The Draft Electoral Roll, released on December 16, 2025, revealed the scale of the disruption as over 58.2 lakh names were deleted and more than 1 crore voters flagged for verification, including more than 31 lakh “unmapped” entries that do not link to the 2002 baseline. Citizens have been asked to justify age gaps, parental details, and other historical data, effectively shifting the burden of proof onto individuals and forcing them to produce decade-old documentation.

Challenged in the Supreme Court under Mostari Banu vs Election Commission of India [W.P.(C) No. 1089/2025], the process has been criticised as arbitrary, opaque, and burdensome. On January 19, 2026, the Court has already intervened, directing the ECI to ensure transparency: publish lists of excluded categories at local offices, allow authorised agents to submit documents on behalf of voters, and minimise travel and inconvenience.

Professor Amartya Sen: a noble laureate received SIR notice

One of the most discussed cases was the notice issued to the noble laureate Professor Amartya Sen at his Santiniketan residence in Bolpur. The official notice, written in Bengali, stated that “the age difference between you and your parents is less than 15 years, which is not generally expected and this needs to be clarified,” and directed him to appear for a hearing on January 16 at 12 PM at his Bolpur residence with the “original documents prescribed by the Election Commission of India.”

SIR Notice issued to Prof. Amartya Sen

For Sen, who is in his 90’s and globally recognised for his academic work, the matter drew immediate public attention. All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC) questioned the logic behind the notice to Amartya Sen.

On January 7, the party posted on X that “A Nobel laureate should be above any suspicion, right? But what if he’s a Bengali? Then he’ll be slapped with hearing notices as if he were some common criminal. Amartya Sen, whose ground-breaking works form the bedrock of modern economics, who has brought unparalleled glory to Bengal and the entire nation, and whose ideas are studied in universities across the world, has been issued a SIR hearing notice.”

TMC further added that “This is the cynical, shameful farce of @BJP4India and  @ECISVEEP‘s SIR process. They will drag our icons through the mud, tarnish our pride, and stoop to any low if it serves their Bangla-Birodhi agenda of division and degradation.”

Sen would not need to appear for the hearing: ECI

However, days later, the Election Commission clarified that the case involved minor spelling errors and that Sen would not need to appear for the hearing. Officials added that such discrepancies could be corrected locally by Booth Level Officers without summoning the voter and that the issue had “no bearing on eligibility”, as The Hindu reported.

Unjust to voters and unfair to Indian democracy: Amartya Sen

Nobel laureate Amartya Sen has expressed concern over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal, saying the exercise is “being done in a hurry” and risks becoming “unjust to voters” ahead of the state assembly elections. According to the Times of India, Sen said that while revising rolls can strengthen democracy, “a thorough review done carefully with adequate time can be a good democratic procedure, but this is not what is happening in West Bengal at this time.”

He added that the SIR gives “inadequate time” for citizens to submit documents and that this is “both unfair to the electorate and unfair to Indian democracy.” Recalling his own case, Sen noted he was questioned about his right to vote from Santiniketan and highlighted documentation challenges, saying, “Like many Indian citizens born in rural India, I do not have a birth certificate.” He warned the poor and underprivileged are most at risk of exclusion.

“Unjust to voters and unfair to Indian democracy.”

After the Hon’ble Supreme Court, Nobel Laureate and eminent public intellectual Amartya Sen has now condemned the SIR process, flagging the UNDUE HASTE with which it is being bulldozed, denying rightful voters the time and… pic.twitter.com/QfG2tMlkaZ

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) January 25, 2026

Admiral Arun Prakash: when the ECI summons a war hero

Former Navy Chief Admiral Arun Prakash, a 1971 war veteran and Vir Chakra recipient, received an SIR notice in Goa. His enumeration form did not include EPIC numbers, roll details, or constituency information, leaving him classified as “unmapped.”

The Election Commission said notices were system-generated and that the process applied uniformly to all citizens. Prakash’s case highlighted that even individuals with notable public service records are included in automated verification if documentation is incomplete.

The #ElectionCommissionofIndia has issued a notice to former chief of #navalstaff Admiral Arun Prakash, asking him to attend a meeting to establish his identity as part of the ongoing #SpecialIntensiveRevision (SIR) of #electoralrolls.
https://t.co/pywWO07xyc

— Deccan Herald (@DeccanHerald) January 12, 2026

SIR notice to Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami

Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami was also summoned for an SIR hearing in Kolkata’s Rashbehari constituency after officials flagged discrepancies in his voter enumeration form. At the time, Shami was in Rajkot representing Bengal in the Vijay Hazare Trophy, prompting him to seek a fresh date on account of his sporting commitments. The Election Commission of India rescheduled the hearing between January 9 and 11, with officials terming the process a “routine verification” necessitated because the form had been “incorrectly filled out.”

However, after appearing for the hearing, the India fast bowler said that, “I am a proud Indian and Bengal citizen. If called 10 times, I will come and prove my citizenship on every single occasion.”

#CricketWIthTOI | “I am a proud Indian and #Bengal citizen. If called 10 times, I will come and prove my citizenship on every single occasion,” said Indian fast bowler #MdShami, who has 462 wickets across formats, after appearing for an SIR hearing on Tuesday to protect his vote.… pic.twitter.com/94YsaMy4OR

— The Times Of India (@timesofindia) January 21, 2026

ECI targeting citizens of West Bengal through SIR: TMC

Moreover, on January 6, TMC general secretary Abhishek Banerjee accused the BJP-led Centre and the Election Commission of jointly “insulting the people of Bengal” and targeting the state ahead of the assembly elections.

Addressing a rally in Rampurhat, Banerjee claimed that Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen had been served an SIR hearing notice and urged party workers to “un-map the BJP from Bengal,” setting a target of winning 250 of the state’s 294 seats. “Many eminent people like actor Dev and cricketer Md Shami were also served notices,” he said, arguing that the exercise reflected a “Bangla-Birodhi” mindset.

Deepak Adhikari aka Dev

Actor and TMC Member of Parliament Deepak Adhikari, also known as Dev, received SIR notices for himself and his family members. TMC councillor Moushumi Das described the notices as unnecessary, noting that a three-term MP was being treated like any other citizen for verification purposes. TMC spokespersons also criticised the process as burdensome rather than corrective.

However, Dev did not make any public statement regarding the notice, as the Indian Express reported.

SIR Notice to Joy Goswami, a Sahitya Akademi Award recipient

Poet Joy Goswami, a Sahitya Akademi Award recipient, was unable to attend his SIR hearing on January 2 due to recent surgeries. His daughter, Devarti Goswami, confirmed that both she and her father had submitted their voter enumeration forms on time. Despite this, both were flagged as “unmapped” because their names did not appear in the 2002 voter rolls, as reported by the Times of India.

The Election Commission later contacted the Goswami family, stating that their case could be resolved without requiring the poet to appear in person. Reports from other districts noted that some elderly voters had experienced health problems while attending hearings.

Education minister Bratya Basu has strongly condemned the action and said that “This only goes on to expose BJP’s views of Bengal and its culture. Joy-da was recently hospitalised and I paid a visit to him there. If Joy Goswami can be called for a hearing, I fear Tagore too would have got call for a hearing had he been alive now. This call is an expression of the respect BJP has for Bengal and Bengalis. Joy-da is an Indian. He is a poet. He has migrated from Ranaghat to Kolkata some 40 years ago and has been a legitimate voter. I am not even talking about literary prowess. If BJP and EC can do this to Joy-da, any person can be called and told ‘ghus petiya’.”

West Bengal State Minister Shashi Panja receives SIR notice

West Bengal state minister Shashi Panja received an SIR notice despite her name appearing in the 2002 voter list. Panja said she had submitted all required documents but was still marked as “unmapped,” and described the process as “conducted in haste and without adequate preparation.”

According to the Telegraph India, Panja stated that she would attend the hearing like any other voter and did not request any special privileges as a minister. The Election Commission included her as part of the general process, which applied to all citizens flagged for verification.

Actor Anirban Bhattacharya

Actor Anirban Bhattacharya received a notice after his voter registration could not be linked to the 2002 rolls. Born in 1986, Bhattacharya currently lives in Kolkata but remains registered in Midnapore. His parents and grandparents were also absent from the 2002 voter list, complicating verification. His father passed away in mid-2025, adding to the challenge of retrospective documentation.

Under the pretext of SIR hearings, ECI is harassing ordinary people, and even eminent personalities of Bengal: Mamata Banerjee

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee criticised the SIR process, stating that Under the pretext of SIR hearings, the Commission is harassing ordinary people, and even eminent personalities of Bengal such as Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, poet Joy Goswami, and actor Dev are facing the same ordeal.

In most cases, it is women whose names are being removed in greater numbers. Notices are being issued in the name of “logistical discrepancy” without providing complete information, TMC alleged.

Under the pretext of SIR hearings, the Commission is harassing ordinary people, and even eminent personalities of Bengal such as Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, poet Joy Goswami, and actor Dev are facing the same ordeal.

In most cases, it is women whose names are being removed in… pic.twitter.com/NucTMvWICR

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) January 8, 2026

Related:

SIR 2025 in Bengal: 5 Key Takeaways That Strike at BJP’s ‘Infiltration’ Bogey

West Bengal Draft Electoral List: Over 58 lakh names deleted under SIR exercise, urban seats & Hindi speakers see higher voter deletions

ECI’s announced nationwide SIR, will cover 12 States and UTs with a reduced documentary burden

The post SIR Notices in Spotlight: from Amartya Sen, war vetereran Arun Prakash to Mohammed Shami summoned for SIR hearing appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This release expanded the number of states and Union Territories with published draft rolls to 12, and taken together, the SIR has already resulted in the provisional deletion of more than 3.5 crore names from voter lists nationwide.

The scale and pace of these deletions have to be read alongside a significant policy recalibration by the Election Commission of India. Following controversies that first surfaced during the Bihar revision, the Commission issued a nationwide instruction on October 27, 2025, retaining the administrative framework of the SIR but relaxing provisions that had triggered legal and political backlash, particularly those relating to document collection and automatic deletions. Acknowledging that the “qualifying date of last intensive revision” varies widely across states—dating back to 2002 in Gujarat and Kerala and to 2003 in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh—the ECI conceded that a uniform, document-heavy verification model was untenable.

This unfolding process continues even as Uttar Pradesh—the most populous state in the country and home to its largest electorate—prepares to publish its draft rolls on December 31, 2025. Far from being viewed as a routine administrative exercise, the SIR has raised profound questions around transparency, procedural fairness, shifting burdens of proof, and the heightened risk of mass disenfranchisement, concerns that have been repeatedly documented and critically examined by Sabrang India through sustained, state-wise reporting on the ground realities of the revision process.

What distinguishes the 2025 SIR from previous revisions is not merely the scale of deletions but the manner in which verification has been conducted. The process has relied heavily on door-to-door enumeration, retrospective linkage to older electoral rolls, and documentary proof requirements that many voters—particularly migrants, informal workers, women, the elderly, and marginalised communities—struggle to fulfil.

While deletions have been officially categorised as relating to deaths, migration, duplication, or non-traceability, civil society groups and independent observers have warned that these categories often mask deeper procedural failures, including non-visits by Booth Level Officers (BLOs), incorrect tagging, and the presumption of ineligibility in the absence of documentation. Against this backdrop, the cumulative picture emerging from state-wise draft rolls is deeply unsettling.

Bihar: Early completion, large-scale deletions

Bihar was among the first states where the SIR process was completed and final rolls published, making it a crucial reference point for understanding the scale and implications of the exercise.

According to figures reported by Sabrang India, nearly 47 lakh names were deleted from Bihar’s electoral rolls, bringing down the total electorate from approximately 7.89 crore to about 7.42 crore. The deletions were attributed to voters recorded as deceased, permanently migrated, untraceable, or duplicated across constituencies.

However, reports and petitioners before the Supreme Court pointed to widespread complaints that enumeration forms were either not delivered or collected, and that entire households of migrant workers were marked absent without follow-up verification.

Uttar Pradesh: The largest test yet, draft rolls on December 31

Uttar Pradesh represents the single largest and most politically significant phase of the SIR. With an electorate running into several crores, the state accounts for a substantial share of India’s voters, making any large-scale deletion potentially transformative. Enumeration in UP was extended on December 11, and the draft electoral roll is now scheduled for publication on December 31, 2025. While deletion figures are not yet officially available, reports suggest that UP may account for a significant portion of the remaining corrections once its draft roll is released.

Rajasthan: Over 41 lakh names provisionally removed in draft rolls

In Rajasthan, the SIR resulted in the provisional deletion of approximately 41.85 lakh names from the draft electoral rolls out of 5, 48, 84, 479 total electorate of the state. The state completed enumeration in early December, with the draft roll published in mid-month i.e., December 16. Official explanations cite deaths, permanent migration, and duplicate entries as the primary reasons for deletion.

मतदाता सूची विशेष गहन पुनरीक्षण–2026
राज्य में प्रारूप मतदाता सूचियों का आज 16 दिसम्बर 2025 को हुआ प्रकाशन – @CeoRajasthan
पढ़ें गणना चरण के प्रमुख निष्कर्ष #शुद्धमतदातासूचीमजबूतलोकतंत्र @ECISVEEP@spokespersonECI @PIB_INDIA @DIPRRajasthan@DDNational@airnews_jaipur… pic.twitter.com/wMbyvF3ypT

— CEO RAJASTHAN (@CeoRajasthan) December 16, 2025

Madhya Pradesh: Detailed categories, massive numbers with 42, 74, 160 deletions

Madhya Pradesh offers one of the most detailed official breakdowns of provisional deletions, with 42, 74, 160 names flagged for removal from the draft rolls on December 23. According to official data reported, these deletions include approximately 8.46 lakh deceased voters, over 31.5 lakh voters recorded as having shifted permanently, around 2.77 lakh duplicate entries, and a substantial number categorised as “unmapped” or unverified.

The enumeration period in MP was extended, and the draft roll was published on December 23, 2025 following a revised schedule. Despite the availability of granular data, activists have questioned whether the categorisation process itself relied too heavily on assumptions rather than verifiable evidence, especially in rural and forested areas.

27 अक्टूबर 2025 की स्थिति में प्रदेश में 5,74,06,143 मतदाता थे। वर्तमान में 5,31,31,983 मतदाता हैं। विशेष गहन पुनरीक्षण (SIR) के दौरान 42,74,160 मतदाताओं की कमी हुई हैं. श्री राम प्रताप सिंह जादौन, संयुक्त मुख्य निर्वाचन पदाधिकारी, मप्र @ECISVEEP @SpokespersonECI pic.twitter.com/dffrxvgNnE

— Chief Electoral Officer, Madhya Pradesh (@CEOMPElections) December 23, 2025

Tamil Nadu: Nearly 97 lakh deletions

Tamil Nadu witnessed one of the highest absolute numbers of deletions, with close to 97 lakh names provisionally removed from the draft electoral rolls out of 6, 41, 14 ,587 of the total electorate of the state. The impact was particularly pronounced in urban centres such as Chennai, where frequent relocation, rental housing, and informal settlements complicate voter registration.

Press release. pic.twitter.com/h02SIQkX4P

— TN Elections CEO (@TNelectionsCEO) December 19, 2025

Enumeration deadlines in the state were extended, and draft rolls were published in the third week of December i.e., December 19, 2025.

The Hindu, on December 22, carried analysis, on the unusual patterns (anomalies) behind the deletions in the state with detailed findings on eight different categories of anomalies: dead voters, voters who were under the shifted/moved categories etc.

This analysis, among other things, reveals that 14 stations show unusually high proportions of young deaths; 35 stations show high gender bias in deletions; 8,613 stations have abnormally high deletion rates; 727 stations report excessive deaths; 3,904 polling stations show high death proportions; 495 polling stations show 100% death-based deletions; 6,139 parts have high numbers of “absent” voters; and 172 parts show suspicious patterns of “permanently shifted” women. The entire analysis may be read here.

West Bengal: Around 58 lakh names flagged for removal

In West Bengal, the SIR process has assumed an acute social and political dimension, with close to 58 lakh names either deleted or provisionally flagged for deletion in the draft electoral rolls published on December 16. Of these, around 50 lakh names were identified during digitised enumeration as potentially removable, a figure that rose sharply within days as categorisation progressed. With a certified electorate of over 7.66 crore, this provisional flagging represented a significant share of voters and triggered widespread anxiety.

Press Note – West Bengal SIR: Publication of Draft Electoral Roll – Key Findings of Enumeration Phase.#SIR #PressNote@ECISVEEP @SpokespersonECI @PIBKolkata @AIRKolkata @DDBanglaNews pic.twitter.com/G6Ix4wyPIz

— CEO West Bengal (@CEOWestBengal) December 16, 2025

Official breakdowns indicated that the majority of cases were marked under standard administrative categories—deceased voters, those recorded as having shifted, untraceable names and duplicates—but the speed and scale of the exercise, rather than the categories themselves, became the source of public distress.

The situation escalated after the state government linked at least 39 deaths to what it described as “SIR-induced panic,” prompting Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to announce Rs. 2 lakh ex gratia compensation for bereaved families and to launch block-level “May I Help You” camps from December 12 to assist affected voters with claims, objections and documentation.

While the Election Commission has maintained that the figures are provisional and subject to hearings and due process, reports from across districts documented confusion among long-registered voters whose names were flagged or missing, reinforcing concerns raised by opposition parties that verification and outreach were uneven in a state marked by high migration, dense urban settlements and socio-economic vulnerability.

Puducherry: Small electorate, significant impact

Though Puducherry’s electorate is relatively small, the deletion of around 1 lakh names constitutes a substantial share of the Union Territory’s total electorate of 10,21,578 as on October 27, 2025.

Press Note 16.12.2025 – Publication of Draft Electoral Roll@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR #ceolakshadweep pic.twitter.com/s2UPtgrTFF

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Enumeration and draft publication followed the national SIR schedule, but local reports highlighted that many of those flagged or deleted were migrant workers and residents of industrial and peri-urban zones who were unavailable during verification visits, raising concerns about how absence was interpreted during the revision process.

Pess Note-Lakshadweep Special Intensive Revision – Key Findings Of Enumeration Phase@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR pic.twitter.com/hpsyiETXzA

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Chhattisgarh: Over 27 lakhs provisionally deleted amid security and migration challenges

Chhattisgarh saw the provisional deletion of approximately 27.34 lakh names from its draft rolls. The state’s unique challenges—ranging from internal displacement due to conflict to seasonal labour migration—complicated the enumeration process. Official data categorised deletions into deceased voters, permanently shifted individuals, and duplicate registrations.

23 दिसंबर 2025 को ड्राफ्ट रोल प्रकाशित हो गया है। जिसे आप https://t.co/D5DfuRyplH अथवा https://t.co/S06LG1wQuS पर लॉगिन करके अपना नाम ढूंढ सकते हैं। pic.twitter.com/nAiB3zrY38

— Chief Electoral Officer, Chhattisgarh (@CEOChhattisgarh) December 23, 2025

The enumeration deadline was extended, and draft rolls were published on December 23 following the revised ECI schedule.

SIR 2026 की ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची का प्रकाशन 23/12/25 को हो गया है।

ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची https://t.co/o4izjd1j8X aur https://t.co/MO0ZmklYlF पर उपलब्ध है।

मुख्य निर्वाचन पदाधिकारी श्री यशवंत कुमार द्वारा अपील की गई कि सभी मतदाता ड्राफ्ट मतदाता सूची में अपना नाम जांच ले, (1/2) pic.twitter.com/FNrvLBlJT9

— Chief Electoral Officer, Chhattisgarh (@CEOChhattisgarh) December 23, 2025

Andaman and Nicobar Islands: High proportionate deletions

In the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, around 64,000 names were provisionally deleted from the draft rolls out of 3,10,404 total electors of the UTs. Given the small population base, this represented a substantial proportion of registered voters. Migration to the mainland and employment-related movement were cited as primary reasons, though verification in remote islands posed logistical challenges.

The Draft Electoral Roll has been formally handed over to representatives of recognized Political Parties.
The successful completion of Enumeration Phase reflects strong public participation and coordinated efforts by election officials and stakeholders, strengthening democracy. pic.twitter.com/Yd1D1frub3

— Chief Electoral Officer, Andaman & Nicobar Islands (@AndamanCEO) December 24, 2025

Kerala: Over 24.08 lakh names removed

Kerala recorded provisional deletions of approximately 24.08 lakh voters, with official breakdowns including deceased individuals, voters permanently shifted out of the state, untraceable persons, and duplicate registrations. Overseas migration played a significant role, with many voters absent during enumeration. The state’s enumeration period was extended, and draft rolls were published on December 23, 2025.

The SIR draft electoral roll has now been published. Voters can file claims and objections from 23 December 2025 to 22 January 2026.#ceokerala #ecisveep #eci #ChiefElectoralOfficer #SIRKerala pic.twitter.com/RghZWqvc5s

— Chief Electoral Officer Kerala (@Ceokerala) December 23, 2025

Gujarat: 73.7 lakh deletions

Gujarat’s draft rolls reflected the deletion of about 73.7 lakh names, largely concentrated in urban and industrial areas. Rapid urbanisation, labour migration, and multiple registrations were cited as key factors. Enumeration deadlines were extended, and draft rolls were released on December 19.

Goa: Over one lakh names flagged for deletion

In Goa, 1,00,042 names were deleted from the draft electoral rolls. Migration, ageing population profiles, and duplication were cited as reasons. The deletions, while smaller in absolute terms, raised concerns in a state with a relatively compact electorate.

The DEO North Goa Ankit Yadav,IAS handing over the the copy the Draft Electoral Roll of SIR 2026 to the representatives of political parties #goa #india #SIR #ECI @ECISVEEP pic.twitter.com/UgAE7fOYqV

— Chief Electoral Office, Goa (@CEO_Goa) December 16, 2025

Lakshadweep: Provisional deletion of 1,429 electors out of 57,813 total electors

Lakshadweep saw the provisional deletion of 1,429 electors out of 57,813 total electors of the UT.

Press Note 16.12.2025 – Publication of Draft Electoral Roll@ECISVEEP #ECI #SIR #ceolakshadweep pic.twitter.com/s2UPtgrTFF

— CEO LAKSHADWEEP (@LakshadweepCeo) December 16, 2025

Revised SIR timelines and the Uttar Pradesh factor

On December 11, the Election Commission revised enumeration and draft publication timelines across 6 states. In Tamil Nadu and Gujarat, enumeration was extended up to December 14, 2025, with draft electoral rolls subsequently published on December 19. Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands were granted a longer window, allowing enumeration to continue until December 18, followed by the release of draft rolls on December 23, 2025. Kerala’s revision followed the same trajectory, culminating in draft roll publication on December 23 after extended field verification.

This synchronised release on December 23 marked a critical juncture in the SIR, with draft electoral rolls simultaneously entering the public domain in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Kerala and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, expanding the total to 12 states and Union Territories where draft rolls have now been published.

Across these jurisdictions, cumulative proposed deletions have already crossed the 3.5 crore mark, showing the unprecedented scale of the exercise. Uttar Pradesh, however, occupies a distinct and consequential position within this revised timeline. As India’s most populous state, it received the most substantial extension, with enumeration permitted until December 26, 2025 and the draft electoral roll scheduled for publication on December 31, 2025.

A process under challenge

Across states, Sabrang India has documented how the SIR, while presented as a technical correction, has unfolded as a high-stakes exercise with far-reaching consequences. With more than 3.5 names already facing deletion across 12 States/UTs and Uttar Pradesh yet to publish its draft roll, the cumulative impact of the revision is unprecedented. The challenge ahead lies not only in correcting errors through claims and objections but in addressing deeper questions about burden of proof, administrative accountability, and the right to vote in a context of widespread mobility and precarity.

Related:

Nearly 50 lakh names flagged for deletion in West Bengal, state government announces Rs. 2 Lakh relief for SIR-linked deaths, CM Mamta Banerjee launches ‘May I Help You’ block camps

ECI’s announced nationwide SIR, will cover 12 States and UTs with a reduced documentary burden

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

The post SIR: Over 3.5 Crore electors flagged for removal across 12 states in SIR, Uttar Pradesh will publish its draft rolls on December 31 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The scattered incidents observed around Dussehra are not, as they might first appear, spontaneous expressions of religious fervour. They are the visible markers of a deeply entrenched, highly coordinated “hate agenda.” This agenda involves a network of right-wing organisations, explicit political patronage, and the strategic co-option of state and secular institutions.

This investigation, based on an analysis of dozens of events across India in 2025, will argue that the modern Shastra Poojan campaign is a multi-pronged political project. It is designed to (1) subvert secular public spaces, including universities and police stations, (2) normalise the public display of weapons as a symbol of religious-political power, (3) provide a sanctioned platform for anti-Muslim hate speech and communal incitement, and (4) indoctrinate a new generation—targeting young girls and children—by framing violence and weapon-bearing as a religious and civic duty. This is not about faith; it is about fomenting fear, asserting dominance, and preparing the ground for future conflict.

The breach of the secular citadel: co-opting universities and state machinery

The most concerning aspect of this pattern is its audacious encroachment into spaces that are, by design, secular and non-partisan: government institutions and universities. This tactic serves a dual purpose as it legitimises the weapon-centric ritual by stamping it with the state’s seal of approval, and it simultaneously attacks the very foundations of secularism in public life.

The Rajasthan University RSS event: a microcosm of conflict

The incident at Rajasthan University (RU) on September 30, 2025, stands as a revealing example of how the ritual is being politically instrumentalised. The university administration, with the Vice-Chancellor’s approval, granted permission to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to hold a Shastra Poojan ceremony within the campus premises—effectively allowing a partisan socio-political organisation to occupy an academic space. This decision marked a serious institutional lapse, blurring the line between education and ideology. Reported Times of India.

The sequence that followed was both avoidable and foreseeable. Student leaders from the NSUI staged a protest against what they viewed as the communalisation of their university. The situation spiralled when a section of NSUI members reportedly vandalised the event stage set up by the RSS, triggering clashes between the two groups. 

राजस्थान यूनिवर्सिटी में RSS के कार्यक्रम के शुरू होने से पहले NSUI कार्यकर्ताओं ने मंच पर चढ़कर पोस्टर फाड़े और पोडियम गिराया

यह ताकत है कांग्रेस की संघियों देख लिया

pic.twitter.com/u4xLPyA4Xw

— Sandeep Singh (@ActivistSandeep) September 30, 2025

The police, instead of intervening impartially, allegedly stood by during the confrontation and later detained several NSUI members, including State President Vinod Jakhar. They were held for nearly 48 hours and booked under serious, unrelated charges.

Former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot later remarked that “no action” was taken against RSS members accused of initiating the violence. 

राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय में RSS द्वारा शस्त्र पूजा का कार्यक्रम रखना ही आपत्तिजनक है। शिक्षा के स्थान को इस तरह की राजनीतिक गतिविधियों के लिए इस्तेमाल करना कैसे उचित माना जा सकता है? जब NSUI के कार्यकताओं ने इसका विरोध किया तो पुलिस ने बल प्रयोग किया। इसके साथ ही, RSS के… pic.twitter.com/Ew6d2doKen

— Ashok Gehlot (@ashokgehlot51) September 30, 2025

The episode, in essence, reflects a chain of administrative misjudgements—had permission for such an event not been granted in the first place, the confrontation and its aftermath might never have escalated into a larger controversy. The Rajasthan University incident thus encapsulates a troubling pattern that secular institutions are being repurposed as ideological venues, dissent is criminalised, and impunity becomes institutionalised.

State sanction from law enforcement: the Gwalior police incident

If the RU incident demonstrates the subversion of education, the events in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, demonstrate the co-option of law enforcement itself. On October 2, 2025, At the DRP line, a Shastra Poojan event was not just permitted; it was actively participated in by the highest-ranking police officials. The Inspector General (IG), Deputy Inspector General (DIG), and Superintendent of Police (SP) were all present, firing celebratory shots from service weapons. The event was further legitimised by the presence of top political figures, including Assembly Speaker Narendra Singh Tomar, as Dainik Bhaskar reported.

This event shatters the illusion of a neutral police force. When the state’s guardians of law—those entrusted with a monopoly on legitimate violence—publicly and ritualistically worship weapons alongside partisan politicians, the line between law enforcement and ideological militia evaporates. It sends an unambiguous message to the public and to the officers themselves: the state’s power and the party’s ideology are one and the same. On many occasions, police permissions are granted because, in many cases, the police themselves are participants.

The organisational machinery:  coordinated national campaign

The incidents might appear as “scattered incidents” actually belies the reality of a highly coordinated, nationwide campaign. The list of events from September and October 2025 reveals a clear organisational footprint, dominated by a familiar network of Hindutva groups. This is not a grassroots phenomenon but a top-down strategy.

The key players: VHP, Bajrang Dal, AHP, and Durga Vahini

The key organising force behind this nationwide campaign appears to be the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its youth wing, the Bajrang Dal. Their operational footprint is vast, creating a dense cluster of events across Madhya Pradesh. 

On October 2, in Indore, they conducted a Shastra Pujan displaying and worshipping swords and guns. 

This was mirrored in multiple Bhopal events on October 2, including one on Vijay Dashami where dozens of guns and swords were displayed and a speaker called weapons “essential for the protection of dharma” while peddling “love jihad” conspiracies.

On October 2, at another Bhopal event participants brandished guns and swords, chanting, “Who will protect the country, women, and cows? We will.” 

The pattern continued in Sihora, Jabalpur on October 2, where members brandished guns and swords while speakers justified keeping weapons for self-defense.

On September 29, a similar event unfolded in Bina Etawa, which also featured members brandishing guns and swords as speakers justified weapon possession for self-defense.

This template was replicated across the country. On October 2, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh guns and swords were worshipped and religious slogans were raised. 

Likewise in Jammu participants worshipped guns and swords and raised religious slogans on October 2, 2025

In Odisha, VHP-Bajrang Dal events followed the same script. The event in Godabhaga, involved brandishing and worshipping weapons. 

On October 2, the ceremony in Gudbhela also involved displaying and worshipping weapons.

On October 2, in Dhanakauda, a rally was held after the puja where participants brandished their weapons.

Operating in parallel, on October 2, the Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP) and its arm, the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal, led by Pravin Togadia, organised their own series of weapon worship events. Togadia glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, calling it “an act of bravery,” and declared, “Until we started the Ram Mandir movement, only temples were demolished and mosques built over them. This was the first time we demolished that Babri structure and made a temple.” He warned, “To the dreamers of Ghazwa-e-Hind, remember — it is on your chest we built the Ram Mandir. That is just the start; Kashi and Mathura are waiting to be constructed on your chests.”

On September 28, in Mandla, Madhya Pradesh, their ceremony involved public processions and martial demonstrations with weapons. 

On September 28, in nearby Seoni, MP, their event also included a procession with members brandishing swords, while a speaker justified violence in the name of religion by citing religious texts. 

On September 30, in Simbhaoli Hapur, Uttar Pradesh, AHP leader Gaurav Raghav explicitly linked the ritual to protecting “dharma, daughters and sisters, and cows,” peddled the “Love Jihad” conspiracy, and urged followers to arm themselves against “Jihadis.”

Targeting women and children: the role of Durga Vahini

Crucially, the concern about “young girl students being manipulated” is substantiated by the central role of the VHP’s women’s wing, Durga Vahini, and its partner group, Matru Shakti. Their involvement is a deliberate strategy to frame weaponisation as “empowerment” and “self-protection.”

• On September 28, in Rampura, Neemuch (MP), Durga Vahini and Matru Shakti members organised Shastra Puja at multiple Garba pandals, brandishing weapons.

• On September 26, in Hatta, Damoh (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal event explicitly “involved children in exhibiting weapons,” with Durga Vahini members in attendance

• On October 2, in Adegaon, Seoni (MP), VHP, Bajrang Dal, Matrushakti, and Durga Vahini organised a program where “young children and girls” worshipped swords.

• On September 30, in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, a VHP-Durga Vahini event on Durga Ashtami, attended by “large numbers of women and children,” featured speakers who peddled the “love jihad” conspiracy, explicitly linking the need for such “awareness” to the Vahini’s founding.

This organisational synergy, replicated from state to state, proves that these are not isolated events. They are the planned execution of a national agenda, sharing a common script, common targets, and a common goal.

From ritual to rhetoric: the weaponisation of hate speech

This leads to the crux of the matter: these events “evolve into platforms for hate speech and inflammatory remarks.” The Shastra Poojan is merely the stage; the main performance is the propagation of communal hatred and open calls for violence. The weapons are not just symbolic props; they are a backdrop that physically underscores the violent rhetoric being delivered.

A platform for vile, anti-Muslim incitement

The speeches delivered at these events are not subtle. They are direct, eliminationist, and consistently target the Muslim community.

• Bhopal, MP (Sadhvi Pragya): On September 28, at a VHP-Durga Vahini event, former BJP MP Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur delivered a virulently anti-Muslim speech. She urged Hindus to “assault non-Hindu sellers” near temples, referred to all Muslims as “jihadis,” and claimed they “could never consider Hindu women as sisters”

This speech was given in front of an arsenal of displayed guns, swords, and other weapons.

• Indore, MP (Tannu Sharma): On October 1, VHP-Bajrang Dal leader Tannu Sharma used his Shastra Pujan speech to promote the “love jihad” conspiracy in its most graphic form, claiming Muslim men are “trained in mosques to target Hindu girls” for trafficking and to be used as “baby-making instruments.” He then issued a direct call for beheading: “He urged Hindu women to follow Kalka Mata and ‘behead’ anyone who dares to target them”

• Kanpur, UP (Madhuram Sharan Shiva): October 3, at a Ramlila forum, the leader of the “armed-monks group” Shiva Shakti Akhada, Madhuram Sharan Shiva, declared, “To destroy sin, the sinner must be destroyed.” He explicitly called on youth to “fight and eliminate ‘jihadis,’ likening them to demons (rakshas).”

Mainstreaming conspiracy and glorifying violence

The hate speech is built upon a foundation of well-worn conspiracy theories and the glorification of past violence.

• “Love Jihad” and “Land Jihad”: This theme is ubiquitous. On September 30, in Hapur, UP, AHP leader Gaurav Raghav linked the ritual to protecting “dharma, daughters and sisters” and peddled the “Love Jihad” theory to justify arming against “Jihadis”

October 2, in Nagod, Satna (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal speaker, with guns displayed on stage, targeted Muslims by invoking both “love jihad” and “land jihad” conspiracies.

• Glorifying Babri Demolition: October 2, in Surat, Gujarat, AHP President Pravin Togadia used a “Trishul Deeksha” event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition as an “act of bravery.” He then issued a direct threat for future action: “That is just the start; Kashi and Mathura are waiting to be constructed on your chests.”

• Worshipping Godse: The glorification extends even to the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi. October 2, in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, the Hindu Sena held a Shastra Pujan “chanting slogans in praise of Nathuram Godse.” 

This was repeated in Ujjain, MP on October 2, where Hindu nationalists “worshipped weapons and a portrait of Nathuram Godse.”

This evidence confirms the analysis completely. The Shastra Poojan is the legitimising framework for events whose primary purpose is to spread hate, dehumanise Muslims, and openly call for their elimination, all while normalising violence as a sacred duty. This directly leads to events like the Cuttack clashes and other riots, as the weapons and the incitement from these events spill over into the streets.

A pedagogy of violence: indoctrinating the next generation

Perhaps the most insidious component of this agenda is the focus on “young girl students” and children. This is not about self-protection; it is a systematic “pedagogy of violence.” It seeks to indoctrinate children at their most impressionable age, severing their connection to a secular society and re-forging their identity around the twin poles of weaponry and communal hatred.

The evidence for this is widespread and deeply disturbing.

• Giving weapons to children: On October 2, in Ujjain, MP, the indoctrination was explicit: “swords were given to young girls.” 

On September 26, in Hatta, Damoh (MP), “Children were involved in exhibiting weapons” at a VHP-Bajrang Dal-Durga Vahini event.

• Martial demonstrations: On September 29, in Udaipura, Raisen (MP), a VHP-Matrushakti event featured “many children performing martial demonstrations using” weapons.

This was also seen in Mandla, MP on September 28, at an AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal event. This normalises the weapon as an extension of the child’s body.

• Chants of hatred: The indoctrination is both physical and verbal. On October 2, in Maharashtra, far-right influencer Sangram Bapu Bhandare, at a Shiv Pratisthan Hindusthan Shastra Pooja, “led armed children in chanting, ‘Tu Durga ban, tu Kali ban, kabhi na burke wali ban’ (You become Durga, you become Kali, never become one in a burqa. This is a direct, hateful chant that pits one religious identity against another, taught to armed children.

• Posing with weapons: On October 1, in another event in Maharashtra, “Children, including young girls, posed with trishuls” under the guidance of an AHP leader. 

On October 2, in Adegaon, Seoni (MP), “young children and girls” were documented worshipping swords.

This strategy aims to create a future generation for whom public weapon-bearing is normal, communal hatred is righteous, and violence is a celebrated tool for religious assertion. It is a long-term project to ensure the pipeline of cadres for this extremist agenda never runs dry.

The architecture of impunity: egal legality and political patronage

The legal basis for stopping these events is clear, rooted in existing statutes that are routinely ignored. The core of the issue lies in The Arms Act, 1959, which is not just about firearms.

• Section 2(1)(c) defines “arms” to include “sharp-edged and other deadly weapons… as the Central Government may… specify.”
• Section 4 strictly prohibits the acquisition or possession of any firearm without a license.
• Section 5 controls the manufacture, sale, and transfer of arms.

The argument that trishuls are merely “religious symbols” is a deliberate smokescreen, one that has been legally challenged and documented for decades. Reports from as far back as 2003 noted that items distributed at Trishul Deeksha events were often “cleverly disguised Rampuri knives, six–eight inches long and sharp enough to kill.” This led the Rajasthan state government itself, in April 2003, to issue a notification “prohibiting people from distributing, acquiring, possessing or carrying double or multi-bladed sharp pointed weapons” as per a report in The Times of India.

This ban was openly defied by organisations like the VHP, setting a long-standing precedent of conflict between these events and state law. The illegality extends far beyond just possession. The Arms Act provides clear authority for law enforcement to act:

• Section 20 allows police to arrest anyone “carrying or conveying any arms under suspicious circumstance” without a warrant.
• Section 22 empowers the District Magistrate to order a search and seizure of any arms believed to be for an “unlawful purpose.”
• Section 25 outlines punishment for the unlicensed sale or transfer of arms.

The claim that these processions are protected as an “essential religious practice” under Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution has also been tested and refuted by the Supreme Court. In the landmark 1983 case Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta v. Commissioner of Police, Calcutta (1983) 4 SCC 522, the Court ruled that the Ananda Marga’s Tandava dance with items including a trishul and a knife was not an essential religious rite that could be performed in a public procession. 

The Court affirmed that such public displays are subject to regulation by the state for “public order,” a precedent that directly applies to today’s armed processions.

The copy of judgement Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta v. Commissioner of Police, Calcutta (1983) can be found here

Despite this clear legal framework, attempts to enforce it on a macro level have been thwarted, contributing to the architecture of impunity. 

Following widespread communal violence during Ram Navami processions in 2022, a PIL was filed in the Supreme Court by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) in May 2022. This petition sought the creation of national guidelines to regulate these armed religious processions.

The plea was dismissed by the Supreme Court on December 9, 2022. The bench, led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, declared that law and order is a “state subject” and that the court could not be “dragged into every area.” The court also remarked that one should not “portray that all religious festivals are the time for riots.” 

This dismissal effectively denied a national-level regulatory framework, placing the onus back on the same state and district-level authorities—the DMs and police—who, as seen in Gwalior and Rajasthan University, are often participants or enablers. This judicial deference, while procedurally sound, in practice grants a free pass, ensuring that the law remains on the books but is rarely, if ever, enforced on the streets.

The argument that these are merely “religious symbols” like trishuls is a deliberate smokescreen. The evidence from 2025 shows this is patently false. These events openly and proudly feature modern firearms, transforming the ritual into a menacing display of force.

• Guns and Rifles as centrepieces: The public display of firearms is a consistent theme. 

On October 2, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal event on Vijay Dashami saw participants displaying “dozens of guns, swords, and other weapons.” 

On September 28, at another Bhopal event featuring ex-MP Sadhvi Pragya Thakur, the proceedings “also featured guns, swords, and other weapons” as a backdrop to her inflammatory speech.

On October 2, in Indore, Madhya Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shastra Pujan involved the worship and display of “swords, guns and other weapons.”

This was mirrored in Jammu, where on October 2, VHP and Bajrang Dal members organised a Shastra Pujan “worshipping swords, guns, and other weapons” 

On October 2, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal event was characterised by the “displaying [of] guns, swords and other weapons.”

On October 2, in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, an AHP and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal procession “worshipped and displayed guns, swords and other weapons.” 

On September 29, in Bina Etawa, Madhya Pradesh, VHP-Bajrang Dal members “brandished guns and swords.”

On October 2, in Nagod, Satna (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal event featured “several guns on stage” while speakers targeted Muslims.

• Political displays of massive firepower: This display of weaponry is not limited to militant organisations; it is also a tool for political strong-arming. On October 2, in Kunda, Uttar Pradesh, the event was a staggering show of force at the residence of a sitting politician. MLA Raghuraj Pratap Singh, popularly known as Raja Bhaiya, “held a Shastra Pujan displaying hundreds of guns and rifles at his residence.”

This act, involving an arsenal far beyond any symbolic need, demonstrates a fusion of political power and a capacity for violence, sending an unambiguous message of dominance.

The mass distribution of trishuls, particularly in states like Rajasthan, also contravenes the law, as these are often sharpened and designed as weapons. But the open display of hundreds of unlicensed (or even licensed) firearms in a public, politically charged gathering is a blatant violation of The Arms Act and provisions of the CrPC related to unlawful assembly.

The enablers: political patronage and state impunity

This illegality thrives because it is protected from above. The involvement of “influential figures—MPs, MLAs, and politicians” is not a suspicion; it is a documented fact.

• Elected officials: MLA Raja Bhaiya (Kunda, UP), Assembly Speaker Narendra Singh Tomar (Gwalior, MP), and ex-MP Sadhvi Pragya Thakur (Bhopal, MP) all actively participated in and legitimised these events.
• Government Llegitimisation: A key part of this legitimisation is the government’s formal decision to lift long-standing bans on employees participating in such events, removing any professional consequence for state actors who align with this agenda. This process reversed decades of policy. The initial ban, which barred central government employees from participating in the activities of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), was first imposed on November 30, 1966, and pointedly reiterated on October 28, 1980, to ensure a secular outlook in the bureaucracy. 

This 58-year-old prohibition was officially lifted by the central government via an office memorandum from the Department of Personnel and Training on July 9, 2024. This move paved the way for state governments, such as the BJP-led government in Rajasthan, which, around August 24, 2024, issued its own circular lifting a similar 52-year-old ban, thereby granting explicit permission for state employees to participate in RSS activities. As per reports in the The Hindu.

• Systemic impunity: The “no legal action” outcome is the rule, not the exception. The Rajasthan University incident is the most damning proof that the victims are jailed, and the attackers walk free. In Cuttack, as has been noted, rioters with weapons faced no consequences. This is a deliberate tactic, one that draws parallels to the Gujarat Riots: the state machinery steps back (or actively assists) to allow “religious celebrations” to morph into organised violence, knowing that the legal system will be deployed to protect the perpetrators and punish any resistance.

This is how permissions are granted. This is how the law is ignored. The agenda is state-sanctioned, protected by powerful politicians, and enforced by a compromised or complicit law enforcement and legal system.

A year of weaponised faith: the continuum from Ram Navami to Ganpati

While the Shastra Poojan events of Dussehra 2025 present the most recent manifestation of this trend, they are merely the crescendo of a year-long symphony of hate. To view them in isolation is to miss the systemic nature of the rot. An analysis of events stretching back through 2025—encompassing Ram Navami, Ganpati Visarjan, and Durga Puja—reveals that the weaponisation of religious festivals is no longer an anomaly, it has become the standard operating procedure of the right-wing outfits. 

This sustained aggression is not accidental. It is the inevitable yield of over a decade of the current regime’s governance, a period characterised by the systematic dismantling of constitutional values and the emboldening of majoritarian forces. The frequency and ferocity of these displays are direct metrics of how deeply the “Hindu Rashtra” project has penetrated the social fabric, sanctified by political patronage and shielded by a compromised state machinery.

The Ganpati festival: from devotion to macabre propaganda

The Ganpati festival in September 2025 witnessed a disturbing shift where the celebration of the deity was side-lined for the promotion of gruesome political propaganda. 

In Madhya Pradesh, a state that has become a laboratory for right-rings’ experimentation, religious tableaux (jhankis) were utilised to broadcast graphic Islamophobic imagery. In Mahidpur, Ujjain, on September 5, a tableau explicitly promoted the “Love Jihad” conspiracy theory, depicting Muslim men slaughtering women. This was not a subtle dog whistle but a visual scream designed to provoke, leading inevitably to communal tension and stone-pelting. 

In Mahadevgarh, Khandwa, on September 5, another tableau featured a refrigerator with mutilated dolls—a crude exploitation of a high-profile murder case—to suggest that Muslim men are inherent butchers of women. 

In Kasravad, Khargone, on September 7, similar gory visuals were paraded through the streets. These were not religious processions; they were mobile hate-speech units, designed to instil fear in minorities and radicalise the majority, turning a festival of joy into a procession of trauma. 

The “Decade Plus” of impunity: the state as an extension of the mob 

This was explicitly articulated in Karnataka during the Ganpati Visarjan. In Raichur, on September 16, VHP-Bajrang Dal State Convenor Shivananda Sattigeri delivered a speech that stripped away any remaining veneer of the rule of law. He did not just threaten violence; he claimed ownership of the state apparatus, asserting that “the police and army are all Hindus” and that the Prime Minister is aligned with the RSS. He threatened to “chop off the hands” of dissenters and warned that legal challengers would be “beaten and sent to Pakistan.” 

The rhetoric is echoed by elected representatives, further blurring the lines. On September 10, in Maddur, Mandya, BJP MLC C.T. Ravi publicly threatened Muslims with “beheading” and “cutting,” reminding them of the consequences of “showing strength.” When lawmakers speak the language of lynch mobs, the weaponisation of festivals ceases to be a law-and-order issue and becomes a state-sponsored project of intimidation. 

Durga Puja: the gendered radicalisation 

The narrative of 2025 also highlights how this weaponisation is deeply gendered, using the imagery of the Goddess to militarise women and children against a fabricated “other.” During the Durga Puja festivities, the VHP and its wings, Durga Vahini and Matru Shakti, intensified their campaign to frame Muslim men as existential threats. 

In Gaya, Bihar, on September 30, women were made to brandish weapons, while in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, on the same day, speakers used the platform of Durga Ashtami to peddle “Love Jihad” conspiracies to a captive audience of women and children. The message was clear: your faith requires you to be armed. 

This indoctrination has reached the level of hate-filled conditioning for children. 

In Maharashtra, on October 2, far-right influencer Sangram Bapu Bhandare led armed children in a chant that pitted the identity of the Goddess against the identity of the Muslim woman: “Tu Durga ban, tu Kali ban, kabhi na burke wali ban” (Become Durga, become Kali, never become the one in the burqa). By weaving hate into the rhymes and rituals of children, the regime’s ideological affiliates are ensuring that the cycle of violence continues well beyond the current political tenure. 

The calendar of hate: how a decade of impunity weaponised 2025

The festivals of 2025 have ceased to be mere celebrations of faith but they have morphed into a synchronised calendar of intimidation. This year’s timeline—stretching from the aggressive posturing of Ram Navami, through the macabre tableaux of Ganpati Visarjan, to the open weaponisation of Durga Puja—reveals a terrifying new normal. 

In Madhya Pradesh, the sanctity of Ganesh Chaturthi was desecrated by floats depicting gruesomely mutilated women, designed solely to incite anti-Muslim hysteria under the guise of “Love Jihad.” In Karnataka, the mask of democracy slipped entirely when BJP leaders publicly threatened beheadings, and VHP convenors declared the police and army to be extensions of the RSS.

This unchecked aggression is not spontaneous but it is the toxic harvest of a “Decade Plus” of the current regime. Ten years of majoritarian party rule have systematically dismantled the firewall between the state and the street. 

The normalisation of a violent public square

The 2025 Shastra Poojan campaign, as documented here, is not an expression of Hindu faith. It is the tactical expression of a political agenda that views violence, intimidation, and communal hatred as legitimate tools. It is the “weapon agenda” in its most tactical form.

The evidence is overwhelming. We are witnessing a systematic effort to subvert India’s secular institutions, transforming universities into ideological battlegrounds (Rajasthan University) and police forces into partisan participants (Gwalior). We are seeing a coordinated, nationwide campaign by the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and AHP to use these events as platforms for the vilest, eliminationist hate speech, explicitly calling for the assault (“assault non-Hindu sellers”) and murder (“behead,” “eliminate jihadis”) of Muslims.

Most chillingly, we are watching the deliberate indoctrination of children. By placing swords in the hands of young girls (Ujjain), making children chant anti-Muslim slogans (Maharashtra), and having them perform martial demonstrations (Udaipura), this agenda is attempting to create a new generation for whom violence is not just normal but sacred.

This entire enterprise is shielded by a formidable architecture of political impunity, where MLAs (Raja Bhaiya), MPs (Sadhvi Pragya), and Assembly Speakers (Narendra Singh Tomar) provide cover. The law is rendered meaningless, as police either participate in the rituals or, as seen in Rajasthan, arrest the very students protesting the illegality.

This is the terrain. The ritual of Shastra Poojan has become the chosen vehicle for normalising violence, mainstreaming hate, and asserting a militant religious supremacy over the public sphere. The parallel to pre-riot tactics in places like Gujarat is not just an academic reflection, it is a clear and present warning.

When a mob leader can openly claim the state apparatus as “theirs” without fear of arrest, it proves that impunity has been institutionalised. The most chilling aspect of this year’s agenda was the targeted radicalisation of families, women brandishing swords and children chanting hate before they can fully understand faith. 

We are witnessing the solidification of a “militant piety,” where the sword replaces the prayer, and the Constitution is quietly suspended in favour of the rule of the mob. These incidents stand as a warning that the secular citadel is not just being breached, it is being dismantled, festival by festival, under the protective gaze of the state.

Related:

Speaker at VHP weapon worship event openly targets the religious minorities of India, calls them top enemies

Arm yourself with knowledge, not tridents, swords or knives

FIR over hate speech and brandishing of swords at Udupi Durga Daud event

The post The ‘Shastra Poojan’ Project: How the ritual of weapon worship is being recast as a tool of power and hate propaganda appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The bulk of entries flagged so far fall into the categories that commonly prompt removal of deceased voters, those who have shifted addresses, untraceable names and duplicates.

The state’s electoral roll, as last certified on October 27, 2025, lists 7,66,37,529 registered voters. In proportion, the provisional 50-lakh figure represents a significant chunk of the electorate. Election officials and the Chief Electoral Officer’s office have stressed repeatedly that this is a provisional outcome of the digitisation exercise and must be understood in the administrative sequence that follows publication of the draft list, notices, hearings and disposal of claims and objections, and finally the ECI’s checks and permission for the final roll.

The draft list was scheduled for publication on December 16, 2025, with hearings and verification to follow before any name is finally deleted.

According to The News Minute, the officials working at the CEO’s office provided a breakdown of the roughly 50-lakh provisional cases: more than 23 lakh were classified as “deceased,” over 18 lakh as “shifted,” and more than 7 lakh as “untraceable,” with the remaining entries attributed to duplicates or other removal reasons. These categories mirror the normal administrative reasons that electoral rolls are pruned; however, the speed and scale of the flags — not just the categories themselves — have alarmed voters, civil society groups and political parties alike.

The final numbers will depend on hearings and verifications scheduled between mid-December and early February 2026.

How SIR became a public crisis

Petitioners challenging the SIR in the Supreme Court have argued on December 2 that the Special Intensive Revision is illegal and unconstitutional, claiming that the scale, timing and manner of its implementation violate established electoral norms. Despite the pendency of these challenges, voter-list revision remains, on its face, a routine democratic duty that both the State and the Election Commission of India are obligated to maintain accurate rolls so that eligible voters are neither omitted nor counted more than once.

Even so, aspects of the present exercise — its pace, concentrated timelines, the extensive door-to-door verifications carried out by Booth Level Officers (BLOs), and the near-real-time visibility of digitisation flags — unfolded in an environment of heightened public attention, leading to widespread anxiety among sections of the population. Social media circulation, intense political scrutiny and fragmented information channels further contributed to confusion about what provisional flags meant, particularly among vulnerable citizens.

In several districts, police and administrative logs recorded citizens who said they feared losing their names or being confronted with legal consequences because of missing paperwork. Interviews collected by reporters from families of victims described panic, confusion and, in some cases, pre-existing vulnerability — old age, lack of regular identity documents, migratory labour status or poor literacy — as the factors that turned an administrative notice into a cause of intense personal distress. The pattern of panic is not unique to this revision: previous national episodes where large administrative drives intersected with inadequate public outreach have produced similar outcomes. What made the present wave distinct was the speed with which thousands of provisional deletions became visible and the proliferation of alarming claims — anecdotal and political — across platforms, The News Minute reported

Field staff reported pressure, and the death of a few BLOs earlier in the exercise crystallised wider concerns. Employee associations, local administrators and civil society groups told reporters that the compressed timeframes required an exceptional workload from BLOs, who must complete verifications under deadlines, often with server or app issues, poor transport or unclear instructions. The tragic deaths reported during this period sparked urgent questions about whether adequate staffing, mental-health support and realistic timeframes accompanied a process of such scale.

#WATCH | Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala | BLOs across the state boycotted work in protest over the suicide of a BLO in Kannur. They marched to the office of the Chief Electoral Officer
In other districts, protests were held at the District Collectorates. The protest was jointly… pic.twitter.com/i7vhS7VEsc

— ANI (@ANI) November 17, 2025

The tally of deaths and the state’s response

In the last weeks of the SIR exercise, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) compiled and presented lists of deaths they allege were linked to SIR-induced panic. The TMC delegation took such lists to the Election Commission and made repeated public claims that dozens of people, including BLOs and ordinary citizens, had died as a direct or indirect result of the SIR exercise. The party’s public figures described the deaths as a humanitarian crisis and a political failure of the SIR implementation. The TMC tabled “40” or “39” as the number of deaths in various submissions and press interactions, as the Times of India reported

On December 2, 2025, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee announced a Rs. 2 lakh ex gratia payment for the families of 39 people she said had died due to “SIR-panic,” and Rs. 1 lakh for persons whose condition worsened during the verification exercise but who survived. The announcement was presented by the state as a humanitarian step to assuage grief and to remind citizens that the SIR process is not punitive in itself. The CM and state officials insisted the measure was necessary given the scale of distress and to underline the government’s role in supporting affected families.

For years, Delhi’s Bangla-Birodhi cabal has sat like vultures on Bengal’s rightful dues worth ₹2 lakh crore. And today, the same BJP that weaponised the Election Commission to ram SIR down Bengal’s throat is suddenly pretending to care about BLOs’ honorarium.

If the Centre had… pic.twitter.com/JaAJvMGKq0

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) December 1, 2025

The TMC also submitted lists to the Election Commission during a delegation meeting in New Delhi where party leaders voiced sharp criticism of the ECI and its conduct of SIR in West Bengal. The party accused the ECI of being insensitive to the emotional and social consequences of the drive, citing the deaths and hospitalisations reported from various districts. The TMC’s demonstrations and delegations intensified public and media focus on the human consequences of the revision exercise.

Sharing herewith my today’s letter to the Chief Election Commissioner, articulating my serious concerns in respect of two latest and disturbing developments. pic.twitter.com/JhkFkF6RWs

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) November 24, 2025

The ECI, meanwhile, has responded to the allegations in court and in public statements. According to The Hindu, in affidavits and hearings before the Supreme Court, the Commission described claims of mass disenfranchisement as “highly exaggerated” and maintained that the SIR is a constitutionally mandated and transparent administrative exercise intended to maintain accurate electoral rolls. The ECI also warned political parties against intimidating BLOs and stressed that any names flagged during digitisation will get due process in the notice, hearing and objection windows before final deletion.

These institutional exchanges — TMC’s claims and ECI’s rebuttals — unfolded in parallel to the state government’s relief announcements.

What the ECI says and what courts are hearing

The ECI’s defence of SIR in the Supreme Court highlighted that digitisation trends alone do not determine final deletions and that the statutory safeguards of notice, hearing and disposal of objections must play out. In written affidavits, the Commission argued that allegations of systematic disenfranchisement were factually unfounded and politically motivated, pointing to the processual safeguards embedded in electoral law. The Commission’s public posture included cautionary notices to political actors to avoid intimidation of field officers and to allow BLOs to complete verifications unhindered.

At the same time, political delegations from West Bengal argued before the ECI and in the media that the pace, the timing and the perceived motives behind SIR risked alienating communities and that the ECI needed to exercise greater sensitivity. These tensions — legal, administrative and political — set the terms for the weeks leading up to and following the publication of the draft roll on December 16, 2025.

Mamata’s public outreach: ‘May I Help You’ camps and rallies

In response to the surge of panic, and framed as a rights-protection measure, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee announced a large-scale outreach plan. Beginning on December 12, the state government will set up “May I Help You” camps across every block in West Bengal.

The stated objective of these camps is to assist people whose names are flagged in the draft roll, help them assemble or correct documentation, guide them through the claims and objections process, and ensure that no genuine voter is removed simply for lack of paperwork. The camps are also meant to offer a visible and immediate reassurance to citizens that the state will actively support them during hearings and verifications.

Mamata has deployed these announcements in public rallies and district visits where she has framed the SIR process as being politically charged and pushed by the Centre.

‘কোটিবার বাংলা ভাষায় কথা বলব!’ — বিজেপিকে চ্যালেঞ্জ জননেত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের।#MamataBanerjee pic.twitter.com/xhYemx9K5K

— Banglar Gorbo Mamata (@BanglarGorboMB) December 3, 2025

In rallies, she has warned against “weaponising” the revision and has called on party workers and local officials to assist citizens in the help camps. The CM’s public speeches have combined administrative directives (the establishment and staffing of camps) with political claims about motives and effects, aiming to both reassure vulnerable residents and mobilise political solidarity ahead of the assembly elections scheduled for 2026.

Mamata’s own account on X (formerly Twitter) amplified the compensation announcement and the help-camp plan: her verified handle posted the government’s decisions and appealed for calm, signposting the administrative steps being taken in the coming days. Official state and party handle also circulated schedules for district-level visits, helpline numbers and details of local camp venues as these were finalised.

It is sad and unfortunate that we have lost 29 precious lives due to disruption in health services because of long drawn cease work by junior doctors.

In order to extend a helping hand to the bereaved families, State Government announces a token financial relief of Rs. 2 lakh…

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) September 13, 2024

Helplines, camps and the practicalities of the relief plan

State officials described the “May I Help You” camps as a three-part intervention as immediate assistance to citizens flagged in digitisation (document checks and form help); facilitating representation at ERO hearings by informing registered claimants about hearing dates and rights; and providing limited financial relief where deaths or serious health deterioration could be credibly linked to SIR-induced distress.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has firmly addressed feⱥrs around the ongoing SIR (Special Identification and Registration) exercise, assuring the public that “no one will go to Bangladesh.” She announced “May I Help You” camps beginning December 12 across the state,… pic.twitter.com/LQWhKNBleI

— The Logical Indian (@LogicalIndians) December 4, 2025

The camps are to be staffed by government clerical personnel, local health-and-welfare officers and — in places — TMC volunteers, according to state releases. The efficacy of these camps will depend heavily on local logistics: transport to block headquarters, staffing levels, coordination with electoral officers and clear public communication about timelines and required documents.

The state said the payments for bereaved families — the Rs. 2 lakh ex gratia — would be expedited and administered through district disaster relief desks or equivalent welfare channels. For survivors who suffered severe illness during the SIR period, officials said a Rs.1 lakh assistance would be made available upon verification of medical records and circumstances. The practical implementation — how quickly families will receive money, whether the assistance will be disbursed as one-time grants or routed through existing welfare programmes — will be closely watched by the media and rights groups in the weeks ahead, as the Times of India reported

Moreover, the SIR exercise in West Bengal encapsulates a difficult administrative paradox that electoral rolls must be accurate to preserve democratic fairness, yet the processes that produce that accuracy must be implemented in ways that avoid causing social harm. The provisional flagging of nearly 50 lakh names created a public crisis because the mechanical outcome of digitisation met a social reality where millions of citizens — some undocumented, some mobile, some vulnerable — lacked reassurance about what a provisional flag meant for their legal rights.

The West Bengal government’s compensation for families and the creation of block-level “May I Help You” camps are immediate, targeted responses to the humanitarian fallout; the ECI’s court submissions and processual guarantees are the institutional reassurance that legal safeguards remain in place. Whether these parallel interventions will restore confidence will depend on the quality of on-ground implementation: transparent hearings, accessible help desks, rapid disbursement of relief where appropriate, and a clear, plain-language public information campaign explaining rights and remedies.

Related:

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

Pregnant woman deported despite parents on 2002 SIR rolls, another homemaker commits suicide

Haunted by NRC fears, 57-year-old West Bengal man dies by suicide; Mamata blames BJP for turning democracy into a “theatre of fear”

The post Nearly 50 lakh names flagged for deletion in West Bengal, state government announces Rs. 2 Lakh relief for SIR-linked deaths, CM Mamta Banerjee launches ‘May I Help You’ block camps appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While the Election Commission of India (ECI) claims that it is to update and purify the voter lists, the methodology being employed on the ground has come under intense scrutiny following the deaths of government employees and citizens.

The exercise, which involves rigorous door-to-door verification, data collection, and digitisation of voter records, has been compressed into a tight schedule. Political leaders and employee unions allege that a process that traditionally spans years has been forced into a two-month window, creating unrealistic targets. This issue has reportedly resulted in “inhuman” work pressure for the foot soldiers of the process—the Booth Level Officers (BLOs)—and ignited fears of disenfranchisement among the poor, reminiscent of the anxieties surrounding the National Register of Citizens (NRC), as per a report in Livemint.

This report details the unfolding tragedy across three states—West Bengal, Rajasthan, and Kerala—documenting the specific incidents of suicide, the allegations of harassment by supervisors, and the systemic failures that have left families in mourning.

West Bengal

West Bengal has reported the highest intensity of distress-related incidents since the enumeration exercise began. The state has witnessed fatalities among officials tasked with the work, as well as suicide attempts by citizens panicked by the sudden demand for documentation.

The suicide of Shantimoni Ekka

In the Rangamati Panchayat of Malbazar, the SIR process claimed the life of Shantimoni Ekka. A 48-year-old Anganwadi worker, Ekka had been conscripted into election duty as a BLO. On November 19, her family’s routine was shattered when they found her body hanging in the courtyard of their home.

The circumstances leading to her death reveal a systemic failure to support ground-level staff. Her family states that she was the sole BLO for her booth and was buckling under the pressure of distributing and collecting forms door-to-door.

According to the Indian Express, her son, Bishu Ekka, spoke to the media about his mother’s deteriorating mental state. He explained that the sheer volume of forms was overwhelming, and a critical language barrier made the task impossible.

“She was very disturbed mentally,” Bishu said.

“She had tremendous work pressure. There was the work pressure of the ICDS (Integrated Child Development Service) and then this BLO duty. There were too many forms, and the forms were in Bengali, and no one was able to help us” as reported

According to the report, this linguistic disconnect was corroborated by her husband, Soko Ekka. He pointed out that while the forms provided by the administration were in Bengali, their area is predominantly Hindi-speaking. This mismatch caused confusion among residents, who were unable to understand the forms or filled them out incorrectly. The burden of rectifying these errors fell entirely on Shantimoni.

“Many are not understanding and filling in wrongly,” Soko said.

He further added that “She was under tremendous pressure; she used to tell me that with the BLO work, she was unable to do any other work”

Most damning is the revelation that Shantimoni had attempted to exit the process before taking her life. Her husband revealed that she had approached officials to resign from her BLO duties. However, her request was summarily rejected. The officer in charge reportedly told her that since her name was already in the system, it could not be cancelled. Feeling trapped between an unyielding administration and an unmanageable workload, she took the extreme step.

“We thought that she had gone to cook in the morning but later, we saw her hanging,” her husband said

Previous fatalities and medical emergencies

Shantimoni Ekka’s death was not an isolated event in the state. Just days prior, on November 9, another BLO named Namita Hansdar died in Purba Bardhaman. Hansdar, who was responsible for booth number 278 in Chowk Balrampur, Memari, suffered a fatal brain stroke. Her family has alleged that the stroke was the direct result of exhaustion, stating she had been forced to work “day and night” to meet the SIR deadlines.

Citizen panic and the shadow of NRC

While officials face administrative pressure, the common citizens of West Bengal are facing a different kind of terror as the fear of statelessness. The SIR exercise involves verifying old records, a process that has inadvertently triggered trauma related to the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

As per a report in Bhaskar English, in North 24 Parganas this fear nearly killed Ashok Sardar. The 63-year-old rickshaw puller from Prafullanagar Low Land, under Kamarhati Municipality, jumped onto the railway tracks near the CCR Bridge at Belgharia. He survived the impact but sustained critical injuries, leading to the amputation of one of his limbs. He remains in a serious condition at RG Kar Hospital.

The police and his family confirmed that his suicide attempt was driven by anxiety over the SIR process. Sardar had recently discovered that he and his wife were unable to locate their names in the 2002 voters’ list. In the current political climate, where documentation is often conflated with citizenship status, this discrepancy caused him to panic.

His daughter, Chaitali Sarkar, explained his mindset that “For days, father kept saying he had no documents. He feared he might be thrown out of the country. That fear may have driven him to do this.”

According to police sources, Sardar had been living in “persistent fear” after hearing about the distribution of forms and the document requirements mandated by the SIR exercise.

Political confrontation

The rising death toll has led to a sharp confrontation between the West Bengal government and the Election Commission. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee took to social media platform X to express her shock, stating that “28 people have already lost their lives since SIR began.”

She categorised these deaths as a result of fear, uncertainty, stress, and overload.

Deeply shocked and saddened.

Today again, we lost a Booth Level Officer in Mal, Jalpaiguri — Smt Shanti Muni Ekka, a tribal lady, an anganwadi worker who took her own life under the unbearable pressure of the ongoing SIR work.

28 people have already lost their lives since SIR…

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) November 19, 2025

Banerjee followed this public statement with a formal letter to Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. In the letter, she called for an immediate halt to the SIR drive, describing it as “unplanned, chaotic, and dangerous.”

“I am compelled to write to you as the situation surrounding the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has reached a deeply alarming stage,” Banerjee wrote.

CM Banerjee said that “The manner in which this exercise is being forced upon officials and citizens is not only unplanned and chaotic, but also dangerous… A process that earlier took 3 years is now being forced into 2 months on the eve of elections to please political masters, putting inhuman pressure on BLOs.”

“Unrealistic workloads, impossible timelines and inadequate support with online data.. BLOs are operating beyond human limits…and fearful of punitive action .. at the peak of the paddy harvest season the timing of this exercise is indefensible..I request you to halt this… pic.twitter.com/i0zkSMVKxm

— Sagarika Ghose (@sagarikaghose) November 20, 2025

She urged the ECI to “act with conscience” and stop the drive before more lives were lost.

In contrast, the Leader of the Opposition in the Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, defended the Election Commission. He attributed the issues to local administrative mismanagement rather than the central directive. Speaking to the media, Adhikari said, “I have found out the reason is the joint BDO. The EC has no role. The TMC was to destroy the SIR, but we are happy that the SIR has begun in Bengal.”

A Strong Rebuttal to Mamata Banerjee’s desperate attempt to sabotage the Voter List Purification Drive.

I have sent a detailed letter to Hon’ble Chief Election Commissioner; Shri Gyanesh Kumar, completely exposing the politically motivated and factually bogus letter written by… pic.twitter.com/TXngNmFhTT

— Suvendu Adhikari (@SuvenduWB) November 20, 2025

He claimed that in other states where SIR is ongoing, “nothing is happening,” and that the crisis was specific to TMC-ruled Bengal.

Rajasthan

The crisis is not limited to Bengal, reports from Rajasthan indicate similar distress among government employees. In Jaipur, the pressure of the SIR exercise resulted in the suicide of a government school teacher, Mukesh Chand Jangid.

The death of Mukesh Chand Jangid

Jangid, who was serving as a BLO, died by suicide on November 16, by jumping in front of a train. Unlike the cases in Bengal where general pressure was blamed, Jangid left behind specific evidence of harassment. A suicide note recovered from his pocket accused his supervisor, Sitaram Bunkar, of mental harassment and repeated threats of suspension.

पश्चिम बंगाल के जलपाईगुड़ी में BLO शांति मुनि जी ने खुदकुशी कर ली। ये बेहद दुखद और चिंताजनक है।

इससे पहले राजस्थान, मध्य प्रदेश, केरल और तमिलनाडु से भी BLO के आत्महत्या से जुड़ी खबरें आई थीं।

ऐसे हर मामले में ये बात सामने आ रही है कि SIR के दबाव की वजह से BLO आत्महत्या कर रहे… pic.twitter.com/sjstmDOuuY

— Congress (@INCIndia) November 19, 2025

The timeline of his death, reconstructed by his family, paints a picture of a dedicated officer pushed to the brink. His younger brother, Gajanan, revealed that the suicide note was dated November 13—three days before his death. This suggests Jangid had been carrying the note while continuing to perform his duties.

According to Dainik Bhaskar, on the evening of November 15, Jangid received a long phone call from his supervisor. Following the call, at 9:30 PM, he handed a thick bundle of voter forms to his younger brother, asking him to paste passport-sized photographs on them, indicating he was still trying to complete the work.

The next morning, at 4:45 AM, he left his home in Dharampura (Kalwar) in his home clothes. At 6:45 AM, the family received a call from the Bindayka police station asking them to identify his body on the railway tracks.

Technical failures and “digital” pressure

Jangid’s son, 10-year-old Revanshu, provided insight into the technical struggles his father faced. As part of the modernisation of the electoral rolls, BLOs are required to collect data offline and then upload it to a central server. This process was reportedly fraught with glitches.

Revanshu said that his father working late into the night, struggling with the upload process, and often seeking help from colleagues who were equally helpless. When the child asked when the work would finish, Jangid replied that he did not know when it would end.

Family’s allegations of cover-up

The aftermath of Jangid’s death has been marked by conflict between the family and the police. Mukesh’s uncle, Bhanwarlal Jangid, stated that the police have refused to hand over copies of the suicide note or the FIR to the family. The investigating officer reportedly only read the note aloud to them. The family has expressed deep dissatisfaction with the investigation, though CI Vinod Kumar has assured that those named in the note will be questioned.

The tragedy has devastated the family’s future. Jangid is survived by his wife, Meena Devi, and two daughters, Annu (23) and Jyoti (21). Both daughters are engaged to be married next year. Instead of wedding preparations, the household is now in mourning, as reported

Kerala

In Kerala, the suicide of a BLO has sparked a massive mobilisation of state government employees, leading to strikes and boycotts.

The death of Aneesh George

Aneesh George, a 44-year-old BLO in the Payyannur Assembly constituency of Kannur, was found hanging in his house on a Sunday. His family immediately attributed his death to the intense pressure to complete the SIR enumeration process by the December 4 deadline.

#WATCH | Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala | BLOs across the state boycotted work in protest over the suicide of a BLO in Kannur. They marched to the office of the Chief Electoral Officer
In other districts, protests were held at the District Collectorates. The protest was jointly… pic.twitter.com/i7vhS7VEsc

— ANI (@ANI) November 17, 2025

The political reaction in Kerala mirrored the polarisation seen in other states. According to the Telegraph India, leader of the opposition V.D. Satheesan alleged that George had faced threats from CPM workers after a Congress booth-level agent accompanied him for enumeration. The CPM, however, rejected these claims, with Kannur district secretary K.K. Ragesh stating that George’s death was not an isolated incident but part of a pattern seen in Rajasthan and Bengal due to ECI targets.

Leaked audio and “dire consequences”

The allegations of coercion gained credibility when local television channels aired a leaked audio message from an electoral registration officer in Pathanamthitta district. In the recording, the officer is heard warning BLOs of “dire consequences” if they failed to meet the strict targets set for the revision process. This audio confirmed the fears of many employees that their jobs were on the line if they could not keep up with the accelerated pace, as reported

SIR में ड्यूटी करने वाले कई BLO अत्यधिक दबाव के चलते आत्महत्या कर चुके हैं.

SIR कर्मचारी इतना ज़्यादा दबाव में क्यों काम कर रहे हैं?

सरकार इतनी जल्दी में क्यों है? #BLOSuicide #SIR pic.twitter.com/1MjLuNLKfl

— Neha Singh Rathore (@nehafolksinger) November 20, 2025

Mass boycott

In response to the suicide and the threats, the trade unions of Kerala mobilised. On November 17, approximately 35,000 BLOs across the state boycotted SIR work. Under the banner of various state government employee unions, they held protests outside the Chief Electoral Office in Thiruvananthapuram and at district collectorates.

The protesting employees demanded that the authorities refrain from exerting excessive pressure and called for a postponement of the SIR process, citing the upcoming local body elections in December as a reason for the unbearable workload.

A systemic crisis

The events in West Bengal, Rajasthan, and Kerala highlight a fundamental disconnect between the claims of the Election Commission and the human capacity of its workforce.

West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee in her letter to the CEC noted that the process suffers from “critical gaps in training, lack of clarity on mandatory documentation and the near-impossibility of meeting voters in the midst of their livelihood schedules.” The shift from a multi-year timeline to a two-month sprint has removed the necessary buffer for error correction and stress management.

In a shameless attempt to serve the @BJP4India’s political greed, the @ECISVEEP has recklessly rushed the SIR process, and is now driving people to their deaths. A BLO has died by suicide after being crushed under inhuman workloads. Will the Election Commission finally admit its… pic.twitter.com/q7zUs60fcF

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) November 20, 2025

Furthermore, the legal context remains complicated. The SIR process was challenged in the Supreme Court after it was launched in Bihar, and the matter remains pending. While the Court has issued directions regarding the use of Aadhaar cards for identity verification, the implementation on the ground remains chaotic.

While officials have noted that the SIR exercise concluded without such fatalities in Bihar, the rising body count in other states suggests that the “Bihar model” is not seamlessly replicable. Whether it is the language barrier in Malbazar, the digital divide in Jaipur, or the political volatility in Kannur, the “one size fits all” approach is failing.

The human cost of documentation

The climate of fear produced by the SIR drive is inseparable from the shadows cast by earlier citizenship exercises such as the NRC and the CAA. The recent death of 57-year-old Pradip Kar from Agarpara in North 24 Parganas is the latest tragic reminder of how deeply these anxieties have penetrated everyday life in Bengal. On October 28, 2025, Kar was found hanging in his home, leaving behind a note that read “NRC is responsible for my death.”

According to Sabrang India, Kar’s family said he had grown visibly distressed after the Election Commission announced the SIR across 12 states, including West Bengal—a move widely feared in the state as a precursor to an NRC-like process. Barrackpore Police Commissioner Murlidhar Sharma confirmed that while no foul play was detected, the suicide note made an explicit reference to the NRC. “The family told us he was deeply disturbed by NRC-related reports. After the SIR announcement, he appeared anxious, but they assumed it was illness,” Sharma said. Kar’s sister added that he repeatedly told the family, “They will take me away in the name of NRC.”

Kar’s death mirrored the earlier tragedy of 31-year-old Debashish Sengupta from Kolkata, who died by suicide in March 2024 after being consumed by fears induced by the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). As reported by Sabrang India, Sengupta—who was visiting his grandparents in South 24 Parganas—was found hanging after confiding that his ailing father, a migrant from Bangladesh, could be denied citizenship due to inadequate documents. His family said he was “consumed by dread” that the newly notified CAA rules would render many stateless.

These deaths are no longer isolated cases as they are symptomatic of a broader psychological crisis in which bureaucratic exercises intended to update records instead evoke existential fears of erasure. Across Bengal, whispers that “NRC is coming through the backdoor” have gained the weight of lived experience. For vulnerable citizens, the acceleration of documentation requirements—whether through SIR, NRC, or CAA—has become indistinguishable from a threat to their very belonging.

Related:

Pregnant woman deported despite parents on 2002 SIR rolls, another homemaker commits suicide

Haunted by NRC fears, 57-year-old West Bengal man dies by suicide; Mamata blames BJP for turning democracy into a “theatre of fear”

Kolkata man commits suicide, family claims CAA rules led him to it

The post SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The instruction states that it is an “application of the Bihar SIR guidelines, subject to additions and modifications” — a phrasing that signals both continuity and quiet correction. What emerges is a recalibrated national model that softens the stringent documentation demands that had triggered widespread criticism during the Bihar rollout earlier this year.

The October 27 directive: recalibrating the Bihar model

The October 27, 2025 nationwide instruction now appears as a corrective response to these controversies. It retains the Bihar framework’s administrative skeleton but relaxes the parts that provoked legal and political backlash — particularly the document collection and automatic deletion provisions.

The ECI acknowledges in its circular that the nationwide exercise must account for the “qualifying date of last intensive revision” in each state, many of which go back more than two decades — to 2002 (Gujarat, Kerala) or 2003 (Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh). In such a diverse administrative terrain, a one-size-fits-all demand for citizenship documents was untenable.

Hence, the Commission’s “additions and modifications” represent a recalibrated approach of enumerate first, verify later.

The critical relaxation: no document collection during enumeration

The most consequential change is categorical that “No document is to be collected from electors during the Enumeration Phase.”

This single instruction overturns the Bihar precedent. Booth Level Officers (BLOs) will no longer collect proof of age or citizenship from existing voters at the door. Their task, between November 4 and December 4, 2025, is limited to recording updated data using the new Modified Enumeration Form (Annexure III) and Declaration Form (Annexure IV).

This is not a waiver of verification but a change in timing and logic. Verification is postponed to the claims and objections phase, ensuring that enumeration focuses on inclusion rather than exclusion. It prevents inadvertent disenfranchisement due to logistical hurdles — missing forms, illiteracy, migration, or inaccessible terrain — especially across the island territories (A&NI, Lakshadweep) and rural interiors of Rajasthan, UP, and Madhya Pradesh.

The relaxation also repositions BLOs as facilitators rather than investigators — a shift from the quasi-policing role seen in Bihar’s version.

Enumeration redesigned: linking voters to previous rolls

As per instructions, to ensure continuity and prevent duplication, the ECI has modified the enumeration form to include two new columns that record a voter’s linkage to entries in previous SIR rolls — either of the self, parents, or relatives.

In Bihar, this linkage mechanism had been introduced belatedly, after BLOs reported difficulties in obtaining documents. In the nationwide version, it is embedded from the outset.

Moreover, BLOs can now access the last intensive revision rolls of any state, not just the one in which the voter currently resides. For example, an elector earlier registered in West Bengal’s 2002 roll can use that entry to retain enrolment in Tamil Nadu — a move that particularly benefits internal migrants and mobile working populations.

From proof to continuity: a different evidentiary standard

The nationwide SIR also redefines what counts as proof of eligibility. Under the Bihar model, most voters registered after 2003 had to produce one of the eleven listed documents — ranging from ration cards to land records — to retain their place on the rolls.

Under the new approach, documents are only required for those not appearing in any state’s previous SIR roll. For all others, linkage itself establishes continuity. This modified framework prioritises historical presence over paperwork, effectively shifting the evidentiary standard from documentary proof to administrative traceability.

For first-time voters turning 18, the process is also streamlined. Instead of waiting until the claims-and-objections period, Form 6 applications can be filed alongside the SIR declaration during enumeration itself.

Non-inclusion protocol: ECI replaces automatic deletion

Another significant change concerns the treatment of unreturned enumeration forms.
In Bihar, failure to submit the form by the July 25, 2025 deadline risked automatic exclusion from the draft rolls. The new nationwide instruction explicitly prohibits such deletion without investigation.

If an elector’s form is not returned, the BLO must determine the probable cause — whether the person is absent, has shifted residence, is deceased, or appears as a duplicate — based on local inquiry.

Instead of silent removal, the directive mandates public disclosure:

“Booth-wise lists of electors whose names are not included in the Draft Roll shall be displayed on the Notice Board of respective Panchayat Bhavan/Urban local body office and on the CEO’s website.”

This requirement for both physical and digital publication marks a structural transparency mechanism absent in Bihar. Non-inclusion is now a verifiable administrative act, open to scrutiny and contestation during the claims and objections phase.

Such public display may appear procedural, but in practice, it serves as a safeguard against arbitrary disenfranchisement — a concern repeatedly voiced during the Bihar hearings.

Staggered scrutiny: verification after draft publication

The ECI’s new timeline formalises a two-step structure:

1. Enumeration and Draft Roll Publication (Nov 4 – Dec 9, 2025)
2. Claims, Objections, and Verification (Dec 9, 2025 – Jan 31, 2026)

Under this model, notices to electors whose enrolment cannot be linked with any previous SIR roll will be issued only after the draft publication. This ensures that the BLO’s November work focuses solely on accurate data collection, not document policing.

By de-linking enumeration from verification, the Commission implicitly acknowledges the impracticality of its earlier Bihar model, which conflated both into a single, high-pressure phase.

ECI’s October 27, 2025 instructions [Nationwide SIR covering 12 States and UTs] can be read here

A nationwide rollout shadowed by Bihar’s controversy

The ECI’s nationwide SIR plan, formally discussed at the Third Conference of Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) held in New Delhi on September 10, 2025, was conceived as a “unified” exercise to clean and update voter rolls. Yet, state-level realities have exposed deep procedural differences.

In Bihar, the SIR had snowballed into a controversy over legality and intent, as the state’s entire voter list was placed under re-enumeration. Booth Level Officers (BLOs) were directed to visit every household, distribute pre-filled forms, and collect documentary proof of citizenship and age from all existing electors, even those long registered. This effectively turned the revision into a de facto verification drive, with the burden of proof shifted onto the voter.

The June 24, 2025 notification — later at the heart of several petitions — stated that if any Electoral Registration Officer (ERO) or Assistant ERO “doubts the eligibility of a proposed elector due to non-submission of documents or otherwise,” they must initiate suo motu inquiries, issue notices, and even refer “suspected foreign nationals” to the competent authority under the Citizenship Act, 1955. This language blurred the line between electoral roll management and citizenship verification — a domain constitutionally outside the ECI’s scope.

Then June 24, 2025 Bihar SIR instruction can be read here

Organisations like the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), and several political parties, challenged both the suddenness and scope of the Bihar exercise. The controversy deepened when complaints emerged of BLOs supplying single copies of forms — even though electors were asked to submit duplicates — and of undue pressure and unrealistic deadlines.

Judicial intervention: Supreme Court steps in

By early September, the Supreme Court of India had stepped in. During hearings on petitions challenging the Bihar SIR, the bench led by Justices Surya Kant and Joymalya Bagchi scrutinised the ECI’s insistence on document submission and its implied role in assessing citizenship. The Court’s September 8, 2025 order became a turning point, reported LiveLaw.

The judges clarified that Aadhaar could be accepted as a form of identity proof, but “not as proof of citizenship.” The order, while limiting the ECI’s overreach, also introduced Aadhaar as the 12th acceptable identity document, in addition to the eleven previously listed in Annexures C and D of the June 24 order. The Court explicitly directed that any refusal to accept Aadhaar “shall be treated with utmost seriousness.”

In compliance with the Supreme Court’s direction, the Election Commission of India issued instructions to the Chief Electoral Officer, Bihar, on September 9, 2025, regarding the use of Aadhaar during the Special Summary Revision (SIR).

ECI’s instruction on Aadhaar dated 09.09.2025 can be read here

This judicial correction reshaped the SIR framework — it drew a clear legal boundary: identity verification is permissible under the Representation of the People Act, 1950 (Section 23(4)), but citizenship assessment is not. In effect, Bihar became a national test case, forcing the Commission to recalibrate its process before extending it to other states.

West Bengal: historical mapping, administrative delinking

In contrast, the Telegraph reported that the West Bengal’s SIR has been structured around a different logic — a historical mapping rather than re-enumeration. Here, the ECI has ordered a house-to-house verification based on the 2002 voter list, the last time an intensive revision was conducted in the state. BLOs have been tasked to cross-check every current elector against the 2002 roll, verifying continuity rather than demanding documents anew.

Those whose names appear in both lists will not need to provide any proof. Their children — if enrolled after 2002 — can use their parents’ details to establish linkage. For those not found in the 2002 list, BLOs will collect information for possible inclusion during the upcoming claims and objections phase.

This approach — seemingly technical — carries significant administrative and political undertones. Alongside the mapping, the ECI has delinked the Chief Electoral Officer’s (CEO) office from West Bengal’s Home and Hill Affairs Department, relocating it to premises under central government control. The official reasoning: “administrative neutrality.” But in a state long governed by an opposition party, the move raises questions of trust and control.

While the Commission cites the Representation of the People Act, 1950 to justify the delinking, observers point out that similar interventions are rare in BJP-ruled states, suggesting an uneven application of the principle of neutrality.

Assam: citizenship and the politics of exclusion

Nowhere, however, does the SIR intertwine as closely with citizenship politics as in Assam. The state’s revision, announced in August 2025, echoes long-standing anxieties around “illegal voters” — a phrase deeply enmeshed with the National Register of Citizens (NRC) debates.  The ECI notification is available on social media:

https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1821672638704928&id=100025866277485&mibextid=wwXIfr&rdid=2cc9yMr4tsexTeE7

The Times of India reported that, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma publicly declared that the SIR would “cleanse” the rolls. Assam’s Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Anurag Goel instructed district officials to complete preparations within twenty days — a pace that mirrors the high-pressure Bihar exercise. The reference point here is the 2005 revision, now being shared with political parties for comparison.

In practice, this has revived fears of selective scrutiny. By tying roll verification implicitly to citizenship, the Assam model reinforces the same grey area that the Supreme Court cautioned against in the Bihar case.

This triangulation — Bihar’s judicially restrained overhaul, Bengal’s archival verification, and Assam’s politically charged exercise — lays bare the “unified yet differential” nature of the ECI’s national plan. The SIR may be centrally conceived, but its execution remains fragmented by context, court, and politics.

The larger question: a unified process, differential application

The ECI’s nationwide SIR now rests on a paradox. It is designed as a unified exercise — same schedule, same forms, same qualifying date — but its ground implementation is explicitly differentiated by context and constraint.

• Bihar’s SIR remains judicially supervised, its documentation policy rewritten by the Court.
• West Bengal’s process is historically anchored and administratively separated from the state government.
• Assam’s revision remains entangled in citizenship discourse.
• And in the rest of the twelve states, the process is now being executed under a relaxed documentation regime that acknowledges the backlash from Bihar.

The result is a single national framework fragmented into state-specific realities — a nationwide SIR that, in effect, mirrors the country’s political and administrative diversity rather than uniformity in it.

Recalibration, not reconciliation

The October 27, 2025 instruction marks a strategic recalibration — a conscious step back from the hyper-bureaucratic and citizenship-linked model that defined the Bihar SIR. The nationwide SIR instructions seem to prioritise inclusion, transparency, and procedural fairness over immediate verification, while retaining the ECI’s control over the pace and design of the process.

Yet, this recalibration does not necessarily resolve the underlying questions:

• Can a constitutionally independent body modify its own guidelines mid-course without admitting procedural error?
• Does judicial oversight in one state suffice to ensure uniform legality nationwide?
• And, most crucially, does decentralised implementation enhance democratic participation — or risk producing uneven standards of electoral inclusion?

As the nationwide enumeration begins on November 4, 2025, the ECI finds itself balancing between correction and continuity. The revised framework avoids the pitfalls of Bihar’s coercive verification, but its differential application across states suggests that India’s “unified” SIR remains, in practice, a patchwork — legally restrained, politically contested, and administratively uneven.

Related:

ECI’s nationwide SIR plan: a ‘unified’ push, applied differentially across states

89 lakh complaints of irregularities during Bihar SIR were rejected by ECI: Congress

SC: ECI’s ‘wisdom’ on revision of electoral rolls challenged, does a disenfranchisement crisis loom over Bihar, with thousands being declared ‘‘D’ (doubtful) voters?

The post ECI’s announced nationwide SIR, will cover 12 States and UTs with a reduced documentary burden appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Maihar, where the state tourism department had declared the town a “religious city,” the ban on selling meat, fish, and eggs effectively halted the livelihood of small butchers and street vendors for over a week. These directives, though framed as temporary, raise a larger concern that can constitutionally guaranteed freedoms—of choice, privacy, and livelihood—be curtailed to accommodate the societal pressure?

Courts have repeatedly questioned the legality of such bans, yet self-styled moral guardians continue to harass vendors, check identity cards, and force shop closures, turning dietary preference into a test of loyalty. Behind every shuttered meat stall lies more than a dispute over food—it is a question of equality, dignity, and economic justice.

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If the Constitution guarantees every citizen both the right to eat what they choose and the freedom to trade under Articles 19 and 21, why are meat shops still being ordered shut, and why are non-vegetarians compelled to give up their choice in the name of a section of the majority community’s devotion?

It is no coincidence then that in all states where such unlawful and unconstitutional ‘bans’ were made operational are ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a political outfit driven by the ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In the eleven plus years that this politics has ruled India, unlawful and unconstitutional acts that specifically target the cultural, food and religious practices of minorities, Dalits and Adivasis have been normalised.

Forced shutdown in Madhya Pradesh

In Madhya Pradesh’s Maihar and Umaria districts, local administrations imposed a ban on the sale of meat, fish, and eggs during the Navratri festival. In Maihar, Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) Divya Patel explained that the decision was taken because the town is home to the revered Maa Sharda temple, which draws lakhs of devotees during the festival. “Maihar is a religious city and Navratri begins at this time, so the administration is banning the sale of meat, fish, and eggs from September 22 to October 2,” she said.

Maihar: Religious city declared by the MP Tourism Department

Patel further noted that Maihar has been officially designated a “religious city” by the Madhya Pradesh Tourism Department. “The Maa Shardey Kwar Navratri fair will be conducted from September 22 to October 2. Lakhs of visitors filled with devotion come to Maihar from every corner of the country for Maa Sharda’s darshan,” she added.

The order, issued on September 20 under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023 empowers authorities to take preventive action in urgent cases of nuisance or apprehended danger. Violations of the order invite prosecution under Section 233 of the BNSS, carrying a penalty of six months’ imprisonment and a fine of Rupees 2,500.

Ban imposed after meeting with community representatives

A similar order was passed in Umaria by SDM Kamlesh Neeraj, who said the decision was made “after discussions with members of different religious communities.” The SDM stated that participants in the meeting voluntarily agreed to ban the sale and consumption of non-vegetarian food—such as chicken, fish, and eggs—during Navratri “in view of the festival’s sanctity.”

This, however, is not a new development. In March this year, Maihar authorities had issued a similar order during the ‘Maa Shardey Chaitra Navratri Fair,’ citing the influx of pilgrims.

Amid reports of ban in Bhopal, administration clarifies

Meanwhile, social media posts and some media outlets claimed that a similar blanket ban on non-vegetarian food had been imposed in Bhopal. The Bhopal Collector, Kaushalendra Vikram Singh, dismissed these claims through an official statement on X, clarifying that “no such order has been issued by the Bhopal District Administration.”

Prem Shankar Shukla, Public Relations Officer of the Bhopal Municipal Corporation, told The Hindu that no extended restrictions were in place. “Each year, a calendar is issued after consultation with various departments and the BMC Commissioner, with certain days marked for special instructions—but we have never had any 8–9-day period in our calendar,” he said.

A pattern beyond administrative closure: harassment, hate and restrictions

The repeated closure of meat shops and eateries during religious/festival periods is not an isolated administrative act—it often stems from pressure by self-declared moral vigilantes and local community leaders. What may appear as a routine or “symbolic” closure during festivals is, in reality, part of a growing pattern seen across several cities in India.

In recent years, incidents of harassment, forced shutdowns, and restrictions on the sale or consumption of non-vegetarian food have become common during major religious observances and yatras. These actions—whether carried out by local authorities or vigilante groups—are frequently justified in the name of respecting sentiments during festivals such as Navratri, Radhastami, and Sawan/Shravan, as well as Jain observances like Paryushan. Similar restrictions are also imposed during large pilgrimages such as the Kanwar Yatra reported TOI and the Braj Mandal Jalabhishek Yatra reported Hindustan Times.

Harassment and intimidation:

• In Sagarpur, Delhi on August 31, Hindu nationalist Vipin Rajput harassed a Muslim couple at a roadside meat stall, accusing them of cutting meat in the open during the Radhastami festival.

• In Vrindaban, Mathura, UP on August 6, Bajrang Dal leader Deepak Tiwari harassed a biryani street vendor for selling non-veg along the Kanwar Yatra route, accusing him of attempting to desecrate the kanwars.

• In Loni, Ghaziabad, UP on July 10, BJP MLA Nandkishor Gurjar shut down a meat vendor, citing the Hindu month of Sawan and the movement of Kanwar Yatris along the route.

• In Ghaziabad, UP on July 18, Hindu nationalist supporters stopped a Muslim man transporting meat during the Hindu month of Shravan.

• In Ghaziabad, UP on July 15, VHP-Bajrang Dal leader Manoj Verma stopped a Blinkit delivery person transporting chicken, questioning him for delivering meat during the month of Shravan.

• In Dehradun, Uttarakhand on July 21, Kali Sena leader Bhupesh Joshi warned Muslim meat sellers not to open their shops on Mondays during the month of Shravan, threatening violence.

• In Katra, Muzaffarpur, Bihar on September 27, Cow vigilantes from Bajrang Dal harassed a man for carrying meat and accused him of cow slaughter during Navratri.

Forced closures and administrative action:

• In Dehradun, Uttarakhand on September 15, Hindu Raksha Dal staged a protest demanding a ban on meat sales during Navratri, targeting meat shops and raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans.

• In Dehradun, Uttarakhand on September 23, Kali Sena leader Bhupesh Joshi forcibly shut down a meat shop, citing the festival of Navratri.

• In Ambheta, Saharanpur, UP on September 23, Police instructed meat, fish, and egg shops via loudspeakers to shut down, citing the celebration of Navratri.

• In Kaiser Bagh, Lucknow, UP on September 22, Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha carried out a campaign to force meat and fish shops to close for Navratri.

• In Khandwa, MP on July 6, the administration sealed a non-vegetarian eatery operated by a Muslim individual after allegations that meat had been served to Kanwariyas in a tomato-dish.

• In Indirapuram, Ghaziabad, UP on July 17, Hindu Raksha Dal forced KFC and Nazeer Foods to shut down, stating non-vegetarian food was not permitted during the month of Shravan.

Memorandums for festival bans and restrictions:

• In Satna, Madhya Pradesh on September 19, VHP/Bajrang Dal submitted a memorandum demanding action against meat, fish, and egg shops, citing Navratri.

• In Bairad, Shivpuri, MP on September 24, VHP-Bajrang Dal members demanded a ban on meat, egg, and alcohol shops during Navratri, plus restrictions on non-Hindu entry to celebrations.

• In Annapur, Madhya Pradesh on September 23, VHP-Bajrang Dal members demanded a ban on meat shops during Navratri.

• In Behat, Sahranpur, UP on September 22, VHP-Bajrang Dal demanded that meat shops remain closed on all days of Navratri.

• In Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh on September 22, VHP-Bajrang Dal demanded the immediate closure of shops selling meat, alcohol, and eggs during Navratri and barring non-Hindus from Garba events.

Forced administrative closures:

• In Dug, Jhalawar, Rajasthan on September 4, the local administration removed meat shops along main roads, citing them as “illegal,” after demands from Hindu nationalist groups (Shiv Sena)

• In Indore, MP on September 13, at a VHP National level meeting, CM Mohan Yadav highlighted government actions like restricting open meat sales and peddled anti-Muslim conspiracy theories (“love jihad,” “land jihad”).

• In Purnia, Bihar on August 25, Union Minister Giriraj Singh urged attendees to buy only from Hindu vendors, eat only jhatka meat, and avoid halal, while referring to alleged immigrants as “demons.”

• In Lucknow, UP on July 17, an Antarrashtriya Hindu Mahasangh leader urged Hindus to stop eating meat, claiming it employs non-Hindus, and called for buying goods only from Hindu traders.

Constitutional validity of meat bans in India

The wave of forced closures and targeted harassment over the sale or consumption of non-vegetarian food during festivals raises a critical constitutional question: can faith override fundamental rights? While such actions are often justified as “respecting public sentiment,” they strike at the core of India’s constitutional guarantees—equality, freedom of choice, and the right to livelihood.

Even when these restrictions come through official orders, they stand on shaky legal ground. Administrative bans or “temporary” closures imposed during festivals like Navratri or Paryushan directly conflict with Articles 14, 19(1) (g), and 21 of the Constitution. The Constitution does not permit curbs on personal liberty or trade merely on grounds of religious sentiment. In effect, these measures—whether by law or by intimidation—create a regime of unequal citizenship, where what one can eat or sell depends on their faith or location.

As such notifications or circulars have a far-reaching impact on the entire meat industry and infringe upon the fundamental right to carry on trade or business, as guaranteed under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution.

The unofficial ban on meat – because shops have been effectively closed by owners unaware of the directive’s illegality or too concerned to challenge it violates three principles of the Constitution of India as equality, freedom to trade, and the right to “self-determination” and freedom of choice.

Section 14 of the Constitution guarantees equal rights for all Indian citizens. It respects the general principles of equality before the law and prohibits unreasonable classification among people. A ban on the sale of meat certainly warrants such discrimination.

Some individuals’ livelihood depends on selling meat. Right to Livelihood is safeguarded by the fundamental rights enshrined under Indian Constitution. To know the details about Fundamental Rights under Constitution of India, enrol for the below-mentioned course

Article 14: “reasonable classification” and “understandable distinction”

The two main principles on which Article 14 is based are “reasonable classification” and “understandable distinction”. This means that the classification of people/things must be based on conceivable differences, which means where there is a law that distinguishes between two groups of people or things, any distinction must be understandable, “reasonable and wise” and must not be “artificial “.

Ban on sale of meat have failed this test. One group most affected by these bans are small-scale butchers, whose livelihoods depend on selling meat daily, which is sold for free online or in restaurants.

Section 19(1)(g) of the Constitution provides the right to practice any profession or engage in any profession, trade, or business.

Constitutional anchors of dietary freedom and trade

The Right to Food and the freedom to pursue a livelihood are enshrined in the Indian Constitution, making restrictions on non-vegetarian food a complex legal challenge. The core protections are found in the “Golden Triangle” of Articles 14, 19, and 21.

The right to self-determination and freedom of choice in one’s diet is protected under Article 21 (Right to Protection of Life and Personal Liberty). The Supreme Court, in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, 1978, ruled that any law depriving a person of “personal liberty” must pass the test of due process. Later, the Court affirmed that what one eats is one’s personal affair, a part of the right to privacy included in Article 21, and that non-vegetarians “cannot be compelled to become vegetarian for a long period.” In Justice K. S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017), the Supreme Court declared privacy to be a fundamental right, specifically noting that it includes an individual’s “food habits.”

Concurrently, the right to sell meat is protected under Article 19(1)(g), guaranteeing the freedom to carry on any occupation, trade, or business. This right can only be limited under Section 19(6) by law and on reasonable grounds deemed to be in the public interest.

The Supreme Court, in Mohd. Faruk vs State Of Madhya Pradesh And Others (1970), explicitly stated that a prohibition on trade “will not be regarded as reasonable, if it is imposed not in the interest of the general public, but merely to respect the susceptibilities and sentiments of a section of the people.”

The myth of a primarily vegetarian India

The political narrative often used to justify meat bans—that India is fundamentally vegetarian—belies ground reality and recent survey data. This homogenising project, often led by right-wing supremacist groups demanding bans, is specifically a targeted assault on India’s Muslim, Christian, and Dalit minorities. The underlying narrative is that “authentic Indians” are primarily vegetarian.

Contrary to this claim, the latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) for 2019-21 shows a clear rise in non-vegetarian food consumption. Over two-thirds of Indians (aged 15–49) “eat non-vegetarian food daily, weekly or occasionally.” This 2022 hate-buster by Citizens for Justice and Peace revealed non-vegetarian food consumers have increased in India, including in Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-ruled states like Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, as per data released by the recent National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5). Furthermore, a 2021 Pew Research Centre report emphasises that 61% of Indians do not describe themselves as vegetarians, with only 39% of adults following a vegetarian diet.

Even among Hindus, who constitute 80% of the population, a 2018 BBC report noted that only about 20% of Indians are actually vegetarian and that Hindus are “major meat-eaters.”

Judicial test of proportionality and arbitrariness

Any government action, such as a meat ban, must withstand rigorous judicial scrutiny, requiring proof that the restriction is both reasonable and proportional, and is not an arbitrary executive decision.

For a ban to be upheld in court, the city or state must demonstrate that the restrictions are “reasonable” and respect the “doctrine of proportionality.” This doctrine requires the state action to serve a “legitimate goal of the government” and be “necessary,” meaning it must be the least intrusive means possible to achieve that goal. The twin test for reasonable classification, laid down in State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar (1952) 1 SCC 1, requires a rational nexus between the classification and the object of the law. (Para 115)

The judgement can be read here:

We cannot determine who should be a vegetarian and who should be a non-vegetarian: SC

The judiciary has expressed strong reservations about arbitrary bans. In 2020, while hearing a plea filed by Akhand Bharat Morcha (Undivided India Rally) challenging Section 28 of the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960 to ban Halal meat, the Supreme Court remarked that, “Tomorrow you will say nobody should eat meat? We cannot determine who should be a vegetarian and who should be a non-vegetarian” as Live Law reported

Similarly, in 2019, while dismissing a PIL by Health Wealthy Ethical World Guide India Trust seeking a ban on meat export, the Court orally remarked, “Do you want everybody in this country to be vegetarian? We can’t issue an order that everyone should be vegetarian.” Reported LiveLaw.

A ban is also vulnerable if it is arbitrary. For instance, in Delhi in 2022 the Hindu reported that, the South Delhi Municipal Corporation’s Mayor Mukkesh Suryaan (BJP) decided to shut down all meat shops during Navratri, arguing that “99 percent of households in Delhi don’t even use garlic and onion.” This decision, taken without a public notice or consultation, bypassed the Commissioner, who holds the official power to impose such bans under the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, 1957.

The Supreme Court, in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978), had stated that “Equality and arbitrariness are sworn enemies,” meaning any arbitrary state action violates Article 14 (Equality before law).

Cultural pluralism and judicial defence of choice

Citing vague reasons like “foul smell” or “hurting religious feelings” conflicts with India’s diverse religious practices, prompting courts to defend the fundamental right to choice.

The Allahabad High Court in Saeed Ahmad v. State of U.P. (2017) held that the right to choice of food falls within the fundamental right to food and is a part of the “private life of an individual.”

The Court observed that such trade or profession may prima facie face complete prohibition and affect the livelihood of those involved in this trade and profession thereby impinging their Fundamental Rights guaranteed under Article 19 of the Constitution of India. Not only this the same is also coupled with the issues relating to their livelihood apart from their trade and profession, that would also impinge Article 21 of the Constitution of India.

The order of Allahabad High Court dated April 3, 2017 can be read here

Similarly, on May 6, 2016, the Bombay High Court in Shaikh Zahid Mukhtar v. The State of Maharashtra and Ors. (2016) struck down certain beef ban amendments, holding that “the State cannot make an intrusion into his home and prevent a citizen from possessing and eating food of his choice.”

The judgement of Bombay High Court dated May 6, 2016 can be read here

You don’t like non-veg food, it is your lookout: Gujrat High Court

In December 2021, the Gujarat High Court rapped the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) for prohibiting street sales of non-vegetarian food, questioning, “You don’t like non-veg food, it is your lookout. How can you decide what people should eat outside? How can you stop people from eating what they want?”,

This judicial stance shows that the constitutional mandate for tolerance and compassion must prevail over a section’s “susceptibilities and sentiments.”

The cultural reality is that while some North Indians abstain from meat during festivals like Navratri, Bengalis celebrate Durga Puja (which falls concurrently) with fish and mutton as part of their essential ritual and food system. The sale of non-veg food outside Durga Puja pandals is legal because the constitutional right to trade (Article 19) and choice (Article 21) cannot be arbitrarily curtailed based on a specific community’s fasting tradition.

Disproportionate impact and communal targeting

Despite this fairly consistent jurisprudence, the ruling political dispensation in many states, unashamedly flaunting its selective majoritarian ideology, has used its executive power to impose—even violently—food bans. Meat bans primarily harm small-scale vendors from marginalised communities, exploiting their economic vulnerability and often revealing a clear communal intent.

The ban is seen as a violation of Articles 14 and 15 (Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, etc.), as it not only discriminates between different religious groups but also discriminates between the economic capability of the vendors. The only group severely affected are small-scale meat vendors, whose livelihood depends on daily sales.

The meat, however, remains freely available in supermarkets and online stores catering to the affluent.

Such executive orders cause immediate economic disruption. The sudden closure of approximately 30 meat shops in Delhi’s INA market during the 2022 Navratri ban, without notice, severely affected daily wage earners employed in the meat and egg supply chains, as the Hindu reported

Boycott of non-veg within the non-veg: communal hatred

The political discourse surrounding the ban often targets specific communities. Calls for a boycott of ‘Halal’ meat—associated with Muslim dietary habits—by leaders like BJP General Secretary CT Ravi who termed it ‘economic jihad,’ reveal a clear communal intention rather than a neutral, public interest objective.

This tactic of harassment is also seen in incidents like BJP MLA Nand Kishor Gurjar personally forcing Muslims to shut down their meat shops in Ghaziabad.

The incidents involving the harassment of meat sellers and consumers, often by right-wing groups and cow vigilantes, can be grouped into distinct categories based on the alleged justification or context. These incidents primarily revolve around religious festivals, allegations of illegality (often related to beef/cow slaughter or operating without a license), and general intimidation campaigns against Muslim vendors.

Cow vigilantism and allegations of Beef/illegal meat sale

These incidents specifically involve right-wing groups or individuals alleging the sale or transport of beef or illegal meat, often resulting in assault, seizure, or threats.

• In Soron, Kasganj, UP on August 3, VHP-Bajrang Dal members brutally assaulted a Muslim man, alleging he was selling beef along the Kanwar Yatra route.

• In Surat, Gujarat on August 9, Cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation stopped a Muslim auto driver carrying meat, alleging he was illegally transporting beef.

• In Phagwara, Kapurthala, Punjab on July 2, Cow vigilantes from Gau Raksha Dal assaulted men at a dhaba, alleging the meat in cold storage was beef.

• In Belapur, Navi Mumbai, Maharashtra on June 22, Bajrang Dal cow vigilantes raided a Meat market, alleging all of it was beef, seizing meat from customers and butchers with police assistance.

• In Assam, nearly 200 were held and over 1,000 kg of suspected meat was seized in raids; the CM praised the action with an Islamophobic tone.

Anti-Muslim economic boycott campaigns

Anti-Muslim economic boycott campaigns refer to organised efforts that seek to exclude Muslim individuals or businesses from local markets and community economic activity. These incidents often involve public calls by the right-wing outfits for the closure of Muslim-owned establishments, explicit warnings discouraging people from buying from non-Hindu vendors, and political or social rhetoric promoting economic and social segregation.

CJP’s documentation on socio-economic boycotts tracks the alarming spread of hate-driven campaigns that target livelihoods and deepen communal divisions across India. The resource chronicles a decade of incidents where economic exclusion has been used as a tool of discrimination—particularly against Muslims, Dalits, and Adivasis—through calls to boycott, denial of business, and restrictions on trade.

From Bajrang Dal’s “Apna Tyohar” campaign in Madhya Pradesh urging Hindus to avoid Muslim businesses during Diwali (2024), to public oaths of economic boycott in Chhattisgarh (2023), and anti-minority rallies in Faridabad making open calls for genocide (2023), the reports expose a coordinated trend of communal mobilisation through economic segregation.

Earlier records highlight the structural inequalities faced by marginalised groups, including discrimination in housing, education, and employment, and the underrepresentation of Muslims in India.

Threats and forced closures based on location/proximity to temple:

• In Govardhan, Mathura, UP on September 2, Cow vigilantes threatened a meat shop owner, warning him to shut down permanently.

• In Maharajganj, Uttar Pradesh on September 7, AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal members warned meat vendors to permanently shut their shops, citing the presence of a nearby temple.

• In Vrindavan, Mathura, UP on August 11, Cow vigilante Deepak Tiwari forced a biryani seller to shut down, declaring that meat would not be allowed in public.

• In Sagarpur, Delhi on August 16, Hindu nationalists forcibly shut down a meat shop, saying they would not allow meat stores in the vicinity of a temple.

• In Farukh Nagar, Ghaziabad, UP on May 29, BJP MLA Nandkishore Gurjar detained meat/fish vendors, demanding their arrest and citing nearby Air Force Station and temples.

Moral policing and illegal identity checks

Based on the witnessed incidents during the Kanwar Yatra, a disturbing pattern has emerged where right-wings groups engage in the illegal checking of identity cards and the religious segregation of vendors, directly contributing to subsequent harassment, vandalism, and clashes.

This self-appointed moral policing, distinct from administrative action, begins with practices like on June 30, 2025, the Hindu nationalists led by Swami Yashveer Maharaj checked the Aadhaar cards of food stall workers in Meerut, UP, to ascertain their religion.

Similarly, on July 13, 2025, the Vishwa Hindu Parishand (VHP) pasted “Say with pride, we are Hindus” stickers on Hindu-owned shops in Mandoli Chungi, Delhi, to identify them to pilgrims. This explicit religious filtering creates a hostile environment that encourages vigilante actions.

The result is immediate conflict and humiliation, as evidenced on July 7 in Muzaffarnagar, UP, where Kanwar yatris vandalised an eatery over the mere presence of onion and garlic.

Furthermore, on July 15, 2025, in Mahrajpur, Chhatarpur, MP, where a vendor was publicly humiliated and forced to perform sit-ups by the Hindu Jodo Sangathan for operating a non-vegetarian eatery named ‘Krishna Dhaba.’

Such targeted identity screening and harassment rapidly escalates into property damage and public shaming, demonstrating the dangers posed by these extra-legal moral policing actions against vendors.

A straightjacket ban on meat cannot be imposed: Bombay HC

On September 14, 2015, a division bench of the Bombay High Court, comprising Justice Anoop Mohta and Justice A.A. Sayed, remarked that a blanket or “straightjacket” ban on meat was not appropriate, especially in a metropolitan city like Mumbai. The judges stressed the need to consider the city’s diverse character, stating, “The ban is on slaughter and sale of meat. What about other sources through which meat can be availed? What about packaged meat that is already available in the market?”

The High Court also said that “We are only going by law and not by sentiment and politics.”

The order of Bombay High Court dated September 14, 2015 can be read here

When SC said meat ban cannot be forced down the throat of any one

The 2015 order the Bombay High Court subsequently challenged before the Supreme Court, the Court refused to overturn the Bombay High Court’s interim stay on the Maharashtra government’s order restricting meat sales. A bench comprising Justices T.S. Thakur and Kurian Joseph remarked that such restrictions cannot be “forced down the throat of anyone,” emphasising the need for tolerance in a pluralistic society.

The Court acknowledged that while religious sentiments must be respected, abrupt bans, especially those affecting personal dietary choices and livelihoods, raise constitutional concerns.

The Bombay High Court also questioned the legality and practicality of a sudden, extended ban, noting Mumbai’s metropolitan character and the potential impact on traders and consumers alike. The court also highlighted that bans should not be politically motivated or implemented without adequate notice.

P&H HC stays closure of private meat shops in Ambala during Paryushana, citing Bombay HC precedent

Similarly in 2022, the Punjab and Haryana High Court on August 24, 2022 stayed the Haryana government’s order mandating the closure of all private meat shops and slaughterhouses in Ambala district during the Jain festival ‘Paryushana Parv’, observed from August 24 to September 1, 2022. The Urban Local Bodies Department had issued the directive for a complete nine-day shutdown of meat-related businesses across the state.

However, the bench of Justice Sudhir Mittal passed the stay order while hearing a writ petition filed by Rajpal Poultry Farm and others, who contended that such a blanket ban infringed upon their constitutional right to carry on trade and the dietary rights of the general public.

The petitioners also relied on the Bombay High Court ruling in Bombay Mutton Dealers Association v. State of Maharashtra (2016) 2 Bom CR 171 where a similar state directive was stayed, with the court emphasising that public dietary choices should not be curtailed to appease any one religious group.

The order of P&H High Court dated august 24, 2022 can be read here

Rajasthan govt bans meat, egg sales statewide on ‘Paryushan Parv’ and ‘Anant Chaturdashi’

However, in 2025, on August 22, the Rajasthan government issued an order mandating the closure of all meat, egg, and slaughterhouse operations across the state on two upcoming religious occasions — August 28 (Paryushan Parv) and September 6 (Anant Chaturdashi). Notably, for the first time, the ban also extends to egg-selling shops and street vendors, a decision made in consideration of the religious sentiments of the Jain community.

Traditionally, only slaughterhouses and meat shops were affected, but the latest directive from the Department of Autonomous Governance explicitly includes egg vendors, impacting over a thousand small sellers in Jaipur alone.

This August 22 directive and order fails to cite any specific legal provision, rule, or circular to justify its issuance, nor does it outline any grounds of reasonable restriction or broader public interest to support such a measure.

Blanket ban orders without implementing open slaughtering and display of meat in shops

The Bombay High Court’s 2015 order had also asked if the Jain community had a problem, why a directive could not be issued against ‘open slaughtering and display of meat in shop’, as the petitioners claimed that the decision is unconstitutional as it affects the livelihood of a section of people and favours a small percentage of population.

Reasonable restriction: Rajasthan HC upholds ban on meat shops near public temples

On September 1, 2025, the Rajasthan High Court’s decision to uphold the cancellation of meat shop licences near public temples can be viewed as a reasonable restriction grounded in statutory and regulatory provisions rather than an arbitrary or faith-driven action. The Court, in its detailed judgment, clarified that the prohibition on operating meat shops within 50 meters of temples or schools is supported by law — specifically, Sections 269 and 340 of the Rajasthan Municipalities Act, 2009, and Regulation 2.1.2(1)(5) of the Food Safety and Standards (Licensing and Registration of Food Businesses) Regulations, 2011).

These provisions empower local authorities to regulate food businesses to ensure hygiene, public order, and respect for community sensitivities in mixed-use localities.

The court said that even unregistered temples qualify as “public temples” if they are open to and used by the public for worship, the Court emphasised substance over technical form.

Importantly, it noted that the restriction does not amount to a blanket or discriminatory ban on meat trade; rather, it is a spatial limitation designed to balance the right to livelihood under Article 19(1) (g) with the right to religious practice and public decency under Article 25 and Article 19(6) of the Constitution.

The order, therefore, represents an attempt to maintain civic harmony and ensure regulatory compliance, while highlighting that lawful trade in meat can continue outside prohibited zones. In this context, the ruling stands as an example of how reasonable restrictions can operate within constitutional limits — regulating, but not extinguishing, the right to trade and livelihood.

The order of Rajasthan High Court September 1, 2025 can be read here

Qureshi community’s protest against harassment and vigilante attacks

The Qureshi community’s (Traditional meat sellers) state-wide strike in Maharashtra, which brought over 300 cattle markets to a standstill, exposed the growing tension between faith-driven moral policing and constitutionally guaranteed livelihood rights. Began as a protest against alleged police harassment and attacks by self-styled cow vigilantes soon evolved into a larger commentary on how religion is increasingly influencing administrative action. As cited, across cities, local authorities—often under pressure from vigilante groups—have ordered the closure of non-vegetarian shops during festivals or after religious gatherings, citing “public sentiment.”

Yet such measures, lacking legal justification, raise critical questions about constitutional validity. The community’s demand—to permit the slaughter of unfit bulls and curb vigilante interference—reflects not defiance, but an appeal for lawful protection and economic fairness.

The unstoppable harassment and violence of self-proclaimed gaurakshaks

Moreover, after meeting a delegation of the Qureshi community led by former minister Nawab Malik and MLA Sana Malik, Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar convened a discussion with senior police officials in August, 2025. Following the meeting, the Maharashtra police issued a circular on August 13 clarifying that only authorised police officers can act against illegal cattle transport. “It is illegal for private individuals to stop or check vehicles carrying livestock,” the order read, Maktoob Media reported.

Constitution does not permit faith to dictate food

However, the recurring crackdowns on non-vegetarian food—whether through official diktats or vigilante coercion—serve violates the right to eat at choice and trade, the quiet surrender of governance to religious majoritarianism. A “respect for sentiment” too often ends in discrimination, exclusion, and the erosion of fundamental freedoms.

The Constitution does not permit faith to dictate food, nor sentiment to supersede rights. Yet, in city after city, devotion has been weaponised into policy, and piety into policing. Each forced closure and boycott not only robs small vendors—many from marginalised communities—of their daily income, but also fractures the secular promise that every citizen has the right to eat, sell, and live with dignity.

The judiciary has made its stance clear that tolerance, not enforcement, defines India’s pluralism. But when administrative power bends to the loudest voices of faith, it is not harmony that follows—it is hierarchy. Until the state reclaims neutrality and upholds the rule of law over religious pressure, the right to food and livelihood will remain hostage to belief, not protected by the Constitution.

[1] Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (Repealed)

[2] Section 210 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (Repealed)

Related:

Consumption non-vegetarian food growing in India: NFHS-5

Policing our Plate: What does an enforced Meat Ban mean?

Mob lynching: Three separate incidents surface, even minors and partially disabled Muslims not safe

The post Can majoritarian societal pressure re-write the rulebook? The illegality behind forced non-veg shutdowns during festivals appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Central government’s narrative is clear that Wangchuk is an instigator with foreign links. But for the people of Ladakh and civil rights advocates across India, his jailing represents something far more ominous—the caging of a democratic voice and the criminalisation of dissent in one of the nation’s most strategically sensitive regions.

The day the protest burned

September 24, 2025, will be remembered as the day Ladakh’s peaceful struggle took a tragic and violent turn. For weeks, Sonam Wangchuk had been on a hunger strike, a Gandhian protest to draw attention to the long-standing demands for statehood and inclusion in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution—a provision to protect the tribal region’s unique culture, land, and employment.

A protest, largely led by the region’s youth and organised in solidarity with his fast, escalated into chaos. Mobs reportedly vandalised property and set government vehicles and the local BJP office ablaze. In the ensuing clashes, security forces responded with tear gas and, eventually, live fire. The aftermath was unfortunate as four individuals lost their lives, and over 80 were injured.

The central government and the local administration were quick to lay the blame. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) claimed the “mob was incited by Sonam Wangchuk through his provocative statements.”

The ministry alleged that Wangchuk’s references to global movements like the ‘Arab Spring’ and Nepal’s ‘Gen Z protests’ were deliberately inflammatory. “It is clear that the mob was incited by Sonam Wangchuk through his provocative statements. Incidentally, amidst these violent developments, he broke his fast and left for his village in an ambulance without making serious efforts to control the situation,” the MHA claimed in a statement.

However, Ladakhi leadership vehemently refutes this narrative. Chering Dorjey Lakrook, the Co-Chairman of the Leh Apex Body (LAB), stated unequivocally, “Sonam Wangchuk or Congress didn’t provoke anyone, what happened was a protest in support of the genuine demands of the youth.” The sentiment on the ground was that the violence was a spontaneous eruption of frustration, not a pre-meditated act of sedition orchestrated by the activist.

A web of allegations and the stringent use of NSA

Two days after the violence, the state machinery moved decisively. Wangchuk was detained near his residence under the National Security Act, 1980, a law that permits detention for up to 12 months without trial. The rationale for his subsequent transfer to Jodhpur Central Jail was that keeping him in Leh was “not advisable in the larger public interest.”

Leh under curfew for fourth consecutive day- Sonam Wangchuk shited to Jodhpur jail | JK News Today pic.twitter.com/rgtwatOEuc

— JK News Today (@jknewstoday) September 27, 2025

The Ladakh administration defended the move, stating it had “taken a considered decision based on specific inputs.” It alleged that “time and again it was observed that Sonam Wangchuk has been indulging in activities prejudicial to the security of the State and detrimental to maintenance of peace and public order.”

The narrative was further solidified in a press conference by Ladakh’s Director General of Police, S D Singh Jamwal. The allegations he levelled were stunning, painting Wangchuk not as a local hero but as a pawn with sinister connections. “What has been found in the investigation (against Wangchuk) cannot be disclosed at this moment,” the DGP began, before weaving a narrative of suspicion. “His speech worked as an instigation as he talked about the Arab spring and the recent unrest in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. He had his own agenda.”

Jamwal claimed Wangchuk was being probed for violating the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) and, most startlingly, for having links to Pakistan. “We have a PIO (Pakistani Intelligence Operative) with us who was reporting across the border, sending videos of the protests led by Wangchuk,” he alleged, also citing Wangchuk’s past visit to Pakistan for a media event and a trip to Bangladesh as suspicious activities.

EXPLOSIVE REVELATION BY LADAKH DGP DR. S.D SINGH JAMWAL:

“We recently arrested a Pakistan Intelligence Operative who was in touch with Sonam Wangchuk and reporting back across. We have a record of this.

He had attended a Dawn event in Pakistan. He also visited Bangladesh.… pic.twitter.com/j7S7YFgdJx

— Abhimanyu Manjhi (@AbhimanyuManjh5) September 27, 2025

Wangchuk’s wife condemned DGP Ladakh’s statements

The administration’s portrayal of Wangchuk was met with disbelief and outrage, not least from his own family. Director of the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL) and wife of jailed climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, has strongly refuted the BJP-led government’s allegations following his detention under the National Security Act. His wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, issued a powerful rebuttal, calling the DGP’s claims a fabrication designed to create a scapegoat.

“We strongly condemn the DGP’s statements. Not only I, but everyone in Ladakh denounces those allegations,” she said.

“This narrative is being fabricated to blame and frame someone, allowing them to do whatever they want… What could Sonam Wangchuk have instigated? He had no idea about all this. He was somewhere else, where he was on a hunger strike… Whatever the DGP is saying, he has an agenda. They don’t want to implement the 6th Schedule under any circumstances and want to make someone a scapegoat.”

Her anguish was coupled with a piercing question that hangs over the events of September 24 that “Who gave the CRPF orders to open fire? Who shoots at their own people, their own citizens?”

Ladakh: On Police’s allegations against Sonam Wangchuk, his wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, says, “We strongly condemn the DGP’s statements. Not only I, but everyone in Ladakh denounces those allegations… This narrative is being fabricated to blame and frame someone, allowing them to… pic.twitter.com/m1o0Ejhl4A

— JK CHANNEL (@jkchanneltv) September 30, 2025

If innovators are treated like criminals, how will India become vishwaguru: Sonam Wangchuk’s wife

Gitanjali Angmo speaking at the Press Club of India on September 30, she declared, “We will use the best legal system to defend him and fight the case. We will not rest till the case is fought and truth has been revealed.” Angmo questioned the government’s sudden shift in stance, pointing out, “HIAL was also given the best eco-project by this government. If he (Sonam) was anti-national, why was the government awarding his efforts? Why did Sonam become an anti-national within a month? This is all being done to frame him.”

She cited Wangchuk’s internationally recognised environmental work. She said “The whole world talks about carbon neutral but Ladakh is carbon negative. People talk about net zero but we are net-positive. If we treat the person behind this good work like a criminal and create an atmosphere of fear with curfew, then how will India become ‘Vishwa Guru’ and how will others get motivated?”

Rejecting allegations of financial irregularities and foreign links, she challenged officials to prove their claims that “I openly challenge anyone who sees any problem in our work. We have facts, evidence and papers which will prove that all these allegations are wrong.”

Addressing FCRA concerns, she clarified that “Our futuristic research has been bought by foreign universities and there is nothing in it to be ashamed of. These (payments) are all covered under service agreements and even the CBI has accepted that there’s been no violation. Rather, it is a matter of pride that the research of an Indian university is being valued and appreciated outside.”

She highlighted HIAL’s local impact, saying, “Our research has been adopted by the UT government. Since last year, the ice stupa has been tendered and implemented across the region. Similarly, the new tourism policy has made passive solar heating mandatory for new hotels and commercial buildings.”

On allegations of Pakistan links, Angmo said Wangchuk had attended a UN-backed climate event in Islamabad and asked, “I want to ask: what is wrong with it? The Hindukush mountains touch eight countries and provide water to more than two billion people. My husband praised the prime minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Mission LIFE’ from the stage.”

She also questioned the home ministry’s claims that “If a Pakistani was seen in Ladakh, why was the safety protocol violated and why was he allowed to roam freely?”

Refuting charges over ‘food sovereignty’ research, she stated that “Food sovereignty which talks about how locals can become self-sufficient has been interpreted as national security to punish my husband. The allegation is baseless and ridiculous.”

Responding to criticism around Wangchuk’s Magsaysay Award, she asked “Out of these 60, 20 have been given Padma Vibushan award. Does that mean that the government gives awards to anti-nationals?”

Finally, addressing the September 24 violence in Leh, where four civilians were killed, she distanced her husband from the events: “Sonam was sitting in the park and he had no idea. My husband stood for Gandhian values. He didn’t indulge in violence or instigation for the last five years. If violence has happened now, he doesn’t have to answer for it. It is the UT administration – the LG and the DGP who have to answer to the people of Ladakh why there was a breach and violence.”

‘If Innovators Are Treated Like Criminals, How Will India Become Vishwaguru?’: Sonam Wangchuk’s Wife Fires Back At Govt https://t.co/7aA4i2IP4y

— Siddharth (@svaradarajan) September 30, 2025

Not political, but procedural: Ladakh UT defends action against Wangchuk

In a formal press statement, the Union Territory of Ladakh administration has defended its recent actions against climate activist Sonam Wangchuk and institutions linked to him, including the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL) and SECMOL. Officials claimed the crackdown was not politically motivated, but rooted in allegations of “financial irregularities, violations of foreign funding norms, and issuance of unrecognised degrees.”

The administration also accused Wangchuk of making “provocative statements,” allegedly invoking foreign uprisings and calling for an “Arab Spring”-like movement in India.

It further alleged that he encouraged protesters to wear masks and caps to conceal identities and did not attempt to calm an increasingly agitated crowd during recent demonstrations. The government maintained that it had shown flexibility in scheduling dialogue with Ladakhi leaders, while Wangchuk’s continued hunger strike was dismissed as “politically motivated.” Urging the public to remain patient, the administration expressed confidence in the legal process and stated that normalcy would soon be restored in the region.

LAB & KDA will not talks with the centre until Wangchuk’s release

The region’s political leadership closed ranks. Both the Leh Apex Body (LAB) and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA), the two umbrella organisations leading the movement, announced they would not participate in any further talks with the central government until Wangchuk is released and a judicial probe is ordered into the police firing. The LAB explicitly criticised the attempt to label Wangchuk as an “anti-national.”

Acclaimed actor Prakash Raj, who knows Wangchuk personally, took to social media to express his solidarity. “You can cage a bird, but not it’s song,” he wrote. “You can arrest Sonam Wangchuk but you can’t silence the truth he stands for. I know this man. I know what he stands for.”

“You can cage a bird, but not it’s song.”
You can arrest @Wangchuk66 but you can’t silence the truth he stands for. I know this man. I know what he stands for. #LadakhProtests #LadakhStatehood #SonamWangchuk #justasking pic.twitter.com/5PdKdpBlW9

— Prakash Raj (@prakashraaj) September 26, 2025

The situation also brought forth historical parallels. A social media post highlighted that Wangchuk’s own father, Sonam Wangyal, had undertaken hunger strikes in the 1980s for Ladakh’s Scheduled Tribe status. In 1984, then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi flew to Leh to personally end his fast with a glass of juice and a promise to grant the demand, a stark contrast to the current government’s response.

Sonam Wangchuk’s father Sonam Wangyal went on a hunger strike twice to express Ladakhis demand for Scheduled tribe Status. In 1984 PM Indra Gandhi came to Leh & ended his fast by offering a glass of Juice & promised to grant ST Ladakh. pic.twitter.com/F9nan4Rqoq

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) September 26, 2025

SECMOL: under the surveillance of MHA

The crackdown wasn’t limited to Wangchuk’s personal freedom. A day after the violence, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled the FCRA registration of the Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), the pioneering NGO Wangchuk founded in 1988.

The MHA cited a series of financial and procedural violations. These included discrepancies in the reporting of a transaction involving the sale of an old bus, and the accidental deposit of local funds into the FCRA account. However, the most politically charged accusation related to a grant of Rs. 4.93 lakh from a Swedish donor. The MHA flagged that the educational program funded by this grant included discussions on topics like climate change, food security, and “sovereignty.”

MHA cancels the FCRA license of Activist Sonam Wangchuk’s NGO. pic.twitter.com/OKK6NlShlo

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) September 25, 2025

While SECMOL maintained the funds were used for purely educational purposes within its charter, the MHA interpreted the mere mention of “sovereignty” as a violation of national interest, declaring that foreign funds cannot be used for such studies. This move was widely seen as an attempt to financially cripple the intellectual and institutional backbone of the Ladakhi movement.

The man and his movement: a legacy of innovation

To understand the gravity of the “anti-national” charge, one must understand who Sonam Wangchuk is. Long before he became the face of a civil rights movement, he was a celebrated education reformer. SECMOL, founded by him and other young Ladakhis, aimed to overhaul an education system that was failing the region’s children.

The SECMOL Alternative School is a marvel of sustainable architecture—a solar-powered, self-sufficient eco-village where students learn practical, environmental, and traditional knowledge alongside modern academics. His invention of the “ice stupa,” a method of creating artificial glaciers to combat water shortages in the high desert, is a globally recognised innovation in climate adaptation.

He is not a activist but an innovator driven by a deep love for his land and its people. His advocacy for the Sixth Schedule stems from a desire to protect Ladakh’s fragile ecology and unique indigenous culture from the pressures of unchecked development and outside influence. To paint such a figure as a foreign-funded agent provocateur is, for many, a profound distortion.

A law for ‘limitless detention’: the dark history of the NSA

The choice to detain Wangchuk under the National Security Act is profoundly telling. The NSA is not a punitive law; it is, by design, a preventive one. But in practice, preventive detention becomes punishment—limitless incarceration justified under the vague pretext of maintaining law and order, with blurred boundaries and little accountability. It allows the state to detain individuals not for a crime they have committed, but for one they might commit. Its history is rooted in the colonial-era laws designed to suppress the freedom struggle.

When the Indira Gandhi government introduced the National Security Act (NSA) in 1980, it was met with fierce resistance. BJP’s own senior leader, Lal Krishna Advani (then a Janata Party leader in the Rajya Sabha) criticised the bill for its political motives and dangerously vague language, cautioning that it could be used to detain anyone involved in political agitation. He spoke from experience, sharing his own re-arrest moments after being released during the Emergency, and condemned the NSA as a tool for “limitless detention.”

He said, “It is also said in the Statement of Objects and Reasons that if anyone agitates, any political agitation takes place, then they can also be arrested.” (Page 200-201 of the RS Debate in Re. National Security [RAJYA SABHA] Ordinance & Bill, 1980)

Four decades later, the same law is being wielded with impunity by a BJP-led government—ironically, the very party Advani helped shape. What was once denounced as a mechanism of authoritarian excess is now normalised, repurposed to stifle dissent, muzzle opposition, and criminalise protest. The warnings voiced in 1980 haven’t just been forgotten—they’ve been reversed.

Over the decades, the law has been repeatedly used against political opponents, activists, and protesters. The Supreme Court has, in several cases, flagged its misuse. In the case of Dr. Kafeel Khan, the Allahabad High Court quashed his NSA detention, noting that his speech gave a “call for national integrity and unity” and that the District Magistrate had engaged in a “selective reading.”

In another case, the Supreme Court ordered the release of a law student, observing that the grounds for his detention were issues of “law and order,” not the graver “public order” required to invoke the NSA.

By invoking this law against Sonam Wangchuk, the government has placed him in the company of those who have been targeted for their political beliefs, bypassing the standard criminal justice system and its safeguards.

The caged song

The detention of Sonam Wangchuk is more than just the arrest of one man. It is a message sent to the people of Ladakh that their democratic aspirations will be met with the full force of the state’s security apparatus. In a region that borders both China and Pakistan, the charge of having “Pakistan links” is the most potent weapon to delegitimise a grassroots movement.

The fundamental questions remain unanswered. What caused a peaceful movement to turn violent? Was the use of lethal force against protesters justified? And can a law designed to protect national security be used to silence a celebrated activist demanding constitutional rights for his people?

Sonam Wangchuk may be in a Jodhpur jail, far from the mountains he has spent his life trying to protect. But as Prakash Raj noted, you can cage the bird, but you cannot cage its song. The song of Ladakh is one of identity, survival, and a deep yearning for a secure future. The question now is whether the Indian state is willing to listen, or if it will only seek to silence the singer.

Related

Centre cancels FCRA licence of Sonam Wangchuk’s NGO, cites violations including study on ‘sovereignty’

Allahabad HC stays second suspension order against Dr. Kafeel Khan

Ladakh’s fight for autonomy: Sonam Wangchuk leads foot march to Delhi

The post How the Centre used a ‘Draconian’ law to silence Sonam Wangchuk and Ladakh’s aspirations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tuljapur: the silent surge of 6,000 bogus voters

Following a formal complaint by office bearers of the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Member of Parliament, Omprakash Raje Nimbalkar, the Assistant Electoral Registration Officer (AERO), Arvind Bolange, conducted a preliminary inquiry. The findings were startling as more than 6,000 online applications for the addition of new voters were found to be bogus.

These applications were supported by a raft of forged documents, including counterfeit Aadhaar cards, fabricated photographs, and false names and addresses.

Omprakash Raje Nimbalkar’s Letter to ECI dated 21.08.2025

Recognising the gravity of the offense, the AERO promptly filed a First Information Report (FIR No. 476/2024) at the Tuljapur Police Station on October 17, 2024. Significantly, the FIR was not a blind complaint against unknown persons. It contained specific, actionable intelligence, including the names and mobile numbers of 40 individuals who had submitted batches of these fraudulent online applications. With such direct leads, a swift investigation to apprehend the perpetrators was expected.

However, ten months have elapsed since the FIR was registered, and the investigation has gone nowhere. The 40 named individuals have not been summoned for questioning, let alone arrested. The trail, which was warm at the time of filing the complaint, has been allowed to go cold. This conspicuous inaction by the police, which falls under the purview of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister and Home Minister, has led to accusations of deliberate obstruction.

Shri Nimbalkar has been vocal about the institutional paralysis. “Due to political pressure, no action has been taken against any accused,” he stated, highlighting a deliberate effort to shield the culprits. He has since escalated the matter, submitting a memorandum to both the Chief Election Commissioner of India and the State Election Commissioner. In his communication, he reveals the “deliberate delay” and demanded accountability from the EC.

Fraud by the Election Commission of India: Over 6,000 Fake Voter Registration Applications

Even after 10 months since the FIR was filed, neither investigation has progressed nor have the accused been traced.

In Dharashiv district of Maharashtra, at Tuljapur Police Station,… pic.twitter.com/79ruLPgYWG

— Omprakash Rajenimbalkar (@OmRajenimbalkr) August 21, 2025

Mere MITRON,

Three Cases from Maharashtra and Karnataka that show the apparent NEXUS between BJP + ECI to BLOCK THE POLICE INVESTIGATIONS.

1. ALAND AC, Karnataka.

Based on Congress candidate from Aland AC, Shri. B.R. Patil’s complaint, the ERO filed an FIR in 2023… pic.twitter.com/lYayJf9zhU

— Raju Parulekar (@rajuparulekar) September 21, 2025

Panvel and Uran: a phantom electorate of 85,000

While Tuljapur witnessed the fraudulent addition of voters, the coastal constituencies of Panvel and Uran in Raigad district presented a different, yet equally disturbing, form of electoral manipulation as the mass duplication of existing voters. The issue was brought to light not by election officials, but through the painstaking efforts of a political candidate, Shri Balaram Patil of the Peasants and Workers’ Party (PWP).

An investigation reveals large duplication

In the lead-up to the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly election, buoyed by the opposition MVA’s strong performance in the preceding Lok Sabha polls, Patil’s team began investigating rumors of irregularities in the electoral rolls. Their analysis revealed a total of 85,211 duplicate voter entries spread across Panvel and its neighbouring constituencies. The breakdown was concerning as;

• Panvel AC: 25,855 names were found listed twice, thrice, or even four times.
• Uran AC: 27,275 voters were registered more than once.
• Airoli AC: 16,096 duplicate names were identified.
• Belapur AC: 15,397 voters were also present on the Panvel roll.

Armed with this mountain of evidence, Patil approached the Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO) of Panvel, who also served as the Returning Officer (RO) for the election, requesting the immediate deletion of these duplicate entries. For nearly 15 days, his request was met with silence.

Frustrated by the SDO’s inaction, Patil filed a writ petition in the Bombay High Court on September 26, 2024. The court recognised the seriousness of the complaint and, in a swift directive, ordered on October 7, 2024 the SDO to take an “appropriate decision” within two weeks.

The order of Bombay High Court 07.10.2024 can be read here

Accountability blurred by the procedural pretext

As the High Court’s deadline approached, a convenient precedent emerged from another part of the state. In the Muktainagar constituency, a Shiv Sena MLA, Chandrakant Patil, had approached the Aurangabad bench of the Bombay High Court with a similar plea to clean up the rolls.

However, his petition was filed after the Assembly election schedule had been announced. On October 18, 2024, the court rejected his plea, reasoning that, “Since the elections have been declared now, it will not be possible… that the Election Commission would be in a position to correct the electoral roll”, as the Frontline Reported

According to the Frontline, the Panvel SDO seized upon this ruling. On October 23, 2024, citing the Muktainagar order as a justification, the SDO rejected Balaram Patil’s plea as well, despite the fact that Patil had approached the authorities and the court well before the election schedule was announced. The compromised electoral rolls, bloated with over 85,000 duplicate entries, were left unchanged.

The election took place on November 20, and when the results were declared on November 23, the BJP’s Prashant Thakur was declared the winner with 1, 83,931 votes, defeating Patil by a margin of 51,091 votes. Refusing to accept a result he believed was tainted, Patil embarked on a second, more intensive investigation.

Exposing the fraud, one booth at a time

According to the Frontline, Patil’s first move was to request the official marked electoral rolls—the lists used by polling officers to tick off voters as they cast their ballots—from the SDOs of Panvel, Uran, Airoli, and Belapur. His requests were stonewalled as the Panvel SDO claimed the data could not be shared without a court order. Undeterred, Patil turned to his own network of Booth Level Assistants (BLAs), who had kept their own marked copies of the voter lists from polling day.

His team began the laborious task of digitising and cross-referencing the data from Panvel’s 574 booths. As of their latest update, they had analysed the data from 490 booths and found definitive proof of 11,628 votes that had been cast two or more times by the same individuals using different Voter ID (EPIC) cards.

The examples are brazen:

• Pradeep Poraji, aged 23, with EPIC ID RSC6522387, voted at Booth No. 4. The same Pradeep Poraji, with the same photograph and father’s name (Ramu Poraji), but listed as 22 years old with EPIC ID RSC5081641, also voted at Booth No. 310.
• Prachi Dongare, aged 18, was registered at Booth No. 1 with EPIC ID RSC6376198. The exact same person, with identical details, was also registered at Booth No. 2 with EPIC ID RSC6381800.
• Neha Vivek Kulkarni, aged 27, was registered at Booth No. 4 with EPIC ID UZZ9331422. She was also registered at Booth No. 2 as a 28-year-old with EPIC ID RSC6678189.

Patil projects that once the analysis of the remaining booths is complete, the number of such multiply-cast votes will cross 17,000. This is not a clerical error; it is evidence of systemic fraud.

Having compiled this damning evidence, Patil approached the Chief Electoral Officer of Maharashtra and the Chief Election Commissioner of India in June, mailing them the complete details. He has yet to receive a response. His faith in the institution has eroded completely. “Frankly speaking, I do not have any hope from the ECI,” he stated. “Because my allegation is that this malpractice is being done by the BJP with the active help of the Election Commission… This is daylight robbery of the election”, as reported

The situation is further compounded by the SDO’s blatant disregard for the Bombay High Court’s directive. This failure to act constitutes contempt of court, and Patil is now planning to file a formal complaint. The Panvel-Uran case exposes a multi-layered failure, from the initial refusal of the RO to clean the rolls to the subsequent failure of the ECI to investigate concrete proof of multiple voting, all while a High Court order was brazenly ignored.

The Aland case: a blueprint of obstruction

The events in Maharashtra do not exist in a vacuum. They mirror a similar, well-documented case in the Aland constituency of Karnataka, which serves as a blueprint for how such electoral fraud is executed and subsequently protected from investigation.

A stalled probe and allegations of protection

In February 2023, following a complaint by Congress candidate Shri B.R. Patil, an FIR (No. 26/2023) was filed in Aland after the discovery of 5,994 fraudulent online applications (Form 7) for the deletion of voters. The case was handed over to the Karnataka Criminal Investigation Department (CID), which quickly found evidence of a sophisticated operation involving automated software, fake logins, and mobile numbers from outside the state to target and delete voters perceived to be Congress supporters.

The investigation, however, hit a wall erected by the Election Commission of India. To trace the perpetrators, the CID required crucial technical data: the Destination IP address and Destination Port for the online submissions. This information would pinpoint the specific devices used for the fraud. Despite sending at least 18 letters to the ECI through the Karnataka CEO, the CID has not received this critical data. The ECI’s refusal to provide “last mile information” has effectively stalled the probe for over a year, preventing the CID from identifying the masterminds.

The evidence was presented by Leader of Opposition and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi in a special press conference called “Vote Chori Factory,” held on September 18, 2025. In the case pointed to a highly organised effort, characterised by:

• Identity Hijacking: The credentials of unsuspecting voters, like retired principal Suryakant Govin, were used to file mass deletion requests without their knowledge.
• Automated Speed: Applications were filed at a “humanly impossible” speed, such as two forms in 36 seconds, indicating the use of a software program.
• Targeted Deletions: The booths with the highest number of deletion requests were overwhelmingly Congress strongholds.

The Aland case establishes a troubling precedent. It demonstrates a clear pattern where, despite the initiation of a criminal investigation into a large-scale electoral offense, the probe is effectively paralysed by the ECI’s non-cooperation, leading to accusations that the commission is protecting the perpetrators.

The crisis of democratic integrity

Viewed together, the cases of Tuljapur, Panvel, Uran, and Aland paint a deeply concerning picture of the health of India’s electoral democracy. These are not isolated clerical errors but point to what appears to be a “systematic and sophisticated attempt… to manipulate the voting and fraudulently obtain the mandate.” The common threads are undeniable as the use of technology to execute large-scale fraud, the inaction and evasion of local election officials and police, and a consistent pattern of stonewalling from the highest levels of the Election Commission of India.

The refusal to investigate 40 named suspects in Tuljapur, the defiance of a High Court order in Panvel, and the withholding of crucial technical data from the CID in Aland collectively suggest a systemic breakdown of accountability. It raises an uncomfortable but essential question: Is this systematic manipulation the reason why pressing national issues—from economic distress and unemployment to national security challenges—seem to have a diminishing impact on the electoral mandates of the ruling establishment?

When the very foundation of the democratic process—a clean and fair electoral roll—is compromised, the will of the people becomes dangerously malleable, and the entire edifice of representative government is threatened.

Related:

“Vote Chori Factory”: Rahul Gandhi accuses ECI of protecting electoral fraud, demands action in 7 days

No vote can be deleted online by the public, ECI refutes Rahul Gandhi’s claim but refusal to share data raises doubts

Bihar SIR: 65 Lakh electors flagged for deletion, SC said “if there is mass exclusion, we will immediately step in”

The post Systemic flaws or deliberate sabotage? A probe into mass voter roll manipulation stall across Maharashtra & Karnataka appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He highlights the alleged vote theft incident in the Aland constituency of Karnataka. He said that in the Aland constituency of Karnataka, 6,018 votes were found to have been deleted. Gandhi stated that person was caught by co-incidence. A booth-level officer noticed that her own uncle’s vote had been deleted

He continued to explain that when the BLO checked who deleted the vote, it appeared to be a neighbour. However, it was not the neighbour. The person whose vote was deleted and the person whose name was used to delete it were both unaware of the act. The real culprit, he alleged, was a different force that had “hijacked the process” and “used the software that deleted the voters.” This was not a human crime, but a crime of a system, a “centralised criminal operation to steal elections.”

LIVE: Special Press Conference – Vote Chori Factory https://t.co/ne8cdFCnMs

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) September 18, 2025

Modus Operandi: fake logins and hijacked identities

The modus operandi of the perpetrators was cunning. Rahul Gandhi presented evidence during the Press Conference that a 63-year-old woman named Godabai had a fake login created in her name and was used to delete 12 voters from Aland, Karnataka. When Gandhi’s team investigated, she claimed that she didn’t file any application to delete any votes.

Evidence of alleged voter fraud in Aland constituency, Karnataka

In support of his allegations on the Aland constituency, Rahul Gandhi presented five key pieces of evidence to show how the alleged fraud occurred:

1. Fake logins and impersonation: Fake logins were allegedly created in the name of a 63-year-old woman named Godabai to delete 12 voters. Rahul Gandhi’s team found that Godabai had not filed any such applications. The fraud was further evidenced by the use of mobile numbers from different states to delete 12 neighbours.
2. Identity hijacked for mass deletions: The identity of Suryakant Govin, a 67-year-old retired college principal, was allegedly hijacked. His credentials were used to file nine applications to delete voters, a fact he was unaware of. These applications were used to delete 12 voters in just 14 minutes.
3. Humanly impossible application speed: The press conference showed evidence of two applications being filed and submitted within just 36 seconds, which was described as “humanly impossible.” This points to the use of an automated program rather than individual human action.
4. Automated program targets: It was alleged that the perpetrators used an automated program that ensured the first voter of a booth was always the applicant. This pattern of using the credentials of the first or second voter on a local list to file deletion requests for others was presented as a clear sign of a sophisticated, automated operation.
5. Targeted deletions in strongholds: The deletions were not random. The evidence presented alleged that they were a “planned operation” with “targeted deletions in strong congress booths.” It was noted that the top 10 booths with the maximum number of deletions were Congress strongholds, where the party had won 8 out of 10 booths in the 2018 elections.

Based on this evidence, Rahul Gandhi asserted, “there is undeniable proof that CEC Gyanesh Kumar is protecting vote theft.”

The Original PPT on The Aland Files, presented by Rahul Gandhi can be read here

CID’s stalled investigation and unanswered letters

Rahul Gandhi revealed that, the investigation by the Karnataka Criminal Investigation Department (CID) into the alleged fraud has been stalled. The timeline presented reveals a pattern of persistent requests from the CID to the Election commission of India (ECI) that have allegedly gone unanswered.

• February 2023: an FIR was filed following the discovery of the fraudulent applications.
• March 2023: the Karnataka CID wrote to the ECI, requesting all details related to the applications to further their investigation.
• August 2023: the ECI provided only partial portal information, which included dynamic IP addresses that were linked to over 200 users each, leaving the CID with an impossible task.
• January 2024 to present: the Karnataka EC has been repeatedly requesting full information from the ECI, including the crucial destination IP and destination port details needed to identify the culprits. Rahul Gandhi stated that the Karnataka CID has sent a total of 18 letters to the election commission, but the ECI has not replied, effectively stalling the investigation.

The Vote Chori Factory: a multi-state scam

In addition to the Aland case, Rahul Gandhi referred to a similar scam in Maharashtra’s Rajura assembly, calling it the “same scam in Rajura assembly.” He noted that while the Aland case focused on “deletions,” the Rajura scam involved “additions.” The press conference highlighted “6850 fake online additions” in Rajura using “fake names, fake addresses.” This was presented as evidence that the “same vote chori factory” was operating across different states with different tactics.

Election Commission of India must stop protecting Vote Chors.

They should release all incriminating evidence to Karnataka CID within 1 week. #VoteChoriFactory pic.twitter.com/Abiy1OHLQP

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) September 18, 2025

Rahul Gandhi’s allegations against the Election Commission

Addressing the media, Rahul Gandhi briefed the story from Aland. He alleged that “the one who’s deleting votes, the one whose vote is being deleted, both don’t know about it.”

He asserted that the use of mobile numbers from outside states and the lack of response from the ECI proved a coordinated effort.

He further alleged that “CEC Gyanesh Kumar is protecting Vote-Chors (theft)” and that “The Chief Election Commissioner of India is protecting those who have destroyed Indian democracy.”

He ended his press conference with a final plea, suggesting that “people from within ECI (officials) are now coming forward with inside information.” This was not just a demand for information; it was a challenge to the integrity of an institution that is the bedrock of India’s democracy.

CID probe and challenges in investigation

The case was handed over to Karnataka’s Criminal Investigation Department (CID), which soon uncovered a meticulously planned operation. The thousands of forged Form 7s were submitted online through the ECI’s official platforms: the National Voter Service Portal (NVSP), the Voter Helpline app (VHA), and the Garuda app.

The ECI initially shared a data dump with the CID in September 2023. This included the mobile numbers used to create login IDs on the apps and the Internet Protocol (IP) logs associated with the submissions. But this data only deepened the mystery. Investigators tracked down nine of the mobile numbers. They belonged to people in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, many of whom were digitally illiterate and swore they had never created accounts on any ECI app.

The IP logs presented an even bigger challenge. The culprits had used dynamic IP addresses, which are temporary and assigned to multiple users by internet service providers. The data provided by Telecom Service Providers pointed to IPV4 addresses, with each address linked to over 200 users. This left the CID facing an impossible task, sifting through over 8 lakh potential devices.

Investigation stalled due to concealment of critical data

To cut through this digital fog, the CID identified the need for two specific data points: the Destination IP and the Destination Port. Unlike a dynamic source IP, these details provide a unique digital address for the server that received the application and the specific endpoint of the communication. This information would allow investigators to drastically narrow their search and pinpoint the actual devices used to perpetrate the fraud. This is where the investigation stalled.

CID’s repeated requests ignored by Election Commission

A cache of official letters, six from the CID to the Karnataka Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), laid bare the investigators’ mounting frustration. Rahul Gandhi stated that the “Karnataka CID sent 18 letters to the Election Commission,” and the “Election Commission did not reply to the CID’s letter.”

The documents revealed a paper trail of urgent and unanswered requests. In a letter dated February 1, 2025, the CID Investigating Officer states plainly, “During the course of investigation, the IP Logs are provided. On perusal the Destination IP and Destination Port are missing. Therefore, it is requested to direct the concerned to provide the same.” This wasn’t a one-off request. The letter referenced a previous communication from January 15, 2025.

CID letter dated 01.02.205 can be read here

Further letters were sent on February 15 and February 25, each one repeating the exact same plea for the missing data.

CID’s letter to CEO, Karnataka on 15.02.2025 can be read here

CID’s letter to CEO, Karnataka on 25.02.2025 can be read here

The letters also reveal deeper concerns about the security of the ECI’s own applications, with the CID posing pointed questions about the existence and implementation of OTP/Multifactor authentication on its platforms—questions that have allegedly gone unanswered.

Confidential records further show that the Karnataka CEO’s office has been diligently forwarding these urgent requests to the ECI headquarters in New Delhi. Communications on this matter were sent on February 4, 2025.

Karnataka CEO’s letter dated 04.02.2025 can be read here

Again, on March 14, 2025, explicitly asking the ECI’s ICT division to provide the information sought by the CID. Yet, the data remains elusive, and the investigation remains frozen.

CEO, Karnataka’s letter to ECI dated 14.03.2025

Background: discovery of the conspiracy

The alleged conspiracy first came to light in the politically charged weeks of February 2023. B.R. Patil, a senior Congress leader, received a disturbing tip. A local Booth Level Officer (BLO) discovered a startling online application to delete a voter’s name, a Form 7, had been filed to remove her own brother from the electoral rolls.

He was a known supporter of Patil’s, and he had made no such application. “The application was made in the name of another voter in the same village, who was also not aware of it. This tipped us off,” said Patil, who had narrowly lost the 2018 election by just 697 votes.
What started as a single fraudulent form quickly snowballed into a deluge. An on-ground verification ordered by the Aland Returning Officer, Mamata Devi, scrutinised 6,018 Form 7 applications. The findings were staggering as only 24 were genuine.

The remaining 5,994 applications were forgeries, a systematic attempt to wipe legitimate voters off the list. An FIR was filed, and an investigation was launched to find the masterminds behind this digital conspiracy. The evidence pointed to a sophisticated operation using “automated filing of online EC forms, Mobile numbers from outside Karnataka, and Targeting Congress votes.”

Notably, the forged applications to delete the names of both Barabayi and Ali were filed in the name of Suryakant Govin, a 67-year-old retired college principal. Govin was shocked to learn his identity had been hijacked. “There were nine applications made in my name to delete voters… I don’t know how the miscreants did it,” he explained. “While my other credentials, including EPIC number and photo are correct, phone numbers are different in each application. None of them belong to me,” The Hindu reported on September 7, 2025.

This pattern repeated itself across the constituency. The credentials of the first or second voter on a local list were frequently misused to file deletion requests for others. Entire families were targeted, as was the case with Veeranna Honashetty, a retired policeman, who discovered applications to delete eight votes in his household, including that of his wife, Revamma. The targets, Patil alleges, were overwhelmingly his supporters, as reported

In light of these allegations and the stalled investigation, Rahul Gandhi laid down a clear demand that “Gyanesh Kumar should stop protecting vote chors.” He demanded that the ECI must release all incriminating evidence related to the Aland, Rajura, and Mahadevapura cases to the Karnataka CID within one week.

Related

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The post “Vote Chori Factory”: Rahul Gandhi accuses ECI of protecting electoral fraud, demands action in 7 days appeared first on SabrangIndia.