“These violent attacks — while Central forces are still deployed in the state — not only signify the utter and complete breakdown of any semblance of the Rule of Law in West Bengal,” the signatories declared. “They send out grim warning signals to the rest of the country.”

The collective statement also criticised the conduct of the Central Election Commission, noting “91 lakh previous voters [were] divested of their voting rights.” The statement linked the violence to what it described as unchecked repression following the May 2026 assembly election results.

The signatories include former union minister Yashwant Sinha, writers and journalists Susie Tharu, Raju Parulekar, Navin Kumar, Venkitesh Ramakrishnan Teesta Setalvad, Javed Anand, Chitra Palekar, Indra Kumar Theradi, retired civil servant Ashish Joshi, Aditi Mehta, danseuse Mallika Sarabhai, activists Shabnam Hashmi, Ram Puniyani, Dolphy D’Souza, Virginia Saldanha, artists Shakuntala Kulkarni, Navjot Altaf, Kripa, photographer, Ram Rahman, Nandita Narain , Associate Professor( Retd), St.Stephen’s College, Delhi University among several others. Gandhian Tushar Gandhi, Jesuit leaders Father Frazer Mascarenhas and Cedric Prakash, film maker Avinash Das. Medical practioner Harsha Hege are also signatories.

The statement recalled the 2001 assassination of MP Phoolan Devi, when Parliament “took note” of the attack. In contrast, the signatories said today’s institutions have responded with “institutional freeze and silence.”

“We remain mute spectators only to our own peril,” the statement warned, urging citizens to organize and speak out against violence and repression.

The entire statement may be read here:

Concerned Citizens

Mumbai, June 3, 2026

The Saturday May 30-31, 2026 brute attacks in West Bengal, first on Lok Sabha Member of Parliament (MP), Abhishek Banerjee and thereafter on another MP of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), Kalyan Banerjee mark yet another, but new, all-time low under the present regime under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the current prime minister. The violent attacks 26 days after an election result that has been shrouded under a cloud with the conduct of the Central Election Commission (CEC) –with 91 lakh previous voters divested of their voting rights—needs to be condemned with rigour and foresight.

These violent attacks –while Central forces are still deployed in the state —not only signify the utter and complete breakdown of any semblance of the Rule of Law in West Bengal. They send out grim warning signals to the rest of the country, and are a sign that all out fratricide (more physical, unchecked attacks on the Opposition) may follow. Widespread physical threats and violence in states governed by the same party may well become the norm and it is time, for those Indians, with conscience and voice, to speak out. Now.

Just a day after the controversial May 4, 2026 results in West Bengal, none less than another discredited and authoritarian oligarch leader of the world’s second largest (and ‘oldest’) democracy, Donald Trump doled out widely-publicised words of congratulation to the Indian Prime Minister. These words from one head of state to another, after a state/federal election where several parties participate, were sharply condemned by some members of the Opposition who deemed this as ‘direct interference in internal affairs’ and an ‘attack on Indian federalism.’ Trump is a discredited world leader who’s moral and other failures on the domestic and international front, bear no recounting. Yet the overall immunity that this Regime is functioning under/with, clearly comes from this unholy alliance that it has individually built with a world leader and its state, at the cost of Indian economic and defence interests and its sovereignty.

We, Indian writers and activists who condemn in no uncertain terms the near fatal attacks on Abhishek Banerjee and Kalyan Banerjee, both Members of Parliament, have little hope that the Indian Lok Sabha (Lower House of Elected Representatives) will either move a Privilege Motion nor out rightly demand a response from the ruling dispensation as is the well-established law and practice. On one previous and rare occasion, when an MP like Phoolan Devi was attacked and killed outside her New Delhi residence, in July 2001 in broad daylight, it was also a previous NDA government, led by Bharatiya Janata Party’s Atal Behari Vajpayee that was in power in Delhi. However, there was not just uproar and condemnation but Parliament took note.

This time, the brute attacks that have been widely documented on social media have been met, largely with institutional freeze and silence. This silence from autonomous and independent bodies bodes ill for India and Indians. We remain mute spectators only to our own peril.

Signatories

Raju Parulekar, Writer
Teesta Setalvad, Rights Activist, Journalist and Educationist
Navin Kumar, Journalist and Academic
Yashwant Sinha, former Union Minister for Finance & External Affairs, GOI
Parakala Prabhakar, Political Economist and Author
Anand Patwardhan, noted Film-maker and Activist
Navaid Hamid, Secretary Peoples Integration Council
Ram Puniyani, All India secular forum
Yashodhan Paranjpe
Sheeba Aslam Fehmi, Journalist, Researcher, New Delhi
Lalita Ramdas, Peace Activist
Javed Anand
Mallika Sarabhai
Bharat Bhushan, Columnist and Editor
Mondira Jaisimha
Navaid Hamid, Secretary Peoples Integration Council
Kunwar Danish Ali
Chitra Palekar Theatre Personality & Author
Col Pavan Nair
Sooraj Samant
Yashodhan Paranjpe
Dev Desai
Gautam Mukhopadhaya
Nandini Manjrekar
Aditi Mehta
डॉ. लक्ष्मण यादव, लेखक व सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता, दिल्ली
Meena Karnik
Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Director General Wisdom Foundation
Nikhil Sanjay-Rekha Adsule
Kripa
Frazer Mascarenhas
A C Michael
Indra Kumar Theradi
Kedar Vaidya
Susie Tharu
Tushar A. Gandhi
Harsha Hegde
Cedric Prakash
Avinash Das
Kumud karnik
Jawad A J
Dr. Michael Williams
N.D.Jayaprakash
Atul chakravarty
Mridula Mukherjee
Niloufer Bhagwat
Joy Sengupta
Atul
Shabnam Hashmi
Venkitesh Ramakrishnan
Deb Mukharji
Javed Ali Khan
Naazish Shah
Kamal Malhotra
Suhel Tirmizi
Balveer Arora
Harminder Soni
Manoj Nair
Muniza Khan, Activist and Researcher
Anita Rampal
Niharika JINDAL
Atul Kochar, Under water SME
Sudhir Wilson, Technical Advisor
Navdeep Mathur, Academician
Rajeev Bhargava
Ashish Joshi, Former Civil Servant & Member CCG and CFF
Gautam Vir, Retired
Meera
Priyanka Parulekar, Student
Premanand, Social Activist
Sanjeev Gupta
Balasangameshwara Vollepore , Member AIPC
Nandita Narain , Associate Professor( Retd), St.Stephen’s College, Delhi University
Ram Rahman, Photographer
Lalita Deonalli , Retired
Laly Randolf, Citizen Activist
Ebin Gheevarghese , Journalist
Rajiv Kapoor, Hotel Premdeep Partner
Sancia Sequeira, Tourisn
Natasha Pereira , Self-employed/ part time envt activist
Anand Kumar , President, Citizens for Democracy
Alok Rai
Adv Dr Lubna Sarwath, Indian National Congress, Hyderabad
Ramesh Dixit , Professor (retired) Lucknow University.
Sandhya Honawar, Retd
Sharmeela de Vas , Writing & Copy editing Consultant
Amitabha Basu, Retired scientist, CSIR-NPL, New Delhi
Mohan Abraham
Sanjeev
Brian DSouza , The Bombay Catholic Sabha
नितीन वाळके, व्यापारी
Deepa Navin , Research, Monitoring and Evaluation Consultant
Vickram Crishna, Appropriate Technology Advocate
SUNIL, Businesses
Philomena D’Souza , Satyashodhak
Pervin Sanghvi
Virginia Saldanha , Woman Activist
Rebecca Dlima , Housewife
Elsa Muttathu , Concerned citizen.
Karan D’Lima
Faredoon Bhujwala, trainer
Gracian Alfonso, Retired .Believer in Free speach and freedom.
Smita Crishna , Social worker
Ryan Oliver
Dhananjay Ramkrishna Shinde, Activist
Ashok Sharma, IFS (Retd)
Shubhra verma, Creative director
Dolphy Dsouza, Rights Activist
Chandrasekaran S, Retired teacher
Neeraj Bhai Patel , Editor In Chief National Janmat
Shalini , Retired lecturer
Priya D’S, Retired
Gwen Monteiro
Jennifer Mirza, Retired film and Tv serial production manager
Aruna Gnanadason, Indian Christian Women’s Movement
Ashish Ghosh , Retired teacher
Navjot Altaf , Artist
Susie Jacob Tharu, Academic
Ranjona Banerji, Independent journalist
Ravindra Kulkarni, Senior Solicitor
Terence Gonsalves, Retired
Stanley Fernandez , Citizens for the Constitution
Pradip Mario D’Lima, Subsea Operations & HSEQ
Devdan Tribhuvan, Christian Development Association
David, Mentor Coach
Lekshmi Krishnan
Vani, Program Manager
Aroon DSouza , Demat Share Consultant
Shakuntala kulkarni, Artist
Benito Saldanha, Business
Prabhat Sharan , Journalist
Nio Va, writer and activist
Raymond Nogueira, Business/Proprietor/RedRay Engineers
Suraj Samrat
Catherine John, Nursing
Satish Londhe
Ramesh C
Sharmila F
Surendra Deonalli, Retired
Nanda Ghosh, Activist and Poet, Assam
Megan Gonsalves
Preeti Reddy, Retired
Dr. Vivek Korde, Doctor
DR. VIVEK KORDE, Doctor
Maureen D’Sa, Retired
Gloria, Retired
Rochelle Dsouza
Megan Gonsalves
Faraz Ahmad , Journalist
Dr Asha Saxena Ahmad, Opthalmologist
Errol Mario DeSilva ,
Pyara Lal Garg, DOCTOR PROFESSOR

Related:

Bengal after the Ballot: Fear, retaliation and the politics of territorial power

‘Bangla Pokkho’ founder Garga Chatterjee arrested over alleged EVM misinformation ahead of Bengal polls

As lynchings “normalise” in ‘New India, a Bihar imam is ‘thrashed, pushed’ from train to die in Bareilly

The post Brute Violence in Bengal sparks citizens’ urgent warning appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The outraged demonstrators damaged some shops and a BJP office, setting fire to party flags, chairs and tables. Local residents said the statues of Sidhu and Kanhu — revered figures of the Santhal rebellion against British rule — had been installed nearly a decade ago.

“This morning, we saw that the hands of the statues of Sidhu and Kanhu had been broken and BJP flags had been placed there. From this, we suspected BJP involvement,” said Khudiram Mardi, a protester. This led to public outrage and hundreds of agitated villagers, many carrying bows, arrows, sticks and brooms, blocked the Buniadpur–Daulatpur road with bamboo barricades. Women were seen leading much of the demonstration.

Last Saturday, protesters started with a road blockade began around 7am, bringing traffic to a halt. A large contingent from Bansihari police station, along with central forces and combat personnel, rushed to the spot. The protesters demanded that those responsible for damaging the statues be immediately identified and given strict punishment. The officers assured them that necessary steps would be taken, and the blockade was withdrawn around 11.30 am.

The matter turned into a slugfest between the now ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Trinamool Congress (TMC). While the BJP was quick to deny any involvement, the Trinamool leaders brushed aside the claims.

West Bengal and Adivasi rights

West Bengal, of which South Dinajpur is a part is affected by the Sonthal Parganas Act, 1855 is a classic example of a colonial law, not yet repealed. Enacted by the British as a response to the Santhal uprising against the East India Company, the Act excludes certain districts in the erstwhile Bengal Presidency from the application of the ‘general Regulations and Acts of Government’. This exclusion is based on a simple premise – Santhals are too ‘uncivilised’ a people to be governed by the legal system. This is shockingly even stated explicitly in the preamble of the Act.

What was the Santhal uprising and who were its leaders? A vibrant protest and rebellion in this region in colonial times with Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu as its heroes but who have rarely featured in any Indian history book. Ironically, the Sonthal Parganas Act, 1855 remains prominent in another book – the Indian statute book.

Indian Adivasis including those who live in several districts of West Bengal are inflicted with certain laws. For instance the 1952 Habitual Offenders’ Model Bill that replaced the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 and served as the basis for state-level Habitual Offenders’ Acts; while the previous law, the 1871 Act described certain tribes as ‘addicted to the systematic commission of … offences’ and enabled the government to notify them as ‘criminal tribes’. Using this power, nearly 200 tribes were branded hereditary criminals. However, with the repeal of this Act, the ‘criminal tribes’ came to be ‘de-notified’. As one would expect, the Habitual Offenders’ Acts, unlike their colonial counterpart, do not explicitly single out these tribes. However, in practice, not much has changed. In almost every state where Habitual Offenders’ Acts are in force, individuals belonging to the de-notified tribes have been disproportionately targeted. The substantive provisions are worryingly similar to those in the 1871 Act.

There is also the hindrance caused by the old colonial idea of primitivism continues under the guise of protecting cultural autonomy. The Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution lay out a set of special provisions for tribal areas. Among other things, governors are empowered to prevent or modify the application of both central and state laws to these scheduled areas.

These areas were previously ‘typically and really backward tracts’ under the Government of India Act, 1919 and ‘partially and wholly excluded areas’ under the Government of India Act, 1935.

It has been argued that both the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution perpetuate the language, and more worryingly, the patronising logic of these colonial statutes – that there is a need to ‘protect’ the tribal population and ‘help’ them. If that means keep them in a state of permanent exception away from the regular legal system intended for all citizens, so be it.

This is not to say that it is not the duty of the government to address the social and educational backwardness affecting members of the tribal population. But the starting point cannot be one of protection or assimilation, but rather respect and equality.

Sardar Patel, echoed Jaipal Singh Munda and grasped this instinctively in the Constituent Assembly, “All the laws that have given them protection are there. But have they protected them?” If the aim is to disrupt colonial continuities and decolonise our laws, the first step is to decolonise our minds.

Related:

Bengal after the Ballot: Fear, retaliation and the politics of territorial power

The post Statues of icons of the Santhal Revolt, Sidhu Murmu & Kanhu Murmu vandalised in South Dinajpur village, BJP blamed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The result represented far more than a routine change in government. It signalled the collapse of a political order that had dominated Bengal since 2011 and the arrival of a new ruling formation that had built its campaign around promises of othering, a fair dose of hate-letting. political change, institutional restructuring and the dismantling of what it described as the entrenched patronage networks of the Trinamool regime. At the same time, the BJP’s rise in Bengal was also shaped by an increasingly sharp politics of religious polarisation and majoritarian mobilisation, with electoral campaigns over recent years marked by heightened communal rhetoric, debates around identity and citizenship, and efforts to consolidate Hindu political sentiment across the state. Not surprising then, that within hours of the results being declared, large parts of the state began witnessing violence, retaliatory attacks, intimidation campaigns and vandalism — developments that rapidly overshadowed the democratic significance of the electoral transition itself.

Reports emerging from Kolkata, Howrah, Birbhum, Murshidabad, North 24 Parganas, Paschim Bardhaman and several other districts described clashes, attacks on political offices and at least four reported deaths, including Abir Sheikh in Nanoor, Birbhum; Biswajit Pattanaik in Beleghata, Kolkata; Madhu Mondal in New Town, North 24 Parganas; and Jadab Bar in Udaynarayanpur, Howrah, rapidly overshadowing what should have been a major transition. Political offices were attacked, flags replaced, rival supporters assaulted, shops vandalised, homes targeted and neighbourhoods gripped by fear.

The violence was neither entirely spontaneous nor entirely uniform. In some areas, it appeared as organised assertions of territorial dominance following the transfer of political power. In others, it took the form of retaliatory clashes between rival groups with long-standing local tensions. Elsewhere, rumours and misinformation circulating online appeared to aggravate already fragile conditions.

As the unrest spread, Bengal once again found itself confronting a familiar reality: elections in the state are often not experienced merely as democratic contests, but as struggles over control of territory, institutions, neighbourhoods and everyday political life.

The First 72 Hours: How the violence spread across the state

The immediate aftermath of the election results witnessed a rapid escalation of incidents across multiple districts. Within the first 24 hours, scattered reports of clashes began emerging from localities where political rivalry had already been intense during the campaign period. By the second and third day, the violence had spread into a broader pattern involving vandalism, intimidation, occupation of political offices and allegations of targeted attacks on grassroots workers.

The post-poll unrest also witnessed incidents of symbolic vandalism targeting historical and ideological figures, reflecting how political assertion in Bengal often extends beyond party offices into the realm of cultural and ideological symbolism. According to reports by The Quint, The Telegraph and regional Bengali media outlets, statues and images associated with figures such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Mother Teresa and Vladimir Lenin were vandalised or defaced in isolated incidents during the violence. In some areas, posters and murals carrying their images were torn down alongside party symbols, while local residents and opposition leaders alleged that the attacks reflected attempts to symbolically erase ideological and cultural markers associated with Bengal’s reformist, secular or Left political traditions. The incidents also carried wider political resonance because Bengal’s public culture has historically attached strong symbolic value to statues, murals and memorial representations of intellectual, religious and political figures. At the same time, police officials and local administrators reportedly cautioned against amplifying unverified claims circulating online regarding the scale and intent behind such vandalism, noting that several viral images lacked immediate contextual verification.

In a mere two minutes these fellows have managed to desecrate all the idols Bengal cherished for decades if not a century-Sister Nivedita, Swami Vivekananda, Mother Teresa et al! pic.twitter.com/Bd0DoWI28o

— sanjoy ghose (@advsanjoy) May 7, 2026

As discussion worthy were social media accounts of a flex banner of Shivaji, an iconic ruler of Maharashtra being unfurled over a clock tower in Bengal: while Shivaji ruled in the early medieval period, the later Maratha invasions of Bengal in the 18^th century have a different echo and interpretation in the state. Shivaji, contrary to wholistic historical interpretation has been sought to be appropriated by modern day Hindutva bigots as a symbol of ‘Hindu supremacy and rule.’

Here are Bengali Bhakts installing pic of Shivaji on a tower

Lest they forget that Marathas literally killed milions of Bengali during Bargi Invasion of the 18th Century.

But then we can’t expect History knowledge from these Wahtsapp University Graduates. pic.twitter.com/vpOQhhgzLk

— Nehr_who? (@Nher_who) May 8, 2026

Media reports carried by PTI, Reuters, The Telegraph, The Hindu, India Today, Hindustan Times, The Quint, The Indian Express and Bengali-language media outlets described a state experiencing multiple simultaneous flashpoints rather than one centrally coordinated episode. The incidents varied considerably in scale and character:

Street clashes and procession violence- Many of the earliest incidents of post-poll unrest were linked to victory processions and celebratory marches that allegedly turned confrontational after entering politically sensitive neighbourhoods.

According to reports by The Telegraph and India Today, clashes were reported in Kolkata’s Kasba and Tollygunge areas after victory rallies passed near local Trinamool Congress offices, with rival supporters accusing each other of provocation, vandalism and intimidation. Videos circulating online showed damaged motorcycles, broken storefronts and groups of men carrying sticks moving through neighbourhood lanes, although India Today noted that several clips could not be independently verified.

In Baranagar and Kamarhati in North 24 Parganas, The Telegraph reported that groups carrying BJP flags allegedly entered areas long considered TMC strongholds, leading to confrontations involving stone pelting, damage to vehicles and attacks on roadside kiosks. Residents quoted in local reports stated that slogan shouting outside party offices escalated after rival groups assembled nearby.

Reports from Hindustan Times and regional Bengali media also described clashes in parts of Howrah district, particularly around Udaynarayanpur and Domjur, where rival political supporters allegedly confronted each other after post-result rallies moved through opposition-dominated areas. Local accounts described the use of bamboo sticks, iron rods and stones during clashes, following which police reportedly conducted patrols and flag marches in sensitive localities.

In Birbhum, especially in politically tense pockets around Nanoor, PTI and local media reports noted that tensions escalated after processions and counter-gatherings took place following the declaration of results. The death of Abir Sheikh further intensified accusations and counter-accusations between political camps over targeted violence.

Residents interviewed by The Telegraph described hearing continuous slogan shouting late into the night in several neighbourhoods, with groups moving through localities carrying party flags, bursting firecrackers and allegedly threatening rival supporters. Some residents reportedly switched off lights and remained indoors fearing escalation.

Attacks on homes and local establishments- Alongside clashes in public spaces, reports also emerged of attacks on homes and establishments allegedly associated with rival political workers.

According to reports carried by The Quint and Bengali-language media outlets, houses belonging to opposition supporters in parts of South 24 Parganas and Hooghly were allegedly attacked shortly after the election results, with windows smashed, gates damaged and parked motorcycles set on fire. Some residents claimed they were specifically identified because of party flags displayed outside homes during the election campaign.

In portions of Murshidabad and North 24 Parganas, local businesses allegedly associated with rival political affiliations were vandalised. The Quint reported incidents involving damaged shop shutters, torn signboards and attacks on roadside stalls in isolated pockets witnessing heightened political tension.

Several residents interviewed by regional media described an atmosphere where even civilians with no formal political affiliation feared being perceived as aligned with one side or the other. Some reportedly removed political stickers, flags and campaign material from homes and vehicles after violence began spreading.

Reports from The Telegraph on Durgapur and Purulia stated that local TMC leaders accused BJP supporters of threatening party workers and their families to either “accept the new order” or vacate local political spaces. BJP leaders denied orchestrating intimidation and accused the TMC of exaggerating incidents for political purposes.

Rural fear and night-time intimidation- In rural Bengal, the atmosphere following the election results was marked not only by actual violence but also by fear, rumours and uncertainty spreading rapidly through villages.

Reports by Reuters, The Quint and local Bengali media indicated that in politically contested pockets of Birbhum, Bankura, Purulia and Murshidabad, rumours circulated through WhatsApp groups and local political networks claiming that armed groups were moving from village to village targeting rival supporters.

Several families interviewed by local media claimed that political workers temporarily fled homes fearing reprisals after the change in power. Women in some villages reportedly described spending nights awake after rumours spread that houses belonging to rival supporters would be attacked before dawn.

In some villages, residents reportedly gathered at road entrances during the night after rumours circulated online about impending attacks. Even in areas where no actual violence followed, the rumours themselves contributed to widespread panic and anxiety.

Local reports also suggested that villagers in certain areas were informally warned against openly displaying support for defeated candidates or retaining party flags outside homes and shops. In several places, residents quietly removed political banners after results day to avoid attracting attention.

At the same time, India Today and other outlets cautioned that not every rumour or viral claim translated into verified violence. Police officials and journalists repeatedly warned that misinformation, exaggerated claims and recycled videos spreading online were significantly contributing to panic in already tense regions.

Here are some social media links:

TMC’s Abhishek Banerjee has alleged that BJP workers are inciting violence across West Bengal, claiming that Trinamool Congress offices are being vandalised in multiple areas. The accusations come amid heightened political tensions in the state, with the TMC accusing the BJP of… pic.twitter.com/wbiJDr9L1L

— Mojo Story (@themojostory) May 6, 2026

TMC party office set on fire & BJP flag tied in front of it in Jamuria, West Bengal

BJPigs who used to condemn poll violence in West Bengal before are now doing this & celebrating it #electionresult2026 pic.twitter.com/r0PUl1GnPs

— Veena Jain (@Vtxt21) May 4, 2026

Political Offices as Targets: The battle for territorial control

One of the defining characteristics of the post-poll unrest has been the systematic targeting and symbolic takeover of political offices. Across Bengal, party offices became visible markers of changing power relations. According to multiple reports, TMC offices in Tollygunge, Kasba, Baruipur, Baranagar, Kamarhati, Durgapur, Purulia, Bankura, Baharampur and parts of north Bengal were attacked, vandalised or forcibly occupied by groups carrying BJP flags shortly after the election results.

Videos and photographs circulating in media reports showed:

• party signboards torn down,
• furniture smashed,
• walls repainted,
• offices ransacked,
• posters destroyed,
• and saffron flags replacing TMC insignia.

In some areas, offices reportedly functioned as local command centres for political patronage and organisation. Their takeover therefore carried significance beyond symbolism.

In Bengal’s political culture, local party offices often operate as:

• spaces for dispute resolution,
• centres for welfare access,
• hubs for employment recommendations,
• sites of local mobilisation,
• and markers of territorial influence.

As a result, capturing a party office is frequently understood not merely as an act of vandalism but as a declaration that political authority in that locality has changed hands.

Several TMC leaders alleged that these occupations occurred in the presence of police personnel who either failed to intervene or acted too late. BJP leaders, meanwhile, argued that many offices had been “voluntarily vacated” by TMC workers fearing public backlash after the election outcome.

The competing narratives reflected a deeper struggle over legitimacy:

• whether the developments represented organised political intimidation,
• spontaneous local retaliation,
• or a chaotic mix of both.

Post-poll violence erupted across West Bengal after results, leaving at least 4 people dead and several others injured. Clashes were reported between TMC and BJP supporters in multiple districts, including Kolkata and Howrah.

(West Bengal elections, TMC, BJP, Mamata Banerjee,… pic.twitter.com/UREaEosrl5

— THE WEEK (@TheWeekLive) May 6, 2026

West Bengal — Incidents of violence have been reported in West Bengal following the elections, raising serious concerns over law and order.

In Kolkata’s New Market area, a crowd allegedly demolished a party office using a bulldozer, while nearby shops were also damaged during… pic.twitter.com/NnXa968Dl9

— Dalimss News (@Dalimss_News) May 6, 2026

The Human Cost: Deaths, injuries and displacement

As the unrest intensified, reports of deaths and serious injuries began emerging from multiple districts. Political parties quickly accused one another of orchestrating targeted killings. Among the deaths reported in media coverage were:

• Abir Sheikh in Nanoor,
• Biswajit Pattanaik in Beleghata,
• Madhu Mondal in New Town,
• Jadab Bar in Udaynarayanpur, along with several other individuals linked, directly or indirectly, to local political activity.

However, even as political narratives hardened, investigators and journalists repeatedly noted that the precise circumstances behind several deaths remained contested. Police officials reportedly cautioned that not every killing could immediately be categorised as purely political. In some cases, investigators examined whether:

• personal disputes,
• longstanding local rivalries,
• criminal conflicts,
• or factional tensions

may have intersected with the broader post-election atmosphere. This uncertainty did little to slow political mobilisation. Both the BJP and TMC rapidly circulated lists of allegedly targeted workers, held protest demonstrations and amplified emotionally charged narratives around victimhood and retaliation. At the ground level, however, the impact extended far beyond official party structures.

Injuries, fear and local trauma- Beyond the headline incidents of political clashes and killings, reports from multiple districts suggested that the post-poll unrest also produced a broader atmosphere of fear and psychological distress within affected communities.

According to reports carried by Hindustan Times, The Telegraph, PTI and regional Bengali media outlets, hospitals in districts including Howrah, Birbhum, North 24 Parganas and Paschim Bardhaman reportedly treated individuals with injuries allegedly sustained during clashes between rival political groups. Local accounts described injuries caused by sticks, stones, bamboo poles and sharp weapons during street confrontations and attacks linked to post-result tensions.

In parts of Howrah and Birbhum, residents interviewed by The Telegraph described localities where people avoided stepping outside after dark because of fears of retaliatory attacks, intimidation marches or sudden clashes between rival supporters. Some residents reportedly stated that groups carrying party flags moved through neighbourhoods late into the night shouting slogans and issuing warnings to political opponents.

Local Bengali media reports from parts of North 24 Parganas and Murshidabad suggested that schools in certain sensitive pockets witnessed lower attendance as tensions continued in the days following the election results. Parents reportedly feared allowing children to travel through politically tense routes or areas where clashes had recently occurred.

The atmosphere described in many reports was not always one of continuous large-scale violence, but rather one of persistent uncertainty and intimidation. Residents repeatedly referred to rumours spreading through neighbourhoods, sudden gatherings of political workers, loud slogan campaigns and fears that clashes could erupt again at any moment.

Several local journalists noted that even in areas where violence had subsided, the psychological impact lingered. Families reportedly remained indoors after sunset, local businesses closed early in some pockets, and ordinary residents feared being publicly identified with the “wrong” political affiliation.

Temporary displacement and forced movement- Reports from several districts also indicated patterns of temporary displacement and forced movement linked to post-poll tensions.

According to The Quint, Reuters, The Telegraph and Bengali-language media reports, families associated with rival political groups allegedly fled homes temporarily in parts of Birbhum, Murshidabad, Purulia, South 24 Parganas and North 24 Parganas fearing retaliatory attacks after the election outcome.

In some villages, local political workers reportedly left their homes and stayed with relatives in neighbouring areas after rumours spread that supporters of defeated parties would be targeted. Women interviewed by local reporters described hurriedly sending children to relatives’ homes after hearing that clashes were expected overnight.

Reports from politically sensitive rural pockets suggested that some houses remained locked for days after results were declared because families feared returning immediately. In a few areas, residents alleged that local workers were pressured to either publicly switch allegiance or stop visible political activity altogether.

This pattern has appeared repeatedly during previous episodes of post-poll violence in Bengal. Following earlier elections — particularly the 2018 panchayat polls and the 2021 Assembly elections — media reports similarly documented:

• defeated party workers leaving villages,
• families seeking shelter with relatives,
• local offices being abandoned,
• and visible political realignment occurring under pressure.

While such movement is not always formally recorded as “displacement” in administrative terms, it nevertheless reflects the coercive social impact of post-election violence at the neighbourhood level.

In Bengal’s highly localised political culture, where party affiliation is often closely tied to social protection, livelihood access and local influence, even temporary flight from one’s home can become politically significant. It reflects not merely fear of physical violence, but fear of exclusion from the local social and political order emerging after the election result.

At the same time, several reports also cautioned that claims regarding mass displacement circulating on social media were often exaggerated or unsupported by independent verification. Journalists and fact-checkers repeatedly noted the importance of distinguishing between verified incidents and politically amplified narratives spreading online.

Communal Undertones: When political violence intersects with religious polarisation

Several incidents during the unrest also appeared to acquire communal overtones. Reports by The Quint and local journalists suggested that certain Muslim-majority neighbourhoods in Kolkata, Barasat and adjoining regions witnessed threatening slogan campaigns, intimidation and vandalism. Eyewitnesses reportedly described:

• mobs entering Muslim-dominated areas,
• shops allegedly being pressured to remove Muslim names,
• threats against traders,
• vandalism involving symbols associated with Muslim historical figures,
• and aggressive communal sloganeering.

In some places, residents stated they were uncertain whether attacks were fundamentally political or communal because the two appeared deeply intertwined. This overlap reflects a broader transformation in Bengal’s political landscape over recent years.

India’s West Bengal Post-Election Violence against Muslims & minorities by BJP Goons pic.twitter.com/slWRHfJ5cL

— Tanvir Chowdhury (@tanvirbengal) May 5, 2026

On May 5 in West Bengal, after the BJP’s victory results, the atmosphere remained tense in Uluberia (Dishipur). The shops of Muslim fruit vendors present in that area were targeted, and Hindu groups completely vandalized the Muslim shops pic.twitter.com/JD0mp9414L

— The Muslim Matter India (@TheMuslimMatter) May 6, 2026

Historically, Bengal’s political violence was often rooted more in ideological and organisational rivalry than overt communal mobilisation. However, the last decade has seen increasing communal polarisation become embedded within electoral politics in the country itself. As political competition intensified, religious identity increasingly entered:

• campaign rhetoric,
• local mobilisation,
• social media propaganda,
• and neighbourhood-level tensions.

Consequently, moments of political unrest now carry a heightened risk of communal escalation — especially when amplified through misinformation online. At the same time, police and journalists repeatedly cautioned against accepting viral communal claims without verification. Several videos and allegations circulating online were reportedly misleading, recycled or stripped of context.

This dual reality became central to the current crisis:

• real fear and intimidation existed,
• but misinformation also significantly distorted the situation.

The Information War: Fake news, viral claims and manufactured panic

If violence defined the streets, misinformation defined the digital landscape. Within hours of the election results, social media platforms were flooded with:

• unverified videos,
• edited clips,
• exaggerated casualty figures,
• recycled riot footage,
• communal rumours,
• and partisan propaganda masquerading as breaking news.

The volume of misinformation was extraordinary.

A social media page of Kolkata Police, fact-checkers and journalists identified multiple instances where:

• videos from earlier Bengal elections were re-shared as current footage,
• clips from Bangladesh or other Indian states were falsely labelled as Bengal,
• unrelated criminal incidents were presented as political murders,
• and communal narratives were inserted into incidents without evidence.

Several media outlets themselves explicitly stated that many circulating visuals could not be independently authenticated. India Today specifically noted that videos shared by political actors and supporters lacked independent verification.

Several fake and misleading posts are being circulated on social media regarding the imposition of Section 144.

It is clarified that no such order under Section 144 has been imposed within Kolkata Police jurisdiction.

Kolkata Police is closely monitoring such content. Legal… pic.twitter.com/7Q3REvxtO4

— Kolkata Police (@KolkataPolice) May 7, 2026

Certain posts/videos being circulated on social media are fake, misleading and intended to spread misinformation. Preliminary verification indicates that these visuals are from other places and do not pertain to West Bengal/Kolkata.

Strict legal action is being initiated against… pic.twitter.com/VaAM7fcIKB

— Kolkata Police (@KolkataPolice) May 7, 2026

This “advisory” is fake and misleading.

The law and order situation within Kolkata Police jurisdiction remains completely normal and is under constant and vigilant monitoring.

Strict legal action is being initiated against those responsible for circulating such false… pic.twitter.com/jW0vv7bgk7

— Kolkata Police (@KolkataPolice) May 6, 2026

Several misleading posts are being circulated on social media by falsely linking unrelated videos and photos from other places to Kolkata after the election results.

Kolkata Police is closely monitoring such content. Strict legal action is being taken against those spreading… pic.twitter.com/a6dqboQWiF

— Kolkata Police (@KolkataPolice) May 5, 2026

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कांग्रेस नेता श्रीनिवास BV, तृणमूल कांग्रेस सांसद कीर्ति आज़ाद सहित अन्य ने बंगाल में BJP की जीत के बाद हिंसा दिखाते हुए एक वीडियो शेयर किया. जबकि ये वीडियो बंगाल चुनाव के दूसरे चरण के मतदान से भी पहले से ऑनलाइन मौजूद है. #AltNewsFactCheck | @AbhishekSayhttps://t.co/8ZTOyMrROX

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 8, 2026

A video from January showing a crowd on its way to join an Ijtema in Hooghly district of Bengal is FALSELY viral as illegal immigrants leaving the state post BJP’s win. #AltNewsFactCheck by @anindyahazra96 https://t.co/G95GrpHgvv

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 8, 2026

NDTV से जुड़े आदित्य राज कौल, पत्रकार अभिजीत मजूमदार और अन्य ने एक वीडियो बंगाल में बीजेपी की जीत का जश्न बताकर शेयर किया. ऑल्ट न्यूज़ की पड़ताल में मालूम चला कि वीडियो प्रयागराज का है जहां T20 विश्व कप जीतने का जश्न मनाया जा रहा था. | @onkeyta_ https://t.co/FLfREOVzjr

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 8, 2026

The administrative response and questions of institutional trust

As violence escalated, both the Election Commission and law enforcement agencies came under intense scrutiny. The Election Commission directed the administration to adopt a “zero tolerance” approach toward post-poll violence and instructed police to take immediate action against those involved in attacks and vandalism.

According to reports:

• over 200 criminal cases were registered,
• more than 400 arrests were made,
• central forces conducted flag marches,
• and additional deployments were sent to sensitive districts.

Yet questions about institutional neutrality quickly emerged. The TMC accused sections of the administration and police of enabling attacks after the transfer of power.
The BJP, meanwhile, alleged that parts of the local police machinery remained aligned with the previous regime and selectively targeted BJP workers.

This mutual distrust significantly complicated policing efforts. In politically polarised environments, even administrative action becomes interpreted through partisan lenses:

• arrests are viewed as selective,
• police presence is interpreted as political alignment,
• and institutional legitimacy itself becomes contested.

This has long been one of Bengal’s structural democratic challenges.

#WATCH | Kolkata, West Bengal: Kolkata Police Commissioner Ajay Kumar Nand says, “The elections have been conducted peacefully. There have been no incidents of violence or threats, and people have voted freely and fairly. I just want to say that the atmosphere on that day will be… pic.twitter.com/nxPvKWozRM

— ANI (@ANI) May 6, 2026

BJP Leadership’s Position: Distancing, damage control and internal contradictions

As reports of post-poll violence and vandalism spread across districts, sections of the BJP leadership publicly attempted to distance the party from the attacks and project an image of administrative restraint and democratic legitimacy.

According to reports by PTI, The Hindu and The Telegraph, West Bengal BJP president Samik Bhattacharya stated repeatedly in press briefings and public interactions that attacks on political opponents, intimidation of local workers and forcible occupation of party offices would not be tolerated under the new government. He reportedly warned that BJP workers found engaging in violence or vandalism would face disciplinary consequences.

In one statement carried by PTI, Bhattacharya reportedly said that “revenge politics” would not be permitted and that the BJP leadership wanted the transition of power to appear “peaceful and constitutional” rather than coercive.

These public statements came amid mounting reports of TMC offices being vandalised, occupied or rebranded with BJP flags in districts including North 24 Parganas, Purulia, Durgapur and parts of north Bengal.

In certain areas, local BJP leaders reportedly intervened directly after criticism over forcible takeovers intensified. According to The Telegraph and regional Bengali media reports, BJP leaders in Balurghat and Raiganj allegedly ordered party workers to remove saffron flags that had been placed on occupied TMC offices following the election results. In some cases, local BJP representatives reportedly returned office keys or vacated premises after allegations emerged that local cadres had seized party offices during victory celebrations.

Media reports suggested that these interventions were partly aimed at countering the growing perception that the post-election transition was becoming associated with retaliatory street-level assertion rather than orderly democratic change. At the same time, the incidents exposed an important contradiction within the BJP’s position in Bengal. While the party’s senior leadership sought to frame the election result as a democratic mandate for governance change and institutional restructuring, reports from several districts suggested that sections of the grassroots cadre viewed the victory in territorial terms — as an opportunity to visibly assert control over neighbourhoods, local offices and political spaces long dominated by the TMC.

This tension was visible in multiple reports:

• senior leaders publicly appealed for calm,
• while local clashes and office occupations continued in some districts;
• party spokespersons denied organised involvement in attacks,
• even as videos circulated showing groups carrying BJP flags during incidents of vandalism and intimidation.

The BJP, however, also argued that many incidents were either exaggerated by political opponents or falsely attributed to its supporters. Some BJP leaders claimed that local factional conflicts within the TMC were being portrayed as post-poll attacks by BJP workers.

This gap between official messaging and local political behaviour is not unique to the BJP. Similar contradictions have historically appeared under previous ruling formations in Bengal as well.

During earlier political transitions — including the rise of the Trinamool Congress after the decline of the Left Front — allegations similarly emerged that grassroots workers interpreted electoral victory as territorial control over local institutions and neighbourhood political structures.

What makes the present situation politically significant is that such contradictions shape how democratic transition is experienced at the ground level. For party leaderships, elections may represent constitutional transfer of power. But for local workers and residents in politically polarised areas, the transition is often experienced more immediately through:

• control over party offices,
• neighbourhood processions,
• intimidation campaigns,
• symbolic displays of dominance,
• and the visible assertion of who now controls the locality.

It is within this localised political culture that post-poll violence in Bengal repeatedly acquires both symbolic and coercive significance.

Bengal’s long history of post-poll violence

The present violence is not an aberration in Bengal’s political history. Rather, it fits into a long-standing pattern that has persisted across changing governments and ideological regimes. Political scientists have frequently described Bengal as a “party society” — a system where political affiliation becomes deeply intertwined with:

• welfare access,
• employment opportunities,
• local protection,
• social legitimacy,
• dispute resolution,
• and institutional access.

Under such conditions, elections become contests not merely over governance but over control of local life itself.

During the Left Front era, allegations of cadre violence, suppression of opposition and territorial domination were widespread in several districts. When the TMC came to power in 2011, many of the same accusations resurfaced against the new ruling establishment.

The 2018 panchayat elections witnessed extensive reports of intimidation and clashes.
The aftermath of the 2021 Assembly elections similarly saw widespread allegations of revenge attacks and political killings.

Data cited from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) indicated that the 2021 election period witnessed approximately 300 violent incidents and dozens of deaths. This continuity is important because it suggests that Bengal’s post-poll violence is structural rather than episodic.

Democracy under strain

The 2026 election should have been remembered primarily as a major democratic transition in Indian politics. Instead, its immediate aftermath has once again raised serious questions about the normalisation of political violence in Bengal.

Across districts today, the visible consequences remain stark:

• vandalised offices,
• grieving families,
• displaced workers,
• frightened residents,
• communal anxieties,
• aggressive digital propaganda,
• and a deeply polarised atmosphere where truth itself has become contested.

The violence has also demonstrated how quickly misinformation can intensify already fragile conditions. Viral videos, partisan narratives and fabricated claims did not merely accompany the unrest — they became active participants in it. At its core, the crisis reflects a deeper democratic problem.

When elections become associated with fear, retaliation and territorial coercion, the distinction between democratic competition and political domination begins to blur. West Bengal has now witnessed this pattern under multiple political dispensations. The central question therefore extends beyond which party currently governs the state. It is whether Bengal’s political culture can eventually move beyond a cycle in which every major electoral transition risks producing violence, intimidation and social fragmentation.

Related:

As lynchings “normalise” in ‘New India, a Bihar imam is ‘thrashed, pushed’ from train to die in Bareilly

From FIRs to “Corporate Jihad”: How the TCS Nashik case was transformed from an investigation into a communal narrative

Fractured Fault lines: Violence, governance gaps, and rising tensions across Odisha

Censorship and the Drumbeats of Hate: Mapping the state of free speech ahead of the 2026 polls

The post Bengal after the Ballot: Fear, retaliation and the politics of territorial power appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Declaring on March 31, 2026, that the Maoist insurgency in central India had been defeated after six decades, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced the redeployment of battle-hardened Central Armed Police Forces from Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Odisha, promising to end insurgency in the hills before the 2029 general elections.

Shah described the period since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014 as a golden era for internal security, covering Kashmir and the north-east alongside the defeat of left-wing extremism.

Shah has not indicated how he intends to help the Manipur government resolve the crisis that continues to grip the state, where more than 260 people were killed, mostly Christian Kuki-Zo, over 300 churches and some 10,000 houses destroyed, and a lakh of persons displaced. Around 60,000 shelter in churches and private refuges in the hills where the Kuki-Zo have lived for generations; several hundred others are scattered across Delhi, Bangalore, Shillong and Guwahati as migrant workers.

The violence began on May 3, 2023, in the Meitei-dominated valley with arson and sexual assault. Political groups loyal to then Chief Minister Biren Singh paraded through the streets alongside police as naked women, just raped, were forced to walk in public view.

Singh, compelled to resign on February 9, 2025, has not reconciled to his removal and is considered still capable of manipulating volatile public opinion; he is also allegedly in the know of the drug economy that underpins instability in this border state.

For the Kuki-Zo still in relief camps or rented accommodation in Delhi, Bangalore, Shillong and Guwahati — dispossessed, un-rehabilitated, watching the third anniversary of their ethnic cleansing pass with no arrest for rape or murder — the prospect of more boots in Manipur carries a particular, bitter meaning.

More than 270 lives have been lost since May 3, 2023, including several central and state force personnel. Not one person has been convicted.

The CRPF, the force being redeployed from Chhattisgarh, is the same force that on April 7, 2026, fired on civilian protesters in Bishnupur district, killing three. More men and weapons — without accountability, without justice, without rehabilitation — is not a peace plan.

The immediate political crisis is in Imphal. COCOMI, the most powerful Meitei civil society umbrella body, announced in mid-April a complete boycott of the BJP in Manipur, appealing to the public to refuse to participate in any party activities and demanding a statement from Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh on his government’s failure to protect civilians.

On April 25, after a statewide shutdown and processions from multiple Imphal neighbourhoods, a COCOMI delegation submitted a seven-point memorandum, warning: “We will not be submitting a memorandum anymore after this.”

The seven demands — abrogating the Suspension of Operations agreement with Kuki-Zo armed groups, updating the National Register of Citizens, securing accountability for killings since May 2023, ending narco-terrorism, and ensuring accountability for the Tronglaobi deaths — reflect Meitei political grievances.

What the Meitei group is pressing for is not justice for Kuki-Zo rape survivors but the elimination of Kuki underground groups and the exclusion of alleged illegal immigrants from Myanmar who are kin tribes of the Kuki-Zo.

The two communities’ definitions of justice are irreconcilable without political mediation that has yet to arrive. A Kuki-Zo political bloc of ten MLAs — seven of them BJP members — has said it will not re-enter government without written commitments on a separate administration.

For 864 days after violence began, Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not visit Manipur, speaking of the crisis for the first time only on July 20, 2023, more than two months after it erupted.

He finally visited on September 13, 2025 — a three-hour trip to Churachandpur, headquarters of the Kuki region, and Imphal. He promised housing for internally displaced persons without specifying location or timeline, since the return of Kuki tribals to the valley depends on talks that remain inconclusive.

Congress general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra responded: “It is unfortunate that he allowed this to go on for so long, with so many killed and so much strife, before deciding to visit. That has not been the tradition of Prime Ministers in India.”

The government officially confirmed 58,821 displaced persons in 174 relief camps, 7,894 permanent houses destroyed and 2,646 partially destroyed. It had promised all displaced would return home by March 31, 2026.

That deadline passed without a single return. The Kuki-Zo cannot return to the Imphal valley — their homes no longer exist or are occupied by others. National highways between the hills and the valley function, in effect, as ethnic frontlines, with members of both communities unable to cross safely into each other’s areas.

Human rights defender Babloo Loitongbam, himself a Meitei who faced assault and threats for speaking out, stated: “Thousands are still unable to return home — not by choice, but due to ongoing fear and insecurity. Numerous homes have been destroyed, while others remain occupied by vigilante groups, making return impossible without proper state intervention and guarantees of safety.”

Amnesty International India’s chair Aakar Patel said in May 2025: “It is unacceptable that the Indian government has failed to address the humanitarian needs and implement a rehabilitation policy for displaced communities who remain in relief camps two years since the ethnic violence began. This inaction has left tens of thousands in limbo, forced to endure life in inhumane conditions with no end in sight.”

The thousands of Kuki-Zo in Delhi, Shillong and Bangalore receive no official recognition as internally displaced persons and have no status under any central government scheme. Their children are enrolled wherever schools will accept them; their elders are dying far from their ancestral villages. The Kuki Students’ Organisation, Delhi and NCR, has functioned as a government in exile — maintaining documentation, filing petitions, holding vigils at the Constitution Club — with no other institution stepping forward for them.

The single most damning fact, at the start of the fourth year, is that no one has been convicted for any act of violence, murder, rape or arson committed since May 3, 2023.

The Supreme Court expressed shock at the fourteen-day delay in registering a Zero FIR for two women stripped, paraded naked and gang-raped by a mob whose perpetrators were clearly visible in a viral video circulated in July 2023.

One of those survivors, aged eighteen at the time of the assault, spent nearly three years moving between hospital wards in Guwahati. She died on January 10, 2026, aged approximately twenty, from injuries sustained during the violence.

Aakar Patel said: “This woman’s death is a devastating indictment of the Indian state’s continuing failure to deliver timely justice to survivors of sexual violence.” Committee on Tribal Unity spokesman Ng. Lun Kipgen noted: “Our brave girl survived the violence, but not the silence.” No perpetrator has been arrested. No senior police officer has faced disciplinary proceedings for the delay in filing the FIR or for failing to pursue the investigation.

The Wire’s investigative correspondent Greeshma Kuthar stated: “The Arambai Tenggol led mobs to Kuki-Zo villages that were burnt down, killed people and slaughtered them. There are FIRs naming them as accused in sexual assault of Kuki-Zo women. There are viral videos of their members beheading people — with no consequences.” No Arambai Tenggol leader has been arrested. Neither the central government nor Manipur state officials condemned the group’s violence.

The PUCL Independent People’s Tribunal, chaired by former Supreme Court judge Justice Kurian Joseph, released its report in August 2025 after taking testimony across Manipur and Delhi over more than a year. It documented survivors’ deep-rooted belief that the state either allowed the violence to happen or actively participated in it.

Many deponents attributed the killings to the political and administrative decisions of former Chief Minister Biren Singh. The jury recorded its disturbance at the brutality — people killed, butchered, tortured, dismembered, disrobed and sexually assaulted in public, their suffering then displayed on social media.

Audio evidence submitted to the court suggested that Singh had prior knowledge of the village attacks. The government’s own Commission of Inquiry, headed by former Guwahati High Court Chief Justice Ajai Lamba (he resigned and was replaced by retired Supreme Court judge Balbir Singh Chauhan as chair in February 2026), has had its mandate extended multiple times and now runs to May 2026.

The Supreme Court’s observation of an “absolute breakdown of law and order,” its shock at police delays in registering FIRs for sexual violence, and its orders transferring certain cases to the CBI produced documentation but not accountability.

The International Crisis Group, in its February 2025 report, called on New Delhi to urgently address the Kuki-Zo demand for a separate administration, noting that the constitutional precedent already exists in the autonomous district councils of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. That call has not been answered.

More CRPF battalions were present in Manipur on May 3, 2023, than in most Indian states. They did not stop the burning of churches in Churachandpur. They did not prevent the looting of police armouries. By October 2023, an estimated 6,000 weapons and 600,000 rounds of ammunition had been seized, along with mortars, grenades and police uniforms, of which only approximately a quarter had been recovered. They did not arrest Arambai Tenggol commanders. On April 7, 2026, they fired on Meitei protesters in Bishnupur, killing three. Armed force, without political will or accountability structures, does not resolve ethnic conflict.

Benjamin Mate, chairman of the Kuki Organisation for Human Rights Trust, has stated what justice requires: “The Government of India must appoint an independent commission to thoroughly investigate the role of senior officials, state bureaucrats, police officials and armed groups during the ethnic violence. Accountability is essential, and only through a transparent and impartial inquiry can justice be delivered to the victims. By consistently failing to hold those suspected of serious human rights violations accountable, the government risks signalling that impunity will persist — ultimately paving the way for further abuses.”

Courtesy: India Currents

The post Manipur Year 4: Guns Without Justice appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Police said Mohammed Arif, 25, and Syed Imran, 31, were allegedly attacked while they were out for a walk. Deputy police superintendent Madolappa said five suspects were arrested in connection with the assault. “The accused were reportedly under the influence of alcohol,” Madolappa said. Names of the accused have not been released by the authorities.

Unfortunately, the news reports are based only on police sources. HT reports that the police said the incident took communal colour as the Muslim community alleged it was a targeted attack. They cited the complaint filed in the case and said that six to seven assailants made death threats and attacked Arif and Imran with stones, causing head injuries.

Further, the newspaper also reported that the police stated that tensions escalated when protesters gathered outside the station. Some protesters allegedly attacked police personnel, including assistant sub-inspector Mukhtar Patel, and threw stones. “Another case has been registered against 49 Muslim community members for attempting to lay siege to the police station, assaulting Patel, other police staff, and throwing stones,” Madolappa said.

Though the situation was reportedly brought under control thereafter, the original assault on teachers who happened to be Muslim and the motive of the attackers remains a mystery, unreported.

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The post Bidar, Karnataka: Two school teachers assaulted in Karnataka’s Bidar, triggering communal tensions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The victim has been identified as Mayanglambam Rishikanta Singh (31), a resident of Kakching Khunou in Meitei-majority Kakching district. Singh was abducted along with his wife, Chingnu Haokip, who belongs to the Kuki-Zo community, from her home in the Tuibong area of Churachandpur on Wednesday evening, according to The Indian Express.

Abduction and killing

Police officials told The Telegraph that three to four armed men, reportedly masked, arrived at the couple’s residence in an SUV around 7–7.30 pm. The couple was forcibly taken away towards the Natjang (or Nathjang) area, located about 25–30 minutes from Tuibong, within the same district.

While Haokip was later released—reportedly pushed out of the moving vehicle—the assailants drove Singh further and shot him dead. His body was recovered by police around 10.30 pm, and was later taken to the district hospital morgue in the early hours of Thursday, officials said.

A suo motu case has been registered, and investigations are ongoing.

Video sparks outrage

A video that surfaced on social media late Wednesday night shows a man sitting on the ground in near darkness, pleading with folded hands before individuals who remain off-camera. Moments later, a burst of gunfire is heard, after which the man collapses. The video reportedly carried the chilling message “No peace, no popular government”, a reference to ongoing efforts to restore an elected government in Manipur (The Hindu, Scroll).

According to The Hindu, the clip was initially circulated on WhatsApp from an IP address traced to Guwahati, though the circumstances of its recording and dissemination remain under investigation.

Identity and background

Singh had married Haokip in 2022, before the outbreak of ethnic violence in Manipur in May 2023. After marriage, he reportedly adopted the tribal name Ginminthang. Family members and local sources told The Indian Express that the couple had faced social ostracisation from both sides and were living separately for extended periods.

Singh had been working in Nepal under a contractor and returned to Manipur on January 19, just three days before the killing. He had been staying at his wife’s home in Churachandpur since December 19, local police officials said.

Some reports suggested that local Kuki groups had allowed him to stay, though the Kuki National Organisation (KNO)—an umbrella body of Kuki militant groups under a Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement—has categorically denied granting any such permission or having any involvement in the incident, as reported by The Hindu.

Suspected militant involvement

While no group has officially claimed responsibility, security agencies suspect the involvement of the United Kuki National Army (UKNA)—also referred to as UNKA—a militant outfit that is not a signatory to the SoO agreement with the Centre and the Manipur government, according to The Indian Express.

Senior security officials quoted by The Indian Express described the killing as a “political execution”, aimed at destabilising the situation and derailing efforts to restore a popular government in the state. However, police have stressed that these claims remain under investigation, and no conclusive attribution has yet been made.

Protests and political fallout

The killing triggered protests in Kakching district, where family members and local residents blocked roads, burnt tyres, and staged sit-ins at Khunou Bazar and along the Imphal–Sugnu road, as per the report of The Telegraph. Demonstrations were also reported from parts of Imphal East district, with Meitei organisations condemning the murder and questioning the effectiveness of central forces despite heavy deployment.

The Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity and the Meitei Heritage Society described the killing as a “cold-blooded execution of a Meitei civilian” and demanded swift accountability.

Late Thursday night, the Manipur government handed over the investigation to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), Governor Ajay Kumar Bhalla announced. In an official statement, the Governor expressed deep sorrow over Singh’s death, extended condolences to the family, and said intensive combing operations involving state and central forces had been launched “on a war footing” to apprehend those responsible.

Broader context of violence

The killing comes at a sensitive political moment. Manipur has been under President’s Rule since February 2025, following the resignation of then Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The President’s Rule is set to expire on February 13, and the Centre has been exploring possibilities of forming a popular government.

Since ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023, clashes between Meitei and Kuki-Zo-Hmar communities have left over 260 people dead and displaced more than 60,000, making it virtually impossible for members of the two communities to safely enter each other’s areas. For mixed Meitei–Kuki-Zo couples, living together or even visiting family has remained fraught with danger.

Dear of Gang Rape Survivor

The lingering fallout and tragedy that continues in Manipur since the outbreak of targeted mass crimes in May 2023 was also reflected in the tragic death of a 20-year-old Kuki woman who was gang-raped in Manipur in May 2023. She dies, it is reported on January 10, of a prolonged illness linked to her injuries, Newslaundry reported on Saturday, January 17. Her family said she never fully recovered from the physical and psychological trauma of the assault.

Parallel protests by Kuki women

Separately, on January 22, hundreds of Kuki-Zomi women staged a sit-in protest at Tuibong in Churachandpur, demanding the Prime Minister’s intervention for justice in cases of sexual violence and killings of Kuki-Zomi women during the Manipur crisis, as per The Hindu.

The demonstration, organised by the Kuki Women Organisation for Human Rights (KWOHR) and the women’s wing of the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), followed the death of a Kuki woman who allegedly succumbed to trauma-related illness after being gang-raped during the early phase of violence in May 2023.

In a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister, the groups alleged that at least 29 Kuki-Zomi women were killed between May 2023 and November 2024, and demanded time-bound investigations, prosecution of perpetrators, recognition of the crimes as crimes against humanity, witness protection, compensation, and long-term rehabilitation.

A fragile and divided state

As Manipur remains deeply divided along ethnic lines, the killing of Mayanglambam Rishikanta Singh—and the disturbing manner in which it was carried out—has once again exposed the fragile security situation in the state, raising serious questions about civilian safety, militant activity, and the prospects of political normalcy returning anytime soon, even as the State remains under President’s rule.

Related:

Manipur gang-rape survivor dies without justice, three years after 2023 ethnic violence

Broken State, Divided People: PUCL releases report of Independent People’s Tribunal on Manipur

Manipur Violence: Two years down, health rights activists demand restoration and spread of essential services all over state

Manipur tensions escalate over free movement policy: Kuki-Zo resistance and government crackdown

The post Abducted While Visiting Wife, Killed on Camera: Manipur’s fragile peace shatters again appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There has been outrage at official complicity and silence, that no FIR was filed for days after the attack. Social media Zindabad. CM Pushkar Dhani (BJP) called Anjel Chakma’s father and publicised the conversation on X. There has been outrage at the prevalent concealment of the crime itself till it resulted in death. Yet, Dehradun’s Senior Superintendent of Police, Ajai Singh has been quick to state on Monday, December 22 that “there is no evidence, prima facie, of racial attack.” The clear lapses and subsequent outrage include a three-day delay in registering the First Information Report (FIR), the refusal by the Selakui police station personnel to register the complaint on multiple occasions, the failure of the police to invoke appropriate sections of the law at the initial stage, and attempts by senior police officials to dilute the crime by portraying it as a fight while ignoring elements of racial abuse.

But should not we, as Indians, ask ourselves, if we are not inherently racist, casteist and communal? Students or professionals, Delhi, Kolkatta, Degradun, Bengaluru, Chennai or Mumbai, who hail from any of the seven states in the north-east face, have faced and have always faced attacks, ostracisation and slurs. I can give examples from the 1980s from the university of Mumbai, 32 years later from 2012, when 3,000 migrant and gig workers tried to flee Chennai, Benagluru and Pune over threats and attacks. Or in between before and after. When this inherent othering was seen in brute communal attacks, first against groups, then against individuals. Muslims, Sikhs, Christians. The civilizationally sanctioned othering of our Dalits, the everyday rape and killings of Dalit women is a reality that crept on to news pages only after the 1990s somehow. Though it has existed forever. Angel Chakma’s brute killing is no worse than Mohammad Aklaq’s (Dadri, 2015) or Surekha and Priyanka Bhotmage (Khairlanji, 2006). Listing or mapping these could run like a gruesome litany, Indian calendar of hate.

Such manifest attacks after humiliation, (1980s, 2006, 2012) however elicited a seminally different response from officialdom. Or mostly. Things were attempted to be brought back on track by an overall adherence to the “rule of law” and “principles of equality and non-discrimination underlined in the Indian Constitution.” Despite gross lapses (Nellie 1983, Delhi, Kanpur 1984, Bombay 1992-1993, Gujarat 2002) in official response the veneer that society accepted or adopted was one worn by the state. A clear and conscience driven adherence to the Indian Constitution. Even if substantive justice or reparation was never quite done. We were, until 2014, a constitutional republic in the shaping and making.

Something sharply changed then, however.

No regime or administration –until 2014 –was headed by outliers who brazenly signalled to cops and officials that “those who are violent” can be identified by “their clothes” or attire. Those holding constitutional posts did not legitimise terms that slur or stigmatise particular groups or communities. Today this is par for the course. We did not have heads of state(s) that proudly espoused sectarian divide and privilege. It is this, the prevalent and dominant a politics ideologically powered on stratification and othering that has brought out the worst in us.

There are enough of us Indians who are civilizationally brutalized into othering that welcome the prevailing, politically endorsed politics of hate and violence that results in Anjel’s tragic demise. Enough in the populace to cheer the hate-leaders on. Even as those very institutions of constitutional governance, naively constructed to act as check on the executive running awry, fail us, fail India seminally.

As 2026 beckons, the rest of us Indians face a stark challenge. To meet this mob cheering hate cheerleaders, head on. To demonstrate, creatively with numbers that there are enough –and more– on our side too. Scared, scattered, maybe. Those that have forever battled stratification and divide from centuries back. Reclaim our homes, streets, schools, neighbourhoods. Do this with stories, songs, protests, meetings, marches. On beaches, parks and highways. Never mind if the panchayats, assemblies, parliament take a while. To ensure not just that we have no Anjels, no  Priyanka, no Junaids whose lives are taken before they have begun to really live. And to most of all break the shackles of all imprisonments free.

Related:

Peaceful street protest in Mumbai condemns Christmas-time attacks on Christians across India

Not Merry, Not Free: What the attacks on Christmas say about India’s shrinking pluralism

Jharkhand: Another case of mob lynching of Muslim man

Rising Menace: Mob lynchings escalate as vulnerable Muslims and minors face grave danger

The post Racist, casteist and communal, when will we as Indians reclaim that lost charade of constitutional decency? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ramnarayan Baghel, 31, was a resident of Champa district in Chhattisgarh and had travelled to Kerala on December 13. He was lynched in Attappallam village after being suspected of theft.

In a video of the incident circulating on social media, the assailants can be heard asking Baghel: “Are you a Bangladeshi?” reported The Indian Express.

In reaction, Kerala’s Local Self Government Minister MB Rajesh said that Baghel had been “attacked after being stigmatised as Bangladeshi”, the newspaper reported. Rajesh, who is a Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader from Palakkad, alleged that the assailants included RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) workers, who are facing criminal charges in other cases. The RSS has a high number of branches (shakhas) in Kerala and recently its political formation, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BBJP) made significant inroads in local elections, even winning Trivandrum (Thiruvanthapuram).

“The migrant worker who came in search of a job was tried (sic) and assaulted, accused of being a Bangladeshi,” Rajesh was quoted as saying by The Indian Express. “He is a victim of the racial hatred being spread by Sangh Parivar in the country.”

Following the killing, on last Thursday, the Kerala Police arrested five persons in the case and charged them with murder, according to the newspaper. Meanwhile, the victim, Baghel’s family refused to receive his body at the Thrissur Medical College Hospital on Sunday, reported The Hindu. They demanded compensation of Rs 25 lakh and for the state government to bear the cost of transporting the body to his village. On Monday, the Kerala government promised compensation of at least Rs 10 lakh to the family, reported The Indian Express.

Palakkad Superintendent of Police Ajith Kumar said that a Special Investigation Team, headed by the deputy superintendent, has been formed to probe the case. He added that the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Prevention of Atrocities Act will be included against the persons accused in the matter.

Related:

A Decade after Bisada: Why Uttar Pradesh’s attempt to drop the Akhlaq lynching case defies law and constitution

India’s ‘tradition’ and ‘culture’ of lynching

CJP flags 8 incidents of hate crime including lynchings to National Commission for Minorities

The post Kerala Lynching: Migrant worker lynched in Palakkad a ‘victim of Sangh Parivar’s hate politics’ says state government appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Guardian reported the New South Wales Police stating the attack happened as hundreds gathered to mark the first day of Hanukkah and has been declared a terrorist incident. The victims include an Israeli citizen, according to Israel’s foreign ministry. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the national security committee was convened urgently following the attack. The attack occurred around 6:45 pm local time at Bondi Beach during a Hanukkah celebration attended by around 1,000 people.

“There has been a devastating terrorist incident at Bondi at the Hanukkah by the sea celebration. This is a targeted attack on Jewish Australians on the first day of Hanukkah, which should be a day of joy, a celebration of faith, an act of evil, anti-Semitism, terrorism that has struck the heart of our nation,” he said.

“An attack on Jewish Australians is an attack on every Australian and every Australian. There is no place for this hate, violence and terrorism in our nation. Let me be clear we will eradicate it,” he added.

A bystander fruit-seller emerges international hero

A bystander seen in a widely circulated video disarming a gunman during a deadly shooting rampage at a popular Australian beach has been widely heralded as a hero who saved lives. CCTV Video footage posted on social media shows a burly passer-by clad in a white T-shirt and dark pants crouching behind a parked car before sneaking up behind a gunman, grabbing him and wrestling away his firearm. The bystander then points the weapon at the gunman, who falls to the ground.

Identified by 7News as 43 year-old Ahmed al-Ahmed, a bystander fruit-seller, he suffered two bullet injuries from one of the terror attackers; he is the father of two and owner of a fruit shop in Sydney.

This extraordinarily brave act has drawn wide praise and acclaim including from religious political leaders alike. What is crucial is that the Australian media and international media have played up this heroic intervention that came from a resident Muslim. Central Synagogue rabbi Levi Wolff reported The Guardian said he is ‘grateful’ for those who aided victims of Sunday’s Bondi beach shooting attack, including a bystander who wrestled a firearm off one of the alleged gunmen. Praised as a hero, he is being identified by some media as a 43-year-old fruit shop owner from the Sutherland Shire. He suffered two bullet wounds, in his arm and in his hand, one of his relatives told Seven News outside a hospital. This brave intervention drew wide praise, including from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. New South Wales Premier Chris Minns called it the “most unbelievable scene.” “A man walking up to a gunman who had fired on the community and single-handedly disarming him, putting his own life at risk to save the lives of countless other people,” Minns said. “That man is a genuine hero.”

Speaking from the White House on Sunday, even US President Donald Trump called Ahmed a “very, very brave person” who “saved a lot of lives.” Trump offered “great respect to that man that did that.”

Extraordinary courage from Ahmed El Ahmad, a Muslim, 43-year-old father of two, who bravely risked his life to save his neighbors celebrating Hanukkah.
Praying for his full & speedy recovery.

And so deeply inspired by his example. pic.twitter.com/HTeLRTlbFV

— Brad Lander (@bradlander) December 14, 2025

Unlike international media, Indian national media, including newspapers played up the gun attack on Bondi Beach; Only NDTV and the Week carried mention of the citizen hero, fruit-seller!

From the Bloody Scene at Bondi Beach

Arsen Ostrovsky, a lawyer attending the Hanukkah ceremony with his wife and daughters, was grazed in the head by a bullet. Ostrovsky told the media that he had moved from Israel to Australia two weeks ago to work for a Jewish advocacy group.

“What I saw today was pure evil, just an absolute bloodbath. Bodies strewn everywhere,” he told The Associated Press in an email from the hospital. “I never thought would be possible here in Australia.”

Lachlan Moran, 32, from Melbourne, told the AP he was waiting for his family when he heard shots. “I sprinted as quickly as I could,” Moran said. He said he heard shooting off and on for about five minutes. “Everyone just dropped all their possessions and everything and were running and people were crying and it was just horrible.”

Anti-semitic attacks have risen in Australia

Albanese vowed the violence would be met with “a moment of national unity where Australians across the board will embrace their fellow Australians of Jewish faith.” Some of his political opponents and Israel’s government accused him of not having done enough to prevent such a horror.

Australia, a country of 28 million people, is home to about 117,000 Jews, according to official figures. Antisemitic incidents, including assaults, vandalism, threats and intimidation, surged more than threefold in the country during the year after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and Israel launched a war on Hamas in Gaza in response, the government’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Jillian Segal reported in July.

Father and son duo alleged to be behind shooting using licensed firearms

Naveed Akram previously known to security agencies, prime minister says. His gun-owning father, Sajid, was shot dead by police at the scene said The Guardian adding that the alleged gunmen behind Sydney’ Bondi beach attack are a father-son duo suspected of using legally obtained firearms to commit the massacre, according to police.

Naveed Akram, 24, was nabbed at the scene itself and taken to a Sydney hospital with critical injuries. His 50-year-old father, who the Sydney Morning Herald first reported to be Sajid Akram, was shot dead by police. The two allegedly killed 15 people, with dozens more injured in the shootings which took place on Sunday, during a gathering to celebrate the first night of Hanukah.

According to reports, the son was known to New South Wales police and security agencies, while his father had a firearms licence with six weapons registered to him. All six firearms have been recovered, police said. Four of these weapons, long arms believed to include a rifle and shotgun, were seized at the scene in Bondi, with other weapons also found during a police raid at a house in Campsie, in Sydney’s south-west. As per a report in The Guardian.

Reportedly, Naveed Akram, who worked as a bricklayer, came under the attention of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (Asio) in October 2019, according to the prime minister, Anthony Albanese. He was examined for six months because of his alleged associations with others, with the ABC reporting claims that the counter-terror investigation involved an Islamic State cell. “[Naveed Akram] was examined on the basis of being associated with others and the assessment was made that there was no indication of any ongoing threat or threat of him engaging in violence,” Albanese said. Sajid had held a Category AB firearm licence, police said. This is a licence which requires a person to demonstrate to police they have a “special need” for certain weapons, which can include muzzle-loading firearms (other than pistols); centre-fire rifles (other than self-loading); and shotgun/centre-fire rifle combinations.

The home affairs minister, Tony Burke, said Naveed is an Australian-born citizen. His father had arrived in Australia on a student visa in 1998, transferred in 2001 to a partner visa and had since been on resident return visas.

The NSW police commissioner, Mal Lanyon, said the two men had lived at another house in Bonnyrigg, in the city’s west, which was also raided on Sunday night after the attack. He said there was nothing “to indicate that either of the men involved in yesterday’s attack was planning the attack”, and confirmed the older man had held a gun licence for a decade.

Lanyon refused to react or comment on reports claiming a manifesto or black Islamic State flag were found in the car driven to the scene by the alleged attackers. Instead of reducing the discourse to jingoistic Islamophobia, the North South Wales (NSW premier), Chris Minns, said there would “almost certainly” be changes to gun laws, and police were investigating whether there had been a failure of their systems in relation to how licensed weapons could have been used in a terror attack.

Attacker, a hard worker who enjoyed boxing?

Media reports also stated that, until recently, Naveed Akram had been working as a bricklayer. His employer then stated that he had taken him as an apprentice six years ago, describing him as a hard worker who never had time off. However, a few of months ago, he said Naveed reported that he’d broken his wrist while boxing, and would not be able to work again until 2026.

“He asked for all his entitlements paid up, annual leave and everything, but a lot of guys do that at end of year anyway,” said the employer, who did not wish to be named. He commented, “Now you can’t help but think, him getting all his money out, what’s he going to spend it on.”

He did not know Naveed well, saying he had employed dozens of people at the same time, but he was considered a quiet person. “In bricklaying, you work closely as a team on site, but he didn’t associate with anyone else out of hours … he’d have lunch himself, not with anyone else,” he said.

He said he knew Naveed came “from a Muslim background”, but Naveed did not speak much about religion at work. He said some employees had told him that Naveed’s parents had separated and that he closer to his father. He also contested claims that Naveed had lost his job, saying that he had wanted him to return to work, despite his wrist injury.

“He had been doing some boxing outside of hours … he said the doctor told him have a couple of months off,” the employer said. “I asked if he could come back a bit sooner … being a good worker and everything, I thought, fuck, I don’t want to lose this guy. “As a bricklayer, [I] could not fault him; his work was good. He was a good employee, as far as that goes.” Another bricklayer described Naveed as a strange colleague but a hard worker who had an interest in hunting. “No one was close to him,” said the former colleague, who did not wish to be named.

Although authorities have not said the son was a licensed firearms holder, the colleague claimed he hunted regularly, and spoke about shooting rabbits and other game around Crookwell, in the state’s southern tablelands. They worked across Sydney, with the last job in which he saw Naveed on a site in Penrith.

There has also been unconfirmed claims that Naveed was a member of a hunting club, after images emerged of what appears to be a membership card said to have been found in his wallet. However, these reports are unconfirmed.

Shortly after the attack, an old photo of Naveed originally posted by Sheikh Adam Ismail, the head of Al-Murad Institute, went viral. Ismail distanced himself from the man, telling Guardian Australia he hadn’t seen him since 2022. “As I’ve done with 1,000s of students over the years, I’ve taught him Qur’an recitation and Arabic only for a combined period of one year,” he said. Ismail said he was deeply saddened by what had occurred, and gave his condolences to the victims and Jewish community.

“[The] Qur’an … clearly states that taking one innocent life is like killing all of humanity. This makes it clear that what unfolded yesterday at Bondi is completely forbidden in Islam.”

At Bonnyrigg, reporters and police were gathered outside the home that remained cordoned off with blue tape on Monday morning. Two police cars were parked out the front. At around noon, three people returned to the house, which is owned by Naveed’s mother. A young man, and two women, who held paper over their heads to shield themselves from being filmed, exited a car and walked into the home.

Last year, the country was rocked by anti-Semitic attacks in Sydney and Melbourne. Synagogues and cars were torched, businesses and homes sprayed with graffiti and Jews attacked in those cities, where 85% of the nation’s Jewish population lives.

Albanese in August blamed Iran for two of the attacks and cut diplomatic ties to Tehran.

Israel urged Australia’s government to address crimes targeting Jews. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he warned Australia’s leader’s months ago about the dangers of failing to take action against antisemitism. He claimed Australia’s decision — in line with scores of other countries — to recognize a Palestinian state “pours fuel on the anti-Semitic fire.”

“Your government did nothing to stop the spread of anti-Semitism in Australia … and the result is the horrific attacks on Jews we saw today,” Netanyahu said.

Police will investigate what happened

Authorities were not looking for anyone else in connection with the massacre, said Lanyon. Police pledged a “thorough” investigation, he added. Further inquiries are likely to be announced.

Two improvised explosive devices were found at the scene. Bomb disposal experts rendered them safe. Lanyon described them as “rudimentary” devices that would have been detonated by a wick rather than a phone or electronically.

Australia rarely has mass shooting deaths

Minns said there would “almost certainly” be gun law changes after the massacre. The 50-year-old gunman who was shot dead was found to have six firearms when law enforcement raided the property where he’d been staying, police said. Questions about how he was able to acquire them gathered pace on Monday, in part because mass shootings in Australia are extremely rare. A 1996 massacre in the Tasmanian town of Port Arthur, where a lone gunman killed 35 people, prompted the government to drastically tighten gun laws, making it much more difficult to acquire firearms.

Significant mass shootings this century included two murder-suicides with death tolls of five people in 2014 and seven in 2018, in which gunmen killed their own families and themselves. In 2022, six people were killed in a shootout between police and Christian extremists at a rural property in Queensland State. Reported AP News.

World leaders express shock and grief

After the massacre, messages flooded in from leaders around the world. King Charles III said he and Queen Camilla were “appalled and saddened by the most dreadful anti-Semitic terrorist attack.” United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres said on X he was horrified, and his “heart is with the Jewish community worldwide.”

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a post on X: “The United States strongly condemns the terrorist attack in Australia targeting a Jewish celebration. Anti-Semitism has no place in this world.”

Who Is Ahmed Al Ahmed, The Heroic Bystander Who Disarmed Sydney Shooter?

Local outlet 7News identified the man as 43-year-old Ahmed al Ahmed, a fruit seller. The report said he suffered two gunshot wounds during the attack. Unitedly, Australians on Sunday praised a man described as a “hero” after his quick thinking during a mass shooting at Sydney’s Bondi Beach, the deadliest attack in the country in years. Footage shared widely on social media showed the unarmed man tackling one of the gunmen as shots were being fired at civilians, a move believed to have saved many lives. The 15-second video shows the man hiding behind parked cars before running towards the gunman from behind. He grabs him by the neck, pulls away his rifle and forces him to the ground, before pointing the weapon back at him.

The man was identified as 43-year-old Ahmed al Ahmed, a fruit seller. He reportedly suffered two gunshot wounds during the attack.

7News spoke to a man named Mustapha, who said he was Ahmed’s cousin. “He’s in hospital and we don’t know exactly what’s going on inside,” he said. “We do hope he will be fine. He’s a hero 100 per cent,” he added. Ahmed was due to undergo surgery later that night. He reportedly had no experience with guns and was simply walking past the area when he decided to step in.

Online, he was widely praised for his bravery and fast reaction. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese also described him as a “hero”.

The Week, India headlined their story thus, No, ‘Bondi Hero’ was not a Jew! Who is ‘brave Muslim’ Ahmed al Ahmed, the fruit seller who disarmed the shooter in Australia?

43-year-old Ahmed al Ahmed, a fruit seller by profession, was the brave soul who tackled one of the Bondi Beach gunmen from behind and took away the loaded gun, Australian authorities have confirmed. The video of a civilian risking his life to disarm one of the Bondi Beach shooters had taken the internet by storm. The man had become an instant internet sensation, winning hearts worldwide for his selfless act and unparalleled courage as he ambushed the gunman from behind and forcefully took the loaded gun from him.

The identity of the “Bondi Beach Hero” was debated for a while before he was officially identified by Australian authorities. Many on social media initially hailed him as a Jewish man who stepped up to protect his fellow citizens before Benjamin Netanyahu himself “saluted” the “brave Muslim man” who “stopped the terrorists from killing innocent” people.

Having lost one of his guns to Ahmed, the shooter was forced to join his companion on the bridge. As the attacker retreated, Ahmed wasted no time to place the gun against a tree and raise his hands to ensure the law enforcement didn’t mistake him for a villain, reports said.

He had no previous experience with firearms and was forced to intervene as his conscience didn’t let him walk away. Ahmed al Ahmed suffered bullet injuries in the incident and remains hospitalised, waiting for surgery. His kin reportedly told Australian press that they don’t know much about his condition apart from the fact that his surgery is scheduled for the night. Ahmed is native to Sydney’s Sutherland Shire.

Related:

Pahalgam Attack: Kashmir unites in heroic resilience amid terror attack, proving humanity’s strength against hate narrative

Muslims in Kashmir & across India strongly condemn Pahalgam terror attack

Hyderabad Muslims come together to form a human chain and condemn terror attacks in Sri Lanka

The post Australia, World express shock at Sydney’s Bondi Beach terror attack, toll rises to 16, Govt promises stricter gun laws appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Friday Night, October 3: The first clash

The unrest ignited around 1:30 a.m. on October 4, during the Durga idol immersion procession near Haathi Pokhari in the Dargha Bazar area, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood known for its tight-knit interfaith community, as per Times of India. Residents objected to the loud music and provocative slogans, including repeated chants of “Jai Shri Ram,” accompanying the procession heading towards the Kathajodi river, as reported by India Today. Traditionally this slogan has no place during Durga Puja and has been perceived to be linked to an aggressive majoritarianism.

Minor verbal disagreements quickly escalated into violence. Stones and glass bottles were hurled from rooftops, injuring at least six people, including Deputy Commissioner of Police Khilari Rishikesh Dnyandeo, ANI reported. Local grocer Mohammad Asif told reporters that while the initial scuffle had been contained, “all of them were drunk. We pacified both groups, but it later escalated”, as per Hindustan Times. Rumours of Hindu fatalities circulating in the aftermath further inflamed passions, setting the stage for larger-scale clashes.

Six police personnel were injured in the initial violence, and six individuals from both communities were arrested, NDTV report states. The situation cast a pall over the city, reviving memories of past curfews, notably the last major shutdown during the Mandal Commission protests in 1991, as noted by former MLA Pravat Tripathy, according to Moneycontrol.

Sunday, October 5: VHP rally and widespread violence

Tensions further escalated on Sunday evening, October 5, when the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) organised a large motorcycle rally—allegedly numbering over 2,000 participants on more than 1,000 bikes—to protest the earlier Dargha Bazar clashes, as per India Today. Authorities had denied permission for the rally, citing concerns over law and order, but the organizers proceeded, intending to pass through the sensitive Dargha Bazar area. The permission granted for the route of the VHP rally has been questioned by right-thinking citizens.

Initially, police allowed the rallyists to assemble near the area. However, once law enforcement attempted to redirect them, the rally escalated into rampage and vandalism. Protesters stormed a local mall, vandalized shops—including mutton stalls, food joints, and general stores—and torched roadside establishments. Stone-pelting and clashes with police followed, leaving 25 people injured, including eight police officers, according to Hindustan Times.

Videos circulating on social media before the internet suspension showed plumes of smoke rising over the narrow lanes of Dargha Bazar, with police in riot gear forming barricades amid screams and sirens, as per India Today.

Government Response: Curfew, internet suspension, and law enforcement measures

In the aftermath of Sunday’s violence, the Odisha government responded with stringent measures:

• A 36-hour curfew across 13 police station jurisdictions, including Dargha Bazar, Mangalabag, Cantonment, Purighat, Lal Bagh, Bidanasi, Markat Nagar, CDA Phase 2, Malgodam, Badambadi, Jagatpur, Bayalis Mouza, and Sadar (ANI).
• Internet and social media suspension from 7 p.m. on October 5 to 7 p.m. on October 6, covering the Cuttack Municipal Corporation, Cuttack Development Authority, and 42 adjacent Mauza areas, to prevent the spread of provocative content and rumours (NDTV).
• Continuous flag marches, drone surveillance, and enhanced patrolling across the city’s sensitive areas (PTI).

Additional Police Commissioner Narasingha Bhola confirmed that eight people had been arrested, with more under detention, and investigations involving CCTV and drone footage were ongoing, reported ANI. The authorities emphasised that arrests would follow “proper examination of evidence”.

Revenue Divisional Commissioner Guha Poonam Tapas Kumar issued a warning: “All people who have tried to take the law into their own hands will be booked… Anybody who has tried to damage the social fabric will be taken to task”, reported NDTV.

Monday, October 6: VHP bandh and a fragile peace

In response to the immersion violence, the VHP declared a 12-hour bandh on Monday, October 6. Under a heavy police presence, the bandh passed off peacefully, highlighting the effectiveness of the curfew and security measures, as reported by The Indian Express. Local officials noted that while the streets remained quiet, the city was grappling with fear and uncertainty, with residents reluctant to venture outdoors.

Mayor Subhas Singh underlined Cuttack’s “unique culture of Hindus and Muslims living as brothers for generations”, and called on all citizens to protect this communal harmony, as per NDTV. Cuttack MP Bhartruhari Mahatab, BJD Chief Naveen Patnaik, Congress MLA Sophia Firdous, and Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan issued repeated appeals for peace, stressing that rumours and inflammatory social media posts must be avoided, reported Hindustan Times.

ANI provided that several injured individuals from Friday and Sunday, including Pintu Mahar, Mukesh Mahar, Subhashree Jena, and Sankar Biswal, were treated and discharged, with the police clarifying that no fatalities had occurred.

Background: Communal sensitivities in Odisha

While Cuttack has historically been a model of interfaith coexistence, Odisha has witnessed a rise in communal tensions in recent years. Notable incidents include:

• Attacks on Christians and harassment of nuns (SabrangIndia)
• Clashes during processions in urban centres like Bhubaneswar, Sambalpur, and Cuttack (Deccan Herald).
• Property damage and arson during festivals, often exacerbated by rumours, demographic shifts, and political tensions (Hindustan Times).

The 2008 Kandhamal riots represent the most severe anti-Christian violence, but even post-2023, Hindu-Muslim tensions have increased. In 2024 alone, Odisha recorded an 84% rise in communal riots, resulting in 13 deaths, primarily among Muslims, Moneycontrol reported. The 2025 Cuttack disturbances underscore the vulnerabilities of religious processions in multi-religious urban settings. Small disputes—such as objections to music, slogans, or immersion routes—can quickly escalate if rumours or political mobilizations intervene.

Current Situation: Towards restoration of peace

As of October 7, Cuttack remains under curfew, and internet services have been extended to 7 p.m. on the same day, as per NDTV. Flag marches and intensive patrolling continue. Authorities have stressed that public cooperation is critical for restoring full normalcy.

Civil society leaders and residents expressed hope that Cuttack’s legacy of bhaichara (brotherhood) would be preserved through:

1. Strengthening law enforcement to prevent delayed or inadequate responses
2. Community engagement during festivals to foster trust and cooperation

1. Awareness campaigns to curb rumours and misinformation
2. Long-term measures addressing any fears of demographic shifts, economic inequalities, and resolving historical grievances

Related:

Institutional Murder in Odisha: A Student sets herself on fire to be heard

Bengali Migrant Workers Detained in Odisha: Calcutta High Court demands answers, seeks coordination between states

Bengali-Speaking Migrants Detained En Masse in Odisha: National security or targeted persecution?

From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report

Odisha: 6 Months in Power, ‘Double-Engine’ BJP Govt Looks Button-Holed

The post Cuttack plunged into chaos during Durga Puja, dozens injured as procession clashes spiral into violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.