupted the status quo. In that, he found the Marxist framework and used Marx, Lenin and Mao to his own interpretation of South Asian reality.

PEACE became known for advancing the philosophy of Sawaliya Sanskriti—the culture of questioning. Anil da strongly believed that questioning, especially by the marginalised, is a radical political act. It is through questioning that we begin to peel away the “constructed realities” that hide injustice, as Paulo Freire taught us, and begin to build political consciousness rooted in lived experience.

Participants in PEACE’s training programmes came from field-based social action groups across India—organising on land, forest, water, displacement, and social rights. The pedagogy focused on creating safe, supportive, democratic spaces where learners could engage in dialogue, return to their communities to apply what they’d learned, and come back with reflections. The learning was cyclical, political, and rooted in the movements participants belonged to. In the words of PEACE, “Those who own the issue must own the struggle. Those who own the struggle must lead it.” That principle guided Anil da’s life and work.

Importantly, PEACE did not engage in direct community action. Instead, it saw itself as a supporter of social movements, offering tools, reflection, and training. Anil da insisted that organisations should never replace or co-opt people’s struggles. “The issue belongs to the people. So must the leadership,” he would often say.

His pedagogy was steeped in the Freirean idea of critical consciousness—that social change begins with people becoming aware of the hidden structures of power that shape their lives. And for Anil da, power was not abstract. It lived in relationships: between citizen and state, between the landless and landowner, between men and women, between adults and children, even between human beings and nature. He believed that when individuals begin to ask critical questions about these relationships, they begin to reclaim their agency.

A Political Thinker and Movement Builder

Anil da’s understanding of Indian civil society was deeply historical and nuanced. He often spoke about the shift from community-based voluntary efforts in the post-Independence years to the increasingly professionalised, bureaucratised, and externally funded NGO sector 90s onwards. He worried that this shift was disconnecting civil society from grassroots movements and democratic politics. He was wary of external influences, including large donors, and remained deeply critical of organisations that lost sight of their political purpose in the pursuit of funding or recognition. He was perhaps one of the best analysts around on the transformation of feudalism in the context of South Asia and how 90s shaped India in a much perverse way for which he never shied away from attacking Congress. Pre or post 2014, he never missed an opportunity to attack the fundamentals of the Congress politics in Indian history, which to him was not only represented by the dual mix of Nehruvian and Gandhian frameworks, but also had abandoned the framework of welfare, social democracy and equality which paved the way for the communal and neo-liberal politics of BJP.

His brief association Voluntary Action Network India (VANI) in the 1990s was aimed at articulating a collective identity for India’s voluntary sector, from which he moved on once differences developed, leading to founding of PEACE. He also played an important role in INSAF (Indian Social Action Forum), which brought together over 750 organisations across the country on issues of displacement, environmental justice, and civil liberties. Later, he was among the key figures behind the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace (CNDP), which emerged after India’s Pokhran nuclear tests in 1998 or formation of Aman Ekta Manch after 2002 riots.

In recent years when several NGOs and civil organisations faced scrutiny or several critical voices lost their FCRA—he stood his ground. He defended several CSOs with which he was associated as transparent, legally sound, and rooted in the Constitutional values. What troubled him was not just the attack on NGOs, but the shrinking of democratic space and the erosion of critical public discourse. He was never to backdown from any challenge and continued to come up with campaigns and extended support to processes, be it the People’s Council for Shrinking Democratic Spaces (PCSDS) or Committee Against Assault on Journalists (CAAJ).

A Legacy of Thoughtfulness and Trust

Anil da’s strength lay in how he engaged—with movements, with people, with ideas. He had the rare ability to be both deeply political and profoundly kind. He could critique you and support you in the same breath. He made time for everyone, whether you were a young intern just finding your way or a seasoned activist navigating difficult terrain.

He also left behind a political culture—of mutual respect, long-term commitment, and thoughtful disagreement. He reminded us that organisations must serve people, not the other way around. That we are here to strengthen movements, not build careers. That leadership is about trust, not authority.

In recent years, when his ability to travel was limited, he remained a constant presence in our lives through forwarded essays, long emails, and thought-provoking messages. These were not just information dumps; they were ways of continuing the political dialogue, of nudging us to reflect more deeply, act more thoughtfully, and remain grounded.

It is hard to say goodbye to someone who was so much a part of our collective journey. He would have refused a grand farewell. But this much must be said: he mentored us, challenged us, supported us, and changed us. In ways big and small, he helped shape the Indian civil society landscape—not from the stage, but from behind the scenes.

For Anil da, process was always more important than recognition. And yet, in choosing the process, he left behind something far more lasting than fame: he left behind a political culture that continues to thrive in collectives, organisations, and individuals across the country.

Rest in power, comrade. You will be deeply missed.

But your ideas, your questions, and your example will continue to guide us.

Madhuresh Kumar is a former National Convener of National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM India)

Courtesy: CounterCurrents

The post He Chose the Process, Not the Spotlight: Remembering Anil Chaudhary (5th June 1951 – 14th April 2025) appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Glad to report: The Mumbai Police has now registered an FIR against the organisers of this Ram Navami rally. https://t.co/i0HxGHuh2I

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 12, 2025

Purohit, who was present at the procession near the Airport Road metro station, posted the videos on April 7, capturing disturbing scenes of participants engaging in inflammatory speech. The footage showed chants such as “Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi,” along with other offensive lyrics that openly incited violence against Muslims

Spent a few hours in #RamNavami processions outside Mumbai’s International Airport:

*Slogans like ‘Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi’.
*Songs with words: Bharat Mein Jo Desh Drohi Hai, Unki Ma Ka Bh*sda.
*Songs that threaten brutal violence against Muslims. pic.twitter.com/3AnpzlTdtQ

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 7, 2025

The procession, attended by thousands, featured a crowd mostly consisting of young men in their 20s and 30s, but also included some women and older individuals. Purohit described how the songs were widely known, with the crowd singing along to the chants, and the energy escalating whenever a song specifically targeted Muslims. The event was filled with repeated slogans calling for violence, including calls for the expulsion of Muslims from the country. Despite the presence of numerous police officers, Purohit observed no action taken to intervene or curb the hateful rhetoric being broadcasted publicly.

While the police were present in large numbers throughout the procession, it took the authorities several days to take action. The FIR against the organisers, filed on April 12, includes charges under sections 296 and 3(5) of the BNS Act, which address the use of offensive and inflammatory language during public events. Speaking to IndiaToday, Deputy Commissioner of Police, Zone 8, Maneesh Kalwaniya, confirmed that the case has been registered, but authorities have not yet disclosed whether they have identified or arrested the individuals responsible for leading the slogans.

This delay in filing the FIR raises important questions about the role of law enforcement in addressing hate speech, as well as the challenges faced by the authorities in responding to such incidents swiftly. The incident also highlights the growing concern over the lack of accountability for those who incite communal hatred in public spaces, even as law enforcement has been slow to act.

While Purohit’s videos led to action against organisers, Purohit had previously shared a screenshot from X (formerly Twitter), revealing that the Mumbai police had requested the platform to take down the videos, which depicted the hate speech and violence.

Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism.

Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally.

Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos.

I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice. pic.twitter.com/Ef0tgpmvQV

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 11, 2025

Kunal Purohit refuses to remove videos, calls out police action

In a separate development, Purohit has been at the centre of controversy over Mumbai police’s attempts to remove his posts documenting the hate speech during the Ram Navami procession. On receiving a takedown notice from X, the social media platform, Purohit took to X (formerly Twitter) to share his defiance, calling out the police’s attempt to suppress journalism. He posted:

“Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism. Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally. Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos. I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice.”

Purohit’s response underscores his belief that his role as a journalist is to document events like these, especially when they involve hate speech that can incite violence. He argued that removing these videos would only serve to suppress the truth and prevent the public from understanding the full extent of the rhetoric that unfolded during the procession. His decision to stand firm on this issue highlights the growing tension between the criminalisation of journalism and the need to combat hate speech in public discourse.

This episode raises important questions about the role of law enforcement and social media platforms in the fight against hate speech. While the police are tasked with taking action against hate speech, the suppression of journalism in the process could send a chilling message to those documenting and exposing hate. Purohit’s stance also draws attention to the increasingly polarised nature of media reporting in India and the potential risks faced by journalists who report on sensitive or controversial topics.

Broader Implications: Law enforcement, journalism, and free speech

The case involving the Ram Navami rally organisers and the removal of Purohit’s videos highlights the ongoing struggles between ensuring public safety and protecting journalistic freedoms. It also raises questions about the broader impact of these actions on the media landscape in India. As journalists increasingly face pressure to remove content that challenges prevailing narratives or exposes hate speech, the role of media in documenting and holding those in power accountable becomes ever more important.

At the same time, the police’s delayed action in addressing the hate speech at the Ram Navami rally — despite the presence of law enforcement officers during the event — points to a larger issue regarding the failure to curb hate speech in a timely manner. This incident serves as a reminder of the urgent need for law enforcement to take a proactive approach to tackling hate speech and promoting accountability in cases where harmful rhetoric incites violence or division.

Related:

From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report

Telangana BJP MLA Raja Singh booked for threat remarks against police during Ram Navami rally: ‘I’ll hit you with the same baton’, he has several, previous FIRS on hate speech

Bombay HC directs two police commissioners to personally examine videos of speeches delivered by BJP MLA Nitesh Rana, Geeta Jain and T. Raja Singh

Another case filed against T Raja Singh as he calls for fighting war against religious conversion

The post Mumbai Police file FIR against Ram Navami rally organisers over hate speech, target journalist Kunal Purohit’s videos separately appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Oh, my love…

Like a weary farmer

Waiting for the rain.

Like a lost child

Longing for its mother.

Like an innocent prisoner

Hoping for bail.

Yes..Now I understand

What it takes to wait…

And also

see more clearly—

A farmer’s despair,

An orphan’s fear,

A Dalit’s anxiety,

An innocent man’s expectation.

Come, my love, come…

Be the smile

That blooms on a hopeless farmer’s face.

Be the mother

Who embraces the abandoned child.

Be the light of hope.

Be the peace of the innocent.

Come, my love,

Be the revolution

That transforms this cruel world.

Be the compassion of a new tomorrow,

Be the fire that burns ruin,

Be the light that glows within it.

Be the passion in the penace

and

the penace in the passion

Come, my love…

In this lonely journey

Amidst a marching crowd,

Be my companion,

Be my comrade,

Be my joy of togetherness.

Like the river

That soothes a burning soul,

Come, my love…

Defeat the Man

and make me human

through the flood of love

The post To My Valentine… appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Singh was accompanied by BJP’s northeast in-charge Sambit Patra, state party president A Sharda, and 19 MLAs. Patra remained in Imphal to assist in selecting Singh’s successor. His resignation came after a meeting with Union home minister Amit Shah in Delhi on Saturday, amid growing pressure from both BJP legislators and opposition parties. Reports suggested that several BJP MLAs had threatened to sit in the opposition during the no-confidence motion if Singh continued as chief minister.

Supreme Court intervention and allegations of instigating violence

Singh’s resignation followed a Supreme Court directive ordering a central forensic laboratory to investigate leaked audio recordings that purportedly feature the chief minister admitting to having instigated the ethnic violence in Manipur. These tapes, allegedly recorded by a whistle-blower, have been at the centre of fresh legal scrutiny. The Supreme Court, while refusing to draw immediate conclusions, has asked for a forensic report by March 25.

The opposition seized on this development to criticise both Singh and the BJP’s handling of the crisis. Congress leaders accused the BJP of acting only when political survival was at stake rather than addressing the root causes of the ethnic conflict. Senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi stated on X (formerly Twitter) that Singh had “instigated division in Manipur” while Prime Minister Narendra Modi allowed him to continue despite the violence and loss of life. Gandhi accused Modi of turning a blind eye to the suffering in Manipur, saying, “The people of Manipur now await a visit by our Frequent Flier PM who is off to France and the USA—he has neither found the time nor the inclination to visit Manipur in the past twenty months.”

Congress MP Udit Raj also criticised the delay in Singh’s removal. “When the Congress was demanding his removal at the right time, he was not removed. Now, after everything has been ruined, it makes no sense,” he said. Manipur Congress chief K Meghachandra Singh called the resignation a “belated decision” and argued that Singh’s failures had led to “anarchy and a crisis of governance” in the state.

The opposition also pointed to the BJP’s political compulsions as the primary reason behind Singh’s resignation. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh noted that the BJP removed Singh not out of concern for Manipur’s people but to avoid embarrassment in the assembly and prevent a government collapse. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] issued statements condemning the BJP for allowing Singh to remain in power for so long.

Ethnic conflict, polarisation, and Singh’s role

The resignation also deepened divisions between the Meitei and Kuki communities, both of whom reacted differently to Singh’s exit. Singh, a Meitei leader, was criticised by Kuki groups for his alleged role in the ethnic violence that began on May 3, 2023, and led to over 250 deaths and the displacement of thousands. The Kuki-majority Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), which had been demanding Singh’s resignation since the violence erupted, said his exit was long overdue. However, the ITLF reiterated that their agitation would continue unless the union government granted a separate administration for the Kuki community. ITLF spokesperson Ginza Vualzong stated, “We believe he knew he would be voted out in the no-confidence motion, and to save his face, he resigned.”

In contrast, Meitei nationalist groups lamented Singh’s resignation. Jeetendra Ningomba, former coordinator of the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (Cocomi), argued that Singh’s exit was ill-timed. “I don’t think it was the right moment for Singh to step down. His resignation will only strengthen Kuki separatist forces in Manipur,” he said.

BJP’s internal rebellion and legislative fallout

Singh’s position within the BJP had been eroding for months, with several MLAs distancing themselves from his leadership. The BJP holds 32 seats in the 59-member Manipur assembly, but it had been losing allies and internal support. Reports suggest that 5-10 BJP MLAs, including ministers, had resolved to switch to the opposition rather than continue backing Singh. Some of the BJP’s own Kuki MLAs, who had withdrawn support for Singh earlier, welcomed his exit. BJP MLA Paolienlal Haokip bluntly reacted to the news, saying, “Good riddance.”

Singh’s rigid stance on the conflict had also alienated the BJP’s partners within the North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA). Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party (NPP) withdrew support for Singh’s government in November 2024, citing its “complete failure to restore normalcy.” Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma went further, declaring Singh a “liability” for both Manipur and the BJP, even suggesting that President’s Rule would be preferable.

With the loss of support from its allies and internal rebellion brewing, Singh’s resignation became inevitable. His departure averted what would have been a politically damaging no-confidence motion for the BJP government. Following Singh’s exit, Governor Bhalla issued a notification cancelling the budget session of the assembly.

Manipur’s uncertain future and lingering security concerns

Despite Singh’s resignation, tensions in Manipur remain high. On the night of his departure, unidentified gunmen raided an India Reserve Battalion (IRB) outpost in Thoubal district, looting several SLR and AK rifles. The attack underscored the fragile security situation in the state, where armed groups continue to operate amid the ethnic conflict.

The Supreme Court’s investigation into the leaked tapes adds another layer of uncertainty. If the tapes are authenticated, Singh could face legal consequences, further complicating Manipur’s political landscape. The opposition has vowed to continue pressing for accountability, with Congress leaders reiterating their demand for a Special Investigation Team (SIT) probe into Singh’s alleged role in instigating violence. (Detailed report on Supreme Court’s proceedings may be read here)

While Singh’s resignation marks a turning point, it does not resolve the deep-rooted ethnic tensions and governance failures that have plagued Manipur. The BJP now faces the critical task of appointing a new chief minister who can navigate the complex political and ethnic landscape, restore stability, and prevent further deterioration of law and order. However, with unresolved demands from both the Meitei and Kuki communities and an emboldened opposition, Manipur’s political crisis is far from over.

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The full court meet was called to discuss the issue of designating retired judges of the High Court as senior advocates. However, the CJI is learnt to have brought up the issue of Justice Yadav. “It is very much an ongoing issue and no decision has been made. The full court was just told that the meeting had taken place,” a source said.

Another source said that at the meeting Tuesday, the Collegium had told Justice Yadav that a public apology on record was needed to put the issue to rest. But he wanted to clarify from a public platform at a future date that his remarks had not been taken in the proper spirit.

Notably, it is now learnt that the Collegium will wait for a few days before deliberating on the next steps. The CJI is meanwhile in the process of discussing the issue with the full court is seen by those in the judicial circles as an indication of the Collegium’s seriousness of the issue and an attempt to “take the court into confidence” on the next steps.

What the Collegium can do is either transfer the judge or initiate an in-house inquiry. The process of an in-house inquiry under the Judges Inquiry Act is a precursor to recommending the judge’s removal to the President.

It was while addressing an event organised by the VHP’s legal cell on December 8 on the premises of the Allahabad High Court, that Justice Yadav had targeted Muslims and framed the Uniform Civil Code as a Hindu versus Muslim debate where the former had brought in reforms while the latter had not.

“You have a misconception that if a law (UCC) is brought in, it will be against your Shariyat, your Islam and your Quran,” Justice Yadav said. “But I want to say one more thing… whether it is your personal law, our Hindu law, your Quran or whether it is our Gita, as I said we have addressed the ills (buraaiyan) in our practices… kamiyan thi, durust kar liye hain (the shortcomings have been addressed) …untouchability… sati, jauhar… female foeticide…we have addressed all those issues… Then why are you not doing away with this law… that while your first wife is there…you can have three wives… without her consent… that is not acceptable.”

Justice Yadav went on to say that Hinduism had the seeds of tolerance which Islam didn’t. He also said, “I have no hesitation in saying that this is Hindustan… and the country will run according to the majority who live in Hindustan.”

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Justice Yadav, a sitting HC judge, and his speech at VHP event that was riddled with anti-Muslim rhetoric and majoritarian undertones

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Impeach the Judge, INDIA bloc set to move impeachment motion against HC judge who made communal hate-speeches

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