The Haryana Vidhan Sabha election results have again highlighted the serious crisis in the Congress Party and the limitations of the regional kshatraps. Congress once ruled through regional kshatraps but that was the time when the central leadership was powerful and could ensure that states follow, without compromise, the basic ideological traits of the organisation. That was under Indira Gandhi who learned well to take India’s diversity along with her. Congress was the natural choice for not only the Brahmins but other powerful upper castes as well as Muslim minorities and Dalits.
Gradually, as the party tried to shift, slowly, the (soft) Hindutva line, it lost disastrously to the BJP whenever it tried to outdo the saffron juggernaut. The reason behind things not going well for the Congress, among many reasons, a key one is the role of state leaders considered as ‘kshatraps’ who are unable to look beyond their families and jaatis. None of these khsatraps can be termed as inclusive. Some went overboard on their ‘inclusiveness’ that they lost base of their own communities like Harish Rawat in Uttarakhand. However, people like Bhupesh Baghel, Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath and now Bhupinder Singh Hooda became tired outdone leaders who gained everything from the Congress but could not (did not) go beyond their own family interests and therefore damaged the party. All this at a time when people were looking to the Congress Party as an alternative to the ruling BJP. Let’s not forget the fact that Siddharamaiyya was defeated in Karnataka despite his good work by caste identities as both Vokalingas and Lingayats never wanted an OBC of the marginalised section to lead the state. D K Shivakumar continues to challenge the chief minister and the powerful Vokalinga lobby is desperate to have him chief minister likes the Jats of north India. Both the Jats as well as Vokalingas-Lingayats are actually powerful landed savarna castes but over the years the Bahujan narrative-setters –for the sake of their vote politics– have added them to the OBC category. The same Bahujan narrative setters are unable to respond or just keep silent when violence against Dalits occurs in those states dominate by these Bahujan politics. BSP Chief Ms Mayawati herself said that though Dalit votes shifted to other parties, the same did not happen in return as Jats did not vote for Dalit candidates and that is a reality. The Bahujan narrative-setters need to look beyond their jaati interest and see the diverse contradictions among various communities at the ground level. There is no one community which can be blamed as being ‘jaatiwadi’ or casteist as almost everyone falls foul of this category. The only thing is that all of us are looking at someone below us and are in awe of someone above us as Baba Saheb had explained. Unfortunately, communities and leaders who need to stitch this broad based participatory alliance with diverse communities are unable to go beyond their jaati interests and trapped in their constructed image of a particular community leader.
We must also discuss about the conduct of the Election Commission of India (ECI) transparency, vote dumping and EVM-related and other administrative issues. These are serious issues and Election Commission; political parties and the highest court have failed collectively to assure us as why shouldn’t the number of vote polled be equal to that of the VVPAT slips. Why has there been a huge mismatch in votes polled and votes counted. Why have the objections not been taken seriously by any of the agency or body accountable for free and fair polls? Why has the Opposition not raised the issue systematically and consistently?
It is important to understand that narrative making is important but it does not really work if you don’t have the cadres and leaders representing those communities at the ground. You won’t get cadres and leaders of the communities if there is a narrative of ‘dominance’ of one particular community in the party organization and structure.
In Haryana, Congress went into the fray with a sense of over confidence convinced that it is returning to power after ten years of anti-incumbency and incompetent government led by the non Jats. It wanted to exploit the rising Jat sentiment of returning to the power but ignored the vital factor that it was only possible if the Jat leadership was ready to play the role of a facilitator ensuring the participation of all those communities particularly Dalits are feeling threatened. Dalits who constitute about 21% of the total Haryana population cannot even imagine of having a chief minister of their own because 27% Jats would not like them to be so.
The first decade rule under Bhupinder Singh Hooda has brought the Jat Dalit hostilities into lime light where Hooda had no interest to work as conscious keeper of the constitution and provide justice to Dalits. I was witness to various movements led by Dalits for justice including Bhagana and Mirchpur where Dalits became victims of Jat hegemony in Haryana and Hooda was silent, did nothing. In fact, the Congress High command at the time could not even persuade Hooda to act against Jats who were the accused on both the cases. Hence, promoting Hooda at the time when Haryana was witnessing a massive anti Jat incumbency was nothing but playing in the hands of BJP. Even if the party wanted to ensure that it remain in command with powerful Jat votes, it was important to play an inclusive game. The humiliation meted out to Ms Selja, an extremely loyal leader from the Dalit community of Haryana did not go down well with the Dalits in the state. If even after so many years, a woman of substance who had devoted her life and energy to build the party, Selja cannot expect to lead the party or be in its platform as leader of the party, this reflects the highhandedness of Hooda family.
The BJP used this insult to boost their own campaign and the BSP too raised the issue. The anti-Dalit characteristic of Hooda as well as dominant Jats in the region has not in any way diffused and whether real or not, this was the narrative that carried the day. The Congress party must understand that their leaders were made to believe that ‘Kisan’, Pahalwan and ‘Jawan’ were against BJP, as if cutting across the community line there is a broad anger against the government. Frankly speaking, this slogan of Kisan, Pahalwan and Jawan only addresses the Jat voters of Haryana. Congress did not bother to reach out Dalits and Rajput votes.
Through 2024, even when we all know that there was a Rajput desperation to break out of the BJP and ally with any or all other groups who were sympathetic to its issues, the Congress leadership refused to accept the fact that they too exist. Similarly, despite Rahul Gandhi’s loud claims of Social Justice, no collective effort was made in Haryana to reach out to Dalits. The last moment entry of Ashok Tanwar could not bring back the Dalit votes in the party and the reason is clear.
The Congress must understand that a political party is not like a social justice movement. A movement can run on one particular agenda targeting one section of the people but mass politics has to be inclusive and ensure engagement with all communities. Right now, India’s poor and marginalised want a share in the power structure and that happens through their political representation at different levels. While job reservation is an important issue, parties will have to prepare them to take a categorical stand on the issues. BJP succeeded because it has an open stand on various issues unlike Congress which is unable to take a stand. The Dalit vote cast in Haryana was not one sided. The Jatav-Chamar votes who are over 50% of the total Dalit votes in Haryana actually went along with BSP because of the absence of Congress clear stand on sub categorization. The Balmikis who are about 30% of total voters among the Dalits, voted mostly for BJP because it supported the demand for categorisation. So Dalit votes whether pro or anti, went along with other parties and not to the Congress because of its refusal to take a stand.
At a public meeting Yogendra Yadav recently said that an effort is being made against to convert the elections into a Jat verses non Jats and added that the BJP is expert in spinning such a narrative. The party did the same in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where it pitched other communities against Yadavas. The BJP might have been doing things as per its own political strategy but in Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party and Congress are also doing the same which is blaming Rajputs or Thakurs for everything wrong there. Yogendra Yadav has not acknowledged this in a single sentence anywhere mentioning that it is the same Thakurs who actually voted against BJP in Uttar Pradesh and ensured the defeat of many of the Hindutva leaning candidates. Unfortunately, today opposition parties are targeting Rajputs in order to take Yogi Adityanath head on. This may boomerang as the community has no presence in the judiciary, media, industry and bureaucracy in comparison to other powerful communities of Uttar Pradesh. Haryana’s Jat verses non Jat narrative would not have succeeded if Bhupinder Singh Hooda and others had the humility of extending their outreach to other marginalised communities particularly the Dalits in Haryana.
There are about 8% Yadav votes in Haryana and many areas adjoining Uttar Pradesh impact that. A combined campaign with Akhilesh Yadav would have worked here but the local leadership of the party refused to ally with either the AAP or Samajwadi Party. In politics, many a time, even when it is known that an ally does not have a base in the state, to keep them in good humour, we do share one or two seats so that, through such a strategy goes out to communities that they represent. It sends a signal about the intent of the party. An alliance with the Samajwadi Party and a joint campaign would have served the purpose but Bhupinder Singh Hooda was not interested in that. It would have served better than allying with AAP. The Congress AAP alliance failed because of over ambitious project of AAP and BJP wanted to use it. The BJP works at multiple levels and fronts to achieve its goal. So, Ram Rahim of Dera Sacha Sauda got released on parole and Arvind Kejriwal getting bail from the highest court during the same period could have equally contributed to foiling Congress chances in the state.
That apart, it is also visible that a number of candidates who were not given tickets from the Congress party even contested as independent candidate and got extremely handsome share of votes caused the defeat of the party. Though this happen in any party; here it is also undeniable that that Hooda dominated everything as he was sure he would be in power and he wanted to ensure that after the victory, he become chief minister without any interference of the party High Command. Bhupinder Hooda and his dream to rule Haryana has not just ended, the ambition has also dealt the Congress a severe blow. Congress party now needs to rebuild the party and bring all stakeholders together. Bring the issues that compliment issues being re-calibrated; when Rahul Gandhi raises the Caste Census and reservation issue, it is time, it is done without offending anyone. There is a big difference between political parties and civil society or intellectuals as a political party will have to cater the mass while intellectuals and civil society leaders/influencers are mostly single issue driven. They may speak out of conviction but may bypass ground realities. Political parties cannot afford to behave like charitable organisations or a civil society watchdog group. Congress also needs to be careful of the ‘loyal’ YouTubers who had no other agenda then getting “likes”. The party got carried away with the agenda setters on social media. They remain far from ground realities and were just talking of their ‘man ki baat’. Congress needs to transform into a e party of all and not of one jaati or a couple of jaatis but for that it will have to weave a narrative where every stakeholder feels part of the committed whole.. For this to happen, the party needs to rebuild the party organisation in all the states with new blood.
Though Congress’s defeat in Haryana is shocking for the party, it may be a boon for Rahul Gandhi and others. Bhupinder Singh Hooda would have behaved like other leaders such as Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath or Amrinder Singh etc. once in power. He never followed the party line when Dalits were being attacked in Haryana. The Congress High Command appears today helpless because regional kshatraps can damage party if not benefit it and therefore it was unable to act against them but Hooda now join the company of Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath, Bhupesh Bhagel and Harish Rawat. Time has come for the party to move on and build up the grand old party by bringing young leaders from different communities that reflect the ground realities of the state.
All this is not to discount the unfair means which the ruling party adopted, the disappointing role of Election Commission, the issues of fairness and transparency and the manipulated EVMs. They remain vital and important for the health of democracy but we also know the fact that despite that parties have won elections. If the party and many others feel that EVMs have been manipulated and hacked then they must launch a sustained campaign in all seriousness. Administrative issues of fair play are extremely important. However the Congress other committed blunders and that cannot be ignored.
Therefore, Congress would do well, to conduct a caste census of the party structure so that it understands what ails the party, who are the leaders dominant in the party structure yet unable to fetch votes to the party. Get a complete figure of communities within the organisation and link it with the state figures. A complete overhaul of Congress party is not possible without a jaati-janganana’ or caste censuses of the entire party structure. Rahul Gandhi who is advocating the caste census and social justice issues with rigour needs to start putting his home base in order as his social justice agenda will remain unimplementable if there are no takers within the party. Will the party ever listen?
Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.
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