Anita Anand, The Patient Assassin, The True Tale of Massacre, revenge and the Raj, London, Simon and Schuster, 2019, pages 384, Kindle ed

The book, The Patient Assassin, by London-based Anita Anand is based on the life of Udham Singh, who assassinated Michael O’Dwyer, the Lieutenant Governor of Punjab during 1919, and was infamous for the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar.

Anand’s ancestors on both sides, her own and her husband’s, were involved in some way or the other the sufferings of the biggest massacre during British Raj after the 1857 revolt. Her grandfather, Ishwar Das Anand, was in Jallianwala Bagh on that fateful day of April 13, 1919. He survived as he left a bit early before the firing was ordered by Reginald Dyer. Her husband’s ancestors settled in London in the 1930s and one of them lived with Udham Singh in London.

So, as a writer, Anand has the privilege of having heard the story from close family persons, as well as being a broadcast journalist with BBC, she has used her skills as a journalist and researcher to build the story of Udham Singh in a narrative style. She already has written another popular book on Sophia, the daughter of the last Maharaja of Punjab, Duleep Singh, and also co-authored another one on Kohinoor, with celebrated historian William Dalrymple. In this book, she has given a historical event the shape of a long narrative, to make it more interesting, and has taken the liberty to give almost a fictional form and a thriller as well.

Before Anand begins the narration, she quotes from one of the greatest novelists of the world, Charles Dickens:  “Vengeance and retribution require a long time; it is the rule” The quote is from one of his famous novels, A Tale of Two Cities, and shows that Anand, through the historic event, wishes to create a story of revenge as well.

Apart from 25 chapters of this spread-out narration, nine are in part one, and 16 are in part two. In the preface, the author has referred to her family connections to the event and the historical background and a few known facts, like the number of killings as per British and Indian perceptions. The author has also included a list of illustrations (which are very important and rare).

The preface has underlined that on April 13, 1919, Dyer, a British officer of Irish origin, had ordered his men to fire upon around 20,000 innocent and unarmed men, women and children. The victims included the youngest, a six-month old baby and the oldest, a man in his 80s.

Dyer was supported Michael O’Dwyer, then Lieutenant Governor of Punjab, who became the target of Udham Singh’s revenge, as Dyer had died early in 1927. Dyer had boasted that he could have killed many more had his men not exhausted firearms and if he could have driven his armoured car inside the Bagh through a narrow lane with machine guns, as he was seeking to teach a lesson to the restive province.

Anand refers to former British Prime Minister David Cameron expressing remorse but not apologising at the site itself 94 years later. Her grandfather, Ishwar Das Anand, suffered survivor’s guilt in his short life of 40 years. He lost his sight as well.

The Amazon advertisement of the book (edited) says:

 “The dramatic true story of a celebrated young survivor of a 1919 British massacre in India, Udham Singh and his ferocious twenty-year campaign of revenge that made him a hero to hundreds of millions—and spawned a classic legend. (Presence of Udham Singh in Jallianwala Bagh has not been conclusively proven, the evidence is there that he was away in Africa at the time of happening).”

When Michael O’Dwyer ordered Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer to Amritsar, he wanted him to bring the ‘troublesome’ city to heel. O’Dwyer had become increasingly alarmed at the effect Gandhi was having on this province, as well as the demonstrations, strikes, and shows of Hindu-Muslim unity. All these things, to him, were a precursor to a second Indian revolt.

What happened next shocked the world. An unauthorised gathering in Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar in April 1919 became the focal point for O’Dwyer’s law enforcers. Dyer marched his soldiers into the walled garden, blocking the only exit. Then, without issuing any order to disperse, he instructed his men to open fire, turning their guns on the dense part of the crowd, filled with over a thousand unarmed men, women, and children. For 10 minutes, the soldiers continued firing, stopping only when they ran out of ammunition.

According to legend (yes, not a proven fact), 18-year-old Sikh orphan Udham Singh was injured in the attack and remained surrounded by the dead and dying until he was able to move the next morning. Then, he supposedly picked up a handful of blood-soaked earth, smeared it across his forehead, and vowed to kill the men responsible.

The truth, as the author has discovered, is more complex—but no less dramatic. The award winning journalist traced Singh’s journey through Africa, the United States, and across Europe until, in March 1940, he finally arrived in front of O’Dwyer himself in a London Hall, ready to shoot him down. The Patient Assassin shines a devastating light on one of history’s most horrific events, but it reads like a taut thriller and reveals the incredible but true story behind a legend that still endures today.” (Amazon ad ends here)

Many books have been written in many languages on the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and Udham Singh, some of which have been quoted by Anand. She visited Sunam and met people known to Udham Singh still alive. Some of her narration could be contested on the factual level, as one researcher Navtej Singh earlier has authoritatively, with documentation, claimed that Udham Singh was not present in the Bagh on that day and that he was abroad for labour. But it is true that Anita Anand’s narrative style is more enchanting than the historical accounts of earlier authors.

Navtej Book-Udham Singh documents

History was earlier written in an academic manner as well as fiction, now a new more reader-friendly genre has developed, which is a combination of journalism, fictional narration and historical facts. History was considered a boring subject among school students earlier, maybe school textbooks are still boring, but new forms of history writing are becoming more attractive, but with a rider that the  narration and style should not lose the core message of historic tragedies. 

The Patient Assassin brings makes Udham Singh seem like a fictional hero, as well as a romantic, having many liaisons with women and leaving them without remorse, yet completely focused on his aim to shoot the murderer of Jallianwala Bagh.  He achieves this aim in well-planned plot and is proud of it. This aspect of Udham Singh is well brought out by Anand, a non-professional historian.

Rakesh Kumar-Udham Singh book title and documents

However, more important and authentic books on Udham Singh or Mohmmad Singh Azad, as he himself signed and presented in London’s trial court, are written by Navtej Singh, published by Punjabi University Patiala, and Rakesh Kumar, a retired engineer from Udham Singh’s own place, Sunam. The titles of those books are given in Anand’s book. A life size statue erected by the Indian government in 2018 at the entrance of Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar is also there, which does not match with the real photographs of Udham Singh, whose birth name was Sher Singh. He was an orphan and was brought up in Pingalwara School in Amritsar and later moved to Africa for labour work after his education in Amritsar was over. He travelled to many countries before shooting Michael O’Dwyer and getting executed on July 31, 1940 in London. His remains were brought to India 34 years later, in 1974.

The writer is a retired professor of JNU and an honorary adviser to the Bhagat Singh Archives and Resource Centre, Delhi.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Relook at a Book: Udham Singh – Life of a Hero, Peppered With History, Fiction, Thrill appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dr. B R Ambedkar was in constant dialogue with Communist thought, at least at ideological level, throughout his writings. Some vested sections among both sides-Ambedkarits and Marxists have tried to put both sides more in conflict than in agreement on many social issues. There are few scholars and activists, especially after the rise of Communal Hindutva and it getting state power in 2014, to focus this dialogue on more common grounds among the two thoughts. Many student organisations in JNU or in Hyderabad University or IIT’s in Chennai and Kharagpur, have focussed on common grounds between Marxist revolutionary Bhagat Singh and Dalit liberation thinker Dr. Ambedkar, along with Periyar and Mahatma Phule.

Anand Teltumbde, scholar in his own right, though closely related to Ambedkar family as well, has edited few incomplete writings of Dr. Ambedkar under the title-‘India and Communism’ with his lucid introduction on the subject. It is mentioned in Publisher’s Note Dr. Ambedkar has left a note in his papers that he wished to write a book entitled-India and Communism, he even drafted table of contents for the book, which were as-

Part-1. The Pre-requisites of Communism
Chapter-1-The Birthplace of Communism
Chapter-2-Communism and Democracy
Chapter-3-Communism and Social Order
Part-II—India and the Pre-requisites of Communism
Chapter-4-The Hindu Social Order
Chapter-5-The Basis of Hindu Social Order
Chapter-6—The Impediments to Communism arising from the Social Order
Part-III—What Then Shall We Do?
Chapter-1- Marx and the European Social Order
Chapter-2- Manu and the Hindu Social Order
Dr. Ambedkar could complete only few parts of this planned book-Chapter 4&5 with sixty three typed pages. In the same fold of papers there was an outline for another book-Can I be a Hindu? And Symbols of Hinduism as part of it.
These papers are likely typed in early 1950.

Anad Teltumbde has reproduced these incomplete writings of Dr. Ambedkar with his 70 pages introduction-‘Bridging the Unholy Rift’. The Text of Dr. Ambedkar’s own papers is of 75 pages, with 50 pages of two chapters from book and 25 pages of additional section-Symbols of Hinduism.
Thus the unknown papers of Dr. Ambedkar with Anand Teltumbde’s introduction bring fresh and more rational understanding of Dr. Ambedkar thought.

In opening page of the book, there is a quotation from Dr. Ambedkar’s1936 major writing-‘Annihilation of the Caste’-

‘If the Socialists wish to make Socialism a definite reality, then they must recognise that the problem of social reform is fundamental and that for them there is no escape from it’

Reading this statement 81 years after it was first penned, makes one realise that how much complex Indian society is and how the need for social reform has become more acute that even in 1936 and the intervening period has shown that how socialists or communists have failed in this task and now they stand almost marginalised in society, which they were leading one time.

Anand Teltumbde also begins his introduction with a quote from radical black American thinker Malcolm X-‘The only way we’ll get freedom for ourselves is to identify ourselves with every oppressed people in the world’ (Page 9). The very first formulation of Anand Teltumbde is that those who project Ambedkar as anti-communist or anti-Marxism are grossly prejudiced, though he agrees that Ambedkar had serious reservation in accepting certain theoretical postulations of Marxism.

Anand Teltumbde very harshly underlines the fact that-The entire post-Ambedkar Dalit movement reflects the singular obsession to treat Marxists as the enemy. This has allowed the Dalit ‘leaders’ to remain ensconced in the ruling circles, enjoying perks and privileges, while still calling themselves ‘Ambedkarites’ (Page 11). He has even named certain groups from Republican Party of India (RPI). In later period, Anand notes in sadness that even Dalit Panthers, the radicals on the pattern of Black Panthers of US, split on same pattern of RPI. He further notes that how notable Dalit leaders like-Ram Vilas Paswan, Udit Raj and Ramdas Athavale have walked over to the most reactionary Brahamnical party-Bhartiya Janta Party(BJP), but would not touch Communists even with a bargepole! These opportunist leaders are ready to go with utterly anti-Ambedkar thought of BJP, but attack Dr. Ambedkar’s own grandson Prakash Ambedkar, who favours common front with Socialists and Communists as ‘anti-Ambedkar’ and even ‘a Maoist sympathiser’!

Anand Teltumbde describes Dr. Ambedkar’s relationship with Marxism as ‘enigmatic’, he was never a Marxist, but described himself as ‘Socialist’!

Anand Teltumbde is not sure whether Dr. Ambedkar read Karl Marx’s 25th June 1853 essay-The British rule in India, first published in New York Daily, in which Marx characterizes the Indian Castes as ‘the most decisive impediment to India’s progress and power’. But Ambedkar never rejected the notion that ‘struggle against caste is integral with class struggle’ (Page 19). Ambedkar was unhappy at the Communists conception of class as only ‘economic’ excluding socio-religious aspects of it. Anand Teltumabde also underlines that though Ambedkar did not accept Marxian concept of class, he himself was treated caste as class-‘A Caste is an Enclosed Class’, as per Anand, Ambedkar conception of class was more like Max Weber than like of Marx. Ambedkar formed his first political party as Independent Labour Party (ILP) in August 1936, which is described by Christopher Jeffrelot as ‘first leftist party in India’, as Communist party was either underground or working under umbrella of Congress party. ILP along with CSP (Congress Socialist Party) organised huge march of 20000 peasants in 1938 and showed the way to merge ‘caste and class’ in practice. In 1938 itself ILP and AITUC (CPI affiliated-All India Trade Union Congress) joined in calling massive strike of one lakh workers against Trade Disputes act of 1929, against which Bhagat Singh and BK Dutt had thrown bombs in Central assembly in April 1929. According to Anand, Ambedkar was in his radical best form in 1930’s. Ambedkar ended this phase by dissolving ILP in 1942 and forming All India Scheduled caste Federation (AISCF).

Anand Teltumbde has observed in his introduction to the book that Ambedkar was not hostile towards communism until the 1930’s. Only his experience with Bombay communists made him bitter about everything communist. Ambedkar had a soft corner for Soviet Union leader Stalin, being the son of a shoemaker. He observed even fast on the day Stalin died.

According to Anand Teltumbde much of the differences between Dr. Ambedkar and Communist leaders of his time had been due to Communist perception of ‘Base and Superstructure’, in which economic plight of Dalits as class was linked to their liberation from economic yoke of exploitation and their ‘caste discrimination’ being part of ‘super structural’ nature, would end with the change in base of society. Communist party in its opportunism was treating many comrades from Dalit background as ‘showpiece’ of their concern for Dalits, such was the case of Jiban Dhupi of Anushilan revolutionary group background, who was released from jail after eleven years in 1946, was flaunted as ‘Scheduled Caste Fighter against Social injustice’ in CPI central organ. . In contrast, K N Jogelkar, a senior CPI leader was not debarred from remaining member of ‘Brahmin Sabha’ for many years.

Though Ambedkar remained targeted by CPI for many years, at personal level, Ambedkar kept his friendship warm with R B More, who had joined CPI.

According to Anand, on the issue of nationalism and anti-imperialist struggles, Ambedkar and CPI had different perception, while CPI thought Congress party to be anti-imperialist and nationalist and felt friendlier towards it and was critical of Ambedkar. For Ambedkar, interests of Dalits were primary, who got some relief from British regime in terms of getting education and some job opportunities. Ambedkar wanted to protect the interests of Dalits in post British India and did not trust Gandhi or Congress party for that.

Although today in changed circumstances due to RSS inspired BJP coming to power, Indian constitution drafted by Dr. Ambedkar is being seen as a defence mechanism against RSS designs of turning India into Hindu Rashtra, Anad Teltumbade quotes Dr. Ambedkar himself to show that how much Dr. Ambedkar was himself frustrated from this constitution. Anand quotes Ambedkar-‘I was a hack, what I was asked to do, I did much against my will…But I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it out. I don’t want it. It does not suit anybody’. (Page 68-quoted from Rajya Sabha, 2nd September 1953). It is very interesting to see that the constitution which is being idealised today, was a class constitution to protect the interests of ruling rich oligarchies and not to protect, working class or Dalits, Ambedkar was quite clear about it, but our today’s leftists and Ambedkarites are both eulogising a constitution, which was rejected by Ambedkar himself, despite being its author!

Coming over to present incomplete project of Dr. Ambedkar, Anand Teltumbde opines that though Ambedkar thought communism was an emancipatory philosophy and has huge attraction for toiling masses, yet it did not have much to offer to Dalits in getting rid of oppressive social structure . In Anand Teltumbde’s opinion the early doctrinaire approach of CPI alienated Ambedkar like thinkers from Marxism. He quotes Marx about such doctrinaire approach saying that ‘if that was Marxism, he was not Marxist himself!’

Under the present circumstances Anand Teltumbade opines that just caste identity politics will not lead Dalit liberation to anywhere, rather it would only splinter them further. He favours class and caste integration to enhance the path of revolution and hopes that publication of Ambedkar’s incomplete writings ‘inspire the Dalits and communists to complete the belated task to shape India’s and world’s future’. (Page 78)

One can look at Ambedkar’s two chapters and other writing to see whether Anand’s hope for Dalit-left unity is possible?
In his chapter-The Hindu Social Order: Its Essential Principles, Ambedkar begins by focusing on two fundamentals for free social order-1. Individual is an end in himself and 2. Social order must be founded on principles of liberty, equality and fraternity-three principles of French revolution.

Dr. Ambedkar discusses in detail the meaning and implications of these principles and tests the Hindu Social Order, whether it follows these foundational principles of ‘free social order’ or not; and he finds Hindu Social Order miserably failing to follow these essential principles. In the discussion Dr. Ambedkar underlines the most divisive and discriminatory aspects of Hindu social order. He gives an example from Brahmin caste alone from Punjab of those days, where out of one crore and a half population of main Brahmin caste, had 1886 sub-castes of Brahmins alone!

Dr. Ambedkar makes it clear that first and fundamental principle of Hindu social order is ‘graded inequality’, he gives illustrations from ‘Manu Smriti’ to prove his point, which underlines seven kinds of slaves and The Hindu law recognises slavery as a ‘legal institution’! (Page 98) Dr. Ambedkar has given ample examples from Hindu codified laws about the cruelty in different laws like that on adultery etc. Dr. Ambedkar underlines ‘fixity of occupations for each class and continuance thereof by heredity’ as the second principle of Hindu social order. Third principle of Hindu social order is explained as ‘fixation of people within their respective classes. Dr. Ambedkar notes further that Hindu social order has ‘ban on free interchange and intercourse between different classes of Hindu society. There is a bar against inter-dining and inter-marriage.’(Page 108).

In another chapter-The Hindu Social Order: Its Unique Features. Dr. Ambedkar notes three special features of Hindu social order, the most striking being-‘the worship of the superman’! In Ambedkar’s own words-‘The Hindu social order is nothing but Nietzsche’s Gospel put in action’!(Page 111) Ambedkar considers that The Brahmin is the Superman of Hindu social order, who is entitled to certain privileges as he could not be hanged, even though he might be guilty of murder as per Manu Smriti. Dr. Ambedkar further explains Hindu social order by saying that-‘the rise of common man is antagonistic to the supremacy of the Superman…..Common man is in a state of perpetual degradation…’ (Page 119)

Dr. Ambedkar is very firm in his opinion that-‘The Hindus are the only people in the world whose social order-the relation of man to man is consecrated by religion and made sacred, eternal and inviolate.’ He concludes this chapter with these words-‘No one can deny that the Hindu social order has become the habit of the Hindus and as such is in full force’. (Page 130)

In another chapter-Symbols of Hinduism-Ambedkar goes back to 305 B.C., focusing on Greek king Seleukos ambassador Megasthenes view-the social organisation of the Hindus was of a very strange sort’. Megasthenes observed Indian population to be divided into seven parts. From 305 B.C., Ambedkar moves to 1030 A.D. by referring to Alberuni’s travel accounts of India, who observed four major castes or varnas of Hindus, Brahmins being the highest in ladder. Ambedkar further refers to Portuguese official Duarte Barbosa being in India during 1500-1571, who gives detailed analyses of Indian castes. Ambedkar notes the Denzil Ibbetson writing about castes in Punjab during British colonial time. Editor Anand Teltambde consider him as ‘the most important intellectual bureaucrats of the Census of India’ (Page 147). In fact Denzil Ibbetson book ‘Punjab Castes’ is still published by Government of Punjab with his full name and title as Sir Denzil Charles Jelf Ibbetson K.C.S.I. as master source for data of castes in Punjab.

Dr. Ambedkar sees caste and class interlinked in Indian social set up. Dr. Ambedkar challenges the notion of caste being outcome of ‘Varna’, rather he says that ‘Caste is perversion of Verna’. Dr. Ambedkar touches the question of ‘Swarna’ Hindus, means being part of four Varna system, which include-Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras and ‘Avarna’ Hindus, means who are out of Varna system, called ‘Antyaj’ also, meaning worse than even Shudras! Dr. Ambedkar’s manuscript breaks with these words-‘The Avarna Hindus comprise three…..

No one can doubt the scholarship of Dr. Ambedkar in study of Indian society in general and Hindu society in particular with emphasis on Caste structure of Hinduism, which is most oppressive for Dalits. Reformers like Mahatma Gandhi and others tried to reform Hindu social order by offering to appropriate Dalits inside Hindu order by offering them some dignity, but not equality, whereas Dr. Ambedkar finds no scope for equality for Dalits inside Hindu social order, so he opts out of Hindu social order itself by accepting Buddhist faith and calling upon fellow Dalits to do the same. While he was left with little time after adopting Buddhism, his followers did not carry forward his scheme of taking Dalits out of Hindu social order and creating a new liberty, equality and fraternity based social order, not even Mayawati led Bahujun Samaj Party did it, neither earlier various Republican Party factions did it and now finding all of them at the mercy of RSS-Hindutva based party BJP.

Anand Teltumbde by his enlightened introduction to these papers of Dr. Ambedkar has tried to open a window again for leftists and Ambedkarites to enter into debate and find common ground for changing the sliding down of Indian society into the clutches of RSS-Hindutva Hindu Social Order, resisted so passionately by Dr. Ambedkar. Modi is the Superman of Hindu Social Order as explained by Dr. Ambedkar, with whom Dalits can have no truck. Under present circumstances, leftists forces are probably closest allies of Ambedkar’s imagined social order based on liberty, equality and fraternity, but would the both sides accept this challenge? Rosa Luxemburg the best leftist/Communist theoretician of Germany had given a resounding call for defeat of fascism by explaining the situation as ‘Socialism or Barbarism’! India is in perhaps same conditions today where it has to choose-‘Socialism or Barbarism’! Socialism could be of Ambedkar variety or Bhagat Singh/Che Guevara variety or any other variety as being tried in different Latin American countries at the moment, but Barbarism of Hindutva social order is not an option!

Hope that Anand Teltumbde, Prakash Ambedkar like Ambedkarite thinkers and various leftist groups and parties find a common ground, as students are trying in many places like ‘Bhagat Singh-Ambedkar-Periyar-Phule’ groups as in IIT Chennai to lead the country out of morass of Hindutva fascist forces, which are quite strong at the moment, being in power at state level as well as in society with vigilante groups like-‘Gau Rakshaks’ and many more like Sriram Sena, or Hindu Jagran Vedike, which are killing rationalists like Dabholkar-Pansare-Kalburgi-Gauri or Akhlaques-Junaids etc. by falsification of history and whipping up blind religious passions like Hitler and Mussolini whipped up in Germany and Italy of 1930’s and whose price was paid by the whole world, not just these two countries. Same are the conditions today of the world with Trump and Modi in power in two powerful countries with huge populations!

Hope Indian and US people will learn some lessons from history and will not allow it to be repeated again, which will be much more destructive than the World War-II, caused by Hitler and Mussolini. Dr. Ambedkar’s unfinished book can be guide to learn these lessons.

Chaman Lal is retired Professor from JNU, New Delhi and author of ‘Understanding Bhagat Singh’ and few books on Dalit Literature

Courtesy: https://countercurrents.org
 

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Prior to this meeting and afterwards unpleasant scenes were witnessed. Students of the college who were protesting against bifurcation of the college were threatened with expulsion from the college by the Chairman. College teachers who questioned Chairman’s unsavoury conduct towards students (as he had forcibly taken away the identity card of some students), were also shouted at by the Chairman. A shouting match ensued and videos of this Chairman-teachers-students shout each other went viral on social media.

Next day, newspapers, first in Delhi followed by Punjab further ignited the issue. Protests  broke out among not only political groups, even among academics and writers, who took it as an affront to attack on the healthy progressive legacy of great son of pre-partition Punjab-Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia-the philanthropist, who willed all his huge property to ensure that the institution and many others take birth: schools/colleges and libraries. Newspapers like The Tribune and even the Punjab National Bank had already been set up through his efforts from Lahore.

Dyal Singh Majithia, born in 1849 and died in 1898, at rather young age, made a will prior to his untimely death. When the will was opened, he left a small part of his vast properties for his family and bequeathed most of the properties for public good. He formed a committee of Trustees himself to take care of School/Colleges, Public library and The Tribune-all three in Lahore. The trustees included at that time Lala Harkishan Lal, Babu Joginder Chander Bose, Lala Ruchi Ram, Dewan Narender Nath and many more eminent personalities of the period. The Tribune was set up in year 1881 itself and remained in publication until the time of his death. Dyal Singh trust Lahore set up Dyal Singh Public library Lahore in 1908 and Dyal Singh College was set up later in 1910 at Nisbat road Lahore, just adjacent to Dyal Singh Public library. This legacy continued later from Indian side at Delhi, Karnal and Chandigarh, as well as at Lahore itself. Dyal Singh College Lahore was set up in the leadership of first Principal N G Wellinkar, followed by Principal Sadhu T L Vaswani, who served from 1912 to 1915 as Professor of Religion and Philosophy as well. He was succeeded by Principal S C Roy and later by Pandit Hemraj, Professor of Mathematics as long time Principal from 1922 to 1938. Professor of English Daya Nath Bhalla succeeded him, who continued till partition of 1947, when Prof. Bhalla migrated to Delhi.

Dyal Singh College in Lahore was taken over by Government of Punjab and was renamed as Govt. Dyal Singh College, which name it bears, to date. Very few Professors remained in College after partition and Syed Abid Ali was appointed Lahore College Principal on September 1, 1947 and College reopened on October 1, 1947. (Reference to above facts from book-‘100 years of Dyal Singh College Lahore-1910-2010’ by Dr. Syed Sultan Mahmood Hussain, 2010 from Izharsons Lahore)

Dewan Anand Kumar, son of Raja Narnder Nath , a founder trustee of Dyal Singh trust, made efforts to rebuild Dyal Singh institutions at Delhi and Karnal in post partition India. A camp college for refugee children was set up at the Mandir Marg primary school in 1948 at Delhi, affiliated to newly set up Panjab University in Punjab, a transgression on Delhi University jurisdiction area. Classes were held in evening after school hours. Later, the Dyal Singh library, Tribune office and Dyal Singh College was set up in Rouse Avenue, this college was recognised by UGC in 1952. Camp College was attached to this College and this status of College continued till 1959, with affiliation to Panjab University. Dewan Anand Kumar, brother of Rameshvari Nehru,  had become Vic Chancellor of Panjab University was a major functionary of Dyal Singh trust society, registered at Karnal in post partition India. His son Dewan Gajender Kumar at the age of 94 years still continues to be the member of Dyal Singh trust society, though he is immobile now. His son D K Raina is present secretary of society.

From August 1959, Dyal Singh College was affiliated to Delhi University and it was allotted land on Lodhi road in 1961. The College was shifted to its present location in October 1962. Camp college was merged into it and Camp college material can still be found in present Dyal Singh College, since Camp college was evening classes college, so Dyal Singh college first became two shift college between 1963-66, later from 1967, evening classes started at present college location and it was designated as Dyal Singh College (Evening classes), the governing body of the College remained same and continues till date same. Evening classes had Vice Principal in charge earlier, later from 1997, full-fledged Principal and staff was recruited for evening college. In 1976, Dyal Singh Trust society offered Delhi University to take over the college as constituent college of the University, without seeking any monetary reimbursement for land and building.

However an agreement was signed between Delhi University and the society, in which clause 12 mentioned that the name of the college will not be changed and as per clause 16, the land will be transferred to the DU subject to No Objection certificate from the Land & Development office, incidentally that NOC has not been given by L&DO till date and all correspondence continues in the name of Dyal Singh trust society. In 1984, additional land was given to college that too was in the name of the society. Electricity bill still is in the name of the society.

Dyal Singh College has many luminaries on its trust and Governing body in the past. D N Bhalla continued as Principal from Lahore to Delhi, later many more Principals served the college including B M Bhalla, present Principal Inderjit Singh Bakshi joined as Principal in year 2006 and he has not seen such tense days in College, as he feels in last two years. The governing body of the college has had chairmen who were prominent freedom fighters and writers from the Lahore days, in the past . For example, Lala Feroze Chand, Dewan Anand Kumar, Prof. V P Dutt, Lala Brish Bhan, Shailja Chander, S S Gill and Prof. Shahid Mahdi.

However, this quality and eminence has declined during present NDA II rule. The Delhi University Vice Chancellor (in order to appease political bosses) has been appointing non educationist persons, affiliated to the RSS-BJP as chairmen of the college’s governing bodies. Incidentally, the Delhi University VC has been rejecting such respectable names sent by Delhi government for its own 28 colleges such as as Prof. S K Sopory, former VC of JNU, Prof. Ira Bhaskar, just because they have a ‘JNU’ tag, an offence for present NDA government! Present Chairman of Governing body of Dyal Singh College is Mr. Amitabh Sinha, a BJP leader and Supreme Court advocate. The eight to twelve member governing body consists of the principal of Morning College is member secretary, responsible for calling meetings of body and taking minutes. However in Mr. Sinha’s chairmanship, the principal has been reduced to nobody. The chairman has for the first time in the 107 year history of the college, has forcibly occupied conference room and put his name plate there, the room which has name boards of all the former chairmen and former pPrincipals of the college. College officials are scared even to open that room as Chairman misbehaves with officials and staff, get their signature on attendance sheets of the Governing body meeting and holds indoor meetings with only some members of his choice in bolted room, keeping many members sit out and prepares or get minutes prepared on his own and without the presence of member secretary in deliberations, forces him to own the minutes.

Even during the meeting held on November 17, in which name of Dyal Singh College (Evening) was illegally changed to ‘Vande Matram’ College, the member secretary was not allowed to sit in the meeting. Earlier while suspending a more than 70% physically charged assistant Professor of Hindi Dr. Kedarnath Mondal, the principal was not allowed even to indicate that suspension of any teacher cannot be effected without Delhi University approval, as college is constituent college of the University. Dr. Mondal was not issued any show-cause notice and suspended straightaway, just because as a Dalit literary critic, he made some remarks about Durga, as happened in the case of film S…Durga!

 The Dyal Singh Morning college has nearly 5200 hundred students at present and evening college has 3200 plus students. Turning the evening college into morning college in the same building is an absurd idea, as the infra structure can house only students of one college. With evening college it was fine as the same infra structure was shared in different time schedule. And why Delhi University is allowing closure of evening colleges at all? There are number of working people, including women, who continue their higher education after office hours, there has been no complaint from women students facing any problem in evening time in this prime South Delhi area college.

Technically, the land and building of college is still in the name of the Dyal Singh trust society, as per the agreement of DU with the society, the name of College in this land cannot be other than Dyal Singh, so chairman of the college is illegally violating the agreement. Even Delhi University has not formally divided the college into two colleges, as a demarcation committee is formed, which has yet to give its report. The whole process adopted by Chairman of the college smacks of political design rather than any academic or social concern for either the students or higher education in general.

  The only appropriate step in present circumstances is to remove this non-academic chairman of the governing body of the college and replace him with some respectable educationist, who could honour the legacy of Dyal Singh Majithia, honour the agreement between Dyal Singh trust society and DU, win the trust of students and staff of the college, thus saving the fair name of college from ignominy! Delhi University or Chairman of college can set up another college in different location and name it as they wish to, but Punjab people will not allow this chairman to harm Dyal Singh Majithia legacy in any form.

(The author is is a retired Professor from JNU and a Fellow of Panjab University Chandigarh; who visited Dyal Singh College and wrote to Delhi VC to not approve change in name of the College)
 

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