The incidents documented here range, from communal targeting and inflammatory speeches to acts of inhuman violence and systemic discrimination, took place in the month of January till now. Public platforms and political events have been weaponised to spread hateful ideologies, with prominent leaders openly calling for boycotts, violence, and exclusion of minority communities. Vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, Dalits, and tribals, have borne the brunt of this assault, facing economic sabotage, public humiliation, and even physical attacks.

This alarming trend is not just an affront to individual victims but a grave threat to Maharashtra’s legacy of cultural diversity and harmony. The state, once celebrated for its progressive movements and commitment to social justice, now finds itself mired in a toxic environment where fear, division, and hate dominate public discourse. These incidents expose the failure of the government to uphold the rule of law and protect its citizens, raising urgent questions about accountability and justice.

What follows is a detailed account of some of the most glaring incidents of hate and discrimination in Maharashtra in the month of January 2025. These accounts are not isolated events but part of a larger, systemic assault on the principles of secularism, equality, and human dignity. They demand immediate action and an unwavering commitment to restoring the ideals enshrined in India’s Constitution.

Detailed reports of hate incidents

• Targeting of Muslim-owned businesses in Yavatmal

On January 14, two Muslim-owned restaurants in Wani, Yavatmal, were forcibly shut down by members of the Bajrang Dal. The group accused the establishments of serving beef, leading to the police seizing the meat without providing any evidence or conducting a fair investigation. This incident underscores a worrying pattern of weaponising religious sentiment to economically and socially marginalise Muslims. Such acts not only deprive individuals of their livelihoods but also perpetuate a climate of fear and exclusion, eroding the rights of minority communities.

• Brutal assault on a tribal elderly woman in Amravati

In one of the most horrifying incidents, a 77-year-old tribal woman in Retyakheda village, Amravati, was subjected to medieval-style violence on December 30, 2024. While the incident occurred on December 30, it surfaced on January 5, 2025 after a police complaint was lodged by the victim’s son and daughter-in-law.

As per a report of Siasat, accused of practising black magic, the tribal woman was tied up, beaten with sticks, branded with hot iron rods, and forced to inhale chilli smoke. The assailants, led by the village head, further degraded her by making her consume urine and dog excreta and parading her through the village adorned with a garland of slippers. Despite the gravity of the attack, authorities have yet to invoke the Anti-Superstition Act, raising serious questions about the systemic apathy towards tribal and marginalised communities.

The victim’s family has since approached higher authorities, including the Maharashtra State Women’s Commission and the Inspector General of Police, seeking justice. While the district collector assured them of further investigations, such delays and the initial reluctance to file appropriate charges reflect a larger failure to deter such barbaric acts.

#Horrific An elderly tribal woman was tied with a rope, beaten and forced to eat dog excreta, burnt with a hot iron rod, incident took place in Amravati, Maharashtra. pic.twitter.com/GRd8bWe8sv

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) January 19, 2025

• Anti-Muslim rhetoric at Kurla event

At the “Samrast Yatra” event in Kurla, Mumbai, organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, a Jain monk disseminated hate speech rife with anti-Muslim propaganda. He falsely attributed statements to Dr B.R. Ambedkar, claiming the Dalit leader had called for the expulsion of Muslims from India. Such deliberate distortions of history weaponise revered figures to justify communal hatred.

The monk’s speech also demonised Bangladeshi Muslims, referring to them as “lungiwallas” and inciting Hindus to take violent action against them. This open propagation of hate speech at a public event, without any fear of legal consequences, underscores the emboldenment of extremist voices under the current political climate.

• Minister Nitesh Rane’s hate-filled speech

Maharashtra cabinet minister Nitesh Rane has become a recurring figure in the spread of communal hatred. At the Hindu Jagran Sabha in Sangli on January 10, Rane openly called for the economic boycott of Muslims, accusing them of using their businesses to fund fabricated plots like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” He further stoked paranoia by claiming that Muslims aim to turn India into an Islamic nation by 2047.

As per multiple media reports, Rane also coined the communal slur “every vote against Mulla” as a divisive rallying cry. His speech, laced with inflammatory rhetoric and veiled threats, exemplifies how elected representatives are misusing their positions to deepen communal fissures, rather than promoting harmony and inclusivity.

• Sadhvi Ritambhara’s provocative speech in Dadar

At an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Matrishakti and Durga Vahini in Dadar on January 5, Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech designed to incite violence. She vilified historical Muslim figures as well as women, proclaiming that “women who give birth to people like Aurangzeb and Taimur can’t be our ideal women.” Such statements not only demonise entire communities but also perpetuate divisive stereotypes.

Ritambhara amplified the baseless conspiracy theory of ‘love jihad,’ urging Indian women to “poke out the eyes of love jihadis.” The event concluded with participants taking an oath against this fabricated menace, further cementing hatred against a specific group.

• Casteist slur by Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad

At a public gathering in Buldhana, Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad demeaned voters by accusing them of selling their votes for paltry amounts of money, alcohol, and meat. He shockingly stated, “Even a prostitute is better than that,” displaying an utter lack of respect for both voters, women and marginalised groups. Such derogatory remarks from a public representative not only degrade the dignity of citizens but also highlight the normalisation of casteist and classist language in political discourse.

While addressing a public gathering in #Maharashtra‘s #Buldhana, #ShivSena (#EknathShinde faction) MLA #SanjayGaikwad says, “The voters here were sold for 2-5 thousand rupees, alcohol, and meat. Even a prostitute is better than that” pic.twitter.com/MXKRf6bhy0

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 7, 2025

A dire need for accountability and action

These incidents are not isolated but part of a broader, systematic pattern aimed at normalising hatred, targeting minorities, and eroding India’s pluralistic ethos. What is particularly troubling is the state’s apparent complicity, whether through direct endorsement, tacit approval, or sheer apathy. Police inaction, delayed investigations, and the absence of legal consequences embolden perpetrators and send a dangerous signal that hate crimes and divisive rhetoric will go unchecked.

The rise in hate incidents also points to a calculated strategy to divert attention from pressing socio-economic issues by deepening communal and caste divides. Elected representatives and influential figures who engage in hate speech must be held accountable under the law? Furthermore, civil society must amplify its efforts to counter such narratives, and judicial interventions must be swift and decisive in upholding justice.

The escalation of hate incidents in Maharashtra underlines the urgent need for introspection and systemic reform. The state government must decisively act to restore public trust by cracking down on hate speech and violence, irrespective of the political or social standing of the perpetrators. Anything less would not only betray the ideals of justice, equality, and secularism but also embolden those seeking to dismantle the fabric of Indian democracy.

Related:

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

CJP calls for electoral action against BJP leader’s hate speech at Rohini Chetna event

From fact-checking to chaos: How meta’s new moderation model risks eroding trust and democracy

Unity Beyond Religion: Stories of shared humanity and mutual respect

The post Maharashtra’s Descent into Hate: Six incidents reported in January 2025 highlight Maharashtra’s rising communal and caste-based violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Background of the Speech

The event took place on January 5, 2025, in Rohini, a region of Delhi that is home to a diverse population. Nazia Elahi Khan, a leader affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), addressed a gathering organized by the Hindu nationalist group “Chetna.” The speech quickly turned controversial as Khan launched into a tirade filled with derogatory statements targeting the Muslim community. What began as a political address soon devolved into a vicious and divisive rhetoric that sought to dehumanize Muslims and propagate harmful stereotypes.

CJP’s Complaint to the CEO, Delhi

In its complaint, CJP sought the immediate attention of the Chief Electoral Officer, Delhi, citing multiple violations of the MCC, which prohibits speeches or activities that incite communal violence, disrupt public peace, or foster distrust between communities. The CJP detailed the content of Khan’s speech, emphasizing how it:

• Incited communal hatred by making sweeping, baseless generalizations about Muslims, painting them as inherently violent and criminal.
• Violated the ethical and moral guidelines of the Model Code of Conduct, particularly its call for leaders to avoid using religion, caste, or community-based appeals to influence voters.
• Violated Sections 123(2), 123(3), and 123(3A) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which prohibits the use of religious or communal appeal to garner votes and ensures that political discourse remains centred on governance and policy issues.

CJP argued that Khan’s speech, especially during the critical period leading up to the Delhi Assembly elections, had the potential to destabilize the social fabric, incite communal violence, and polarize voters along religious lines.

Key violations highlighted by CJP in its complaint:

The CJP’s complaint meticulously pointed out the specific sections of the speech that violated both the MCC and the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

Stereotyping Muslims as violent and criminal

Khan’s speech included inflammatory statements targeting Muslims as a group. She falsely stated that Muslims were inherently violent, associating them with rape, terrorism, and “love jihad.” One of the most disturbing sections of the speech, transcribed as follows, demonstrates this:

“Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets, and ammunition! They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately.” She said

This statement not only perpetuates damaging stereotypes but also accuses an entire community of violent tendencies based on their religion. Such claims are deeply misleading, devoid of any factual basis, and incite animosity among communities. This is a clear violation of the MCC, which mandates that political leaders refrain from using inflammatory speech that could disturb public peace or harmony, CJP stated in its complaint

Derogatory remarks about Islamic practices

BJP leader Khan during her speech said, that “Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets and ammunition!

Here, the speaker engages in harmful stereotyping by accusing Muslims of being inherently violent and prone to terrorism. By falsely associating the Muslim community with rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speech spreads misinformation and incites fear and hatred.

“They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately. What is it after all? What is there in this community? What is the secret of that heavenly book, that Al-Quran, which is a community that has been troubling people of all religions in the world” she said.

CJP said that this speech is deeply problematic and derogatory, especially during the period of the Delhi Assembly Elections 2025. The speaker makes sweeping and false generalizations about the Muslim community, portraying them as inherently violent, criminal, and prone to terrorism. By linking Muslims to heinous acts such as rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speaker promotes harmful stereotypes that incite fear and hostility. These divisive and baseless accusations are not only factually incorrect but also inflammatory, creating an atmosphere of mistrust and hostility between communities.

“During a pre-election period, such statements are highly dangerous as they have the potential to polarize voters based on religion, undermining the principles of free and fair elections. Elections should focus on issues of governance, policy, and development, not on spreading hate and division. The speech directly violates the Model Code of Conduct, which calls for peaceful and respectful discourse, and jeopardizes the social harmony needed for democratic participation. By targeting an entire community with such derogatory remarks, the speaker seeks to manipulate voter sentiment through fear, rather than fostering an informed, inclusive, and fair election process” CJP stated in its complaint

The divisive “Us vs. Them” narrative

Khan went further to attack Muslim religious and cultural identity, attempting to create a sharp divide between Muslims and Hindus. She asserted:

“I know that the way people of Sanatan Dharma read Ramayana, Mahabharata, Shrimad Bhagwad Gita, there is peace inside them, there is humanity inside them, there is a yearning for forgiveness inside them. But you will have to ask for the address of the lane you don’t want to go to, you will have to explain to your daughters that no Abdul is good.”

Here, Khan made a derogatory and sweeping generalization about Muslims, labelling them as inherently dangerous to society. This remark not only sought to disparage Muslims but also propagated a culture of fear and mistrust among Hindus, encouraging religious polarization.

The video can be accessed through this link:

CJP mentioned in its complaint that Khan’s speech shifts the focus of the elections from governance and development to divisive identity politics. Her rhetoric promotes communal anxieties, leading voters to make decisions based on religious biases rather than critical issues like economic growth or healthcare. This practice deepens communal divides and erodes trust in democratic institutions, potentially inciting social unrest in a diverse city like Delhi.

Violation of MCC and People’s Act

Further, Khan’s speech violates multiple provisions of the MCC, which mandates a peaceful and fair electoral process. Her inflammatory language, which appeals to religious sentiments and incites communal tensions, breaches MCC guidelines related to general conduct and election campaigning. These actions distort the democratic process and jeopardize public peace and harmony. Under the Representation of People Act, 1951, Khan’s speech constitutes a violation of Sections 123(2), 123(3) and 123(3A), as it involves undue influence and appeals based on religion. Additionally, her remarks breach provisions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), promoting enmity and causing fear or alarm among communities, leading to potential legal action, CJP stated in its complaint

CJP urged the CEO to take immediate action against Khan, including issuing a public censure, prohibiting her future campaigning in Delhi, and investigating the BJP for promoting divisive rhetoric. Monitoring of political speeches should also be increased to ensure compliance with the MCC and uphold the integrity of the electoral process.

CJP’s complaint dated January 20, 2025 can be read here:

However, on January 10, 2025, CJP also filed a complaint against BJP councillor Ravinder Singh Negi (Vinod Nagar – 198) for delivering an anti-Muslim, communal speech during an election campaign event in Patparganj Assembly Constituency on January 6, 2025. The speech, aimed at securing votes, incited communal tensions and violated the Model Code of Conduct. CJP called for immediate action, stressing the detrimental effect such rhetoric could have on Delhi’s communal harmony, particularly in the context of the upcoming 2025 Delhi Assembly elections.

Related

CJP seeks action against BJP Councillor for anti-Muslim & communal election campaign

CJP files 3 MCC violation complaints with CEO Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke for hate speech

CJP files 5 hate speech complaints before CEO Maharashtra as violated MCC

The post CJP calls for electoral action against BJP leader’s hate speech at Rohini Chetna event appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Right to Information (RTI) Act which will soon complete 20 years, has been a very important thread in the democratic fabric of India. The Act empowers citizens to request information from public authorities and promotes transparency and accountability in the functioning of the Government. By enabling informed participation and holding the public officials accountable, the Act aims to strengthen the democratic governance system in our country.

However, over the last few years, questions have been raised about the functioning of the RTI machinery as the number of pending complaints and appeals has increased, various State Information Commissions (SIC) remain defunct, while the Central Information Commission (CIC) is not functioning at its full capacity.

On January 7, 2025, the Supreme Court expressed its concerns over the delay in appointment of the Information Commissioner by Centre and States for protecting the citizens’ right to information, asking what was the use of creating a law protecting the rights of the citizens and creating transparency in the functioning of the government machinery, if there is no one to work for that law.

A defunct RTI machinery

The condition of the functioning of the CIC and the SICs can be better understood by analysing the report published by Satark Nagrik Sangathan (SNS) on the functioning of the 29 commissions across the country with information accessed under the RTI Act through various applications.

Out of the 29 SICs, seven were not functioning at different lengths of time in the year 2024, including Jharkhand, Telangana, Tripura, Goa, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. For a period of four years, the SIC in Jharkhand has not been functional, which is the longest as compared to any other SICs.

Additionally, there were no Chief Information Commissioner in five commissions, along with eight that have been functioning at a reduced capacity with an inadequate number of information commissioners.

As per the Act, each commission shall have 10 commissioners and a chief commissioner, despite that multiple states and even the CIC are functioning at a reduced capacity. The CIC has been working with only three commissioners, including the chief commissioner.

In its recent order, Supreme Court also took cognizance of the situation in Jharkhand, where the commission has been defunct since 2020, and the lack of a leader of opposition (LOP) has resulted in no appointments in the SIC as the Act lays down that the Selection Committee for appointing commissioners must have LOP as a member.

The Court thereafter directed the single largest opposition party in Jharkhand, National Democratic Alliance, to appoint one of its elected representatives for the Selection Committee and complete the appointment process within the next 10 weeks.

As a result of this defunct machinery, the backlog of cases in the 29 commissions has drastically increased, from 2.18 lakh in the year 2019, to 4.05 lakh in the year 2024, which is an increase of around 80 percent, as reported by Newslaundry.

The CIC, which is the final appellate body as per the RTI Act, has more than 23,000 matters pending with 8 vacant posts for commissioners as per the website of the Central Information Commission.

The primary objective of the information commissions is to ensure transparency in the functioning of the government, however with regards to mandatorily making available the annual reports on the websites of respective commissions, it is pertinent to note that 33 percent of the commissions have not made their annual reports available as per an article published in the Business Standard.

The article further analyses the report of SNS as per which nearly 14,000 complaints and appeals were returned while 19,347 were registered by the CIC between July 1, 2023, and June 30, 2024, which comes to 42 percent of the total number of complaints registered.

The article further quotes the report stating “CIC website discloses how many appeals/complaints were re-submitted to the CIC after addressing deficiencies. The data reveals that nearly 96 per cent of the cases which were returned to the appellant/complainant were not re-submitted to the CIC by them”.

Reference can also be made to the 2019 judgement of the Supreme Court in the case of Anjali Bhardwaj vs Union of India, where the apex Court directed the Government to fill up the vacancies in the Information Commission and advised the government to make timely appointments of the Chief Information Commissioner and Information Commissioners 1 to 2 months prior the vacancy is created.

In this judgement, the Court also held that the selection of Information Commissioner must not be merely from Government employees or ex-government employees and highlighted the requirement of appointing people from other streams to increase transparency.

However, the judgement has not made much difference, and the appointment of retired bureaucrats continues.

2019 amendment

The negative attitude of the Government towards the RTI Act has been reflected in the 2019 Amendment to the Act, which has struck a huge blow to the independence and autonomy of the RTI machinery. The scope of the Act has been shrunk and the Government has attempted to defeat the purpose of the legislation. The power given under the RTI Act is now being eroded.

The Right to Information (Amendment) Act, 2019 breaks down the backbone of the law by striking its most important aspect, independence. The Amendment tinkers with status, salary and autonomy of the Information Commissioners at both Central and State levels. The Act which was passed hurriedly without proper consultations gives wide-ranging powers to the Central Government in controlling the one organization that has the power to hold the Government accountable.

To provide autonomy and prevent the information commissions from government interference, the tenure of chief information commissioners and 10 information commissioners was fixed at 5 years, and their salaries were of the rank of the chief election commissioner and election commissioners respectively.

The 2019 Amendment takes away the fixed tenure of the chief information commissioner and the information commissioners and also alters their salaries. As per the amendment, the Central Government has been granted the power to decide the tenure and salary of the chief information commissioner and the information commissioners. This can result in arbitrary removal and curtailment or increment of salary for elections commissioners as per the suitability of the ruling government.

While attempting to explain the objectives and the reasoning behind the amendment to the RTI Act, Bar and Bench in its article reported that, the Minister for PMO, Jitender Singh has argued that

“The functions being carried out by the Election Commission of India and Central and State Information Commissions are totally different. The Election Commission is a constitutional body established by clause (1) of article 324 of the Constitution and is responsible for the superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all election to Parliament and to the Legislature of every State and of election to the office of President and Vice President held under the Constitution. On the other hand, the Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions are statutory bodies established under the provision of the Right to Information Act, 2005. Therefore, the mandate of Election Commission of India and Central and State Information Commissions are different. Hence their status and service conditions need to be rationalised accordingly.”

Shri Yashovardhan Azad and Prof. Madabhushanam Sridhar Acharyulu, former Information Commissioners of the CIC argued that the Amendment may kill the RTI Act itself. They argued that the CIC and the SICs are not very different from the Election Commission of India especially with regards to their constitutional duties, and therefore the equivalence between ICs and EC with regards terms and conditions of service and salary were rightly drawn as per an article of the Economic and Political Weekly.

An article of India Today, cites Shashi Tharoor (MP, Indian National Congress) arguing that “It is not an RTI (Amendment) Bill. It is an ‘RTI elimination bill’. This bill is removing the two greatest armours of institutional independence and on top of that, by controlling the State Information Commissioners, by taking over the power to determine their salaries, the Central government is destroying it.”

Backdrop to the 2019 Amendment

Before the introduction of the RTI Amendment Act, 2019, a few orders had been passed by the Information Commission which were considered to cause unease to the Modi Government. Two examples can be referred to here of the row over PM Modi’s degree and the status of non-performing assets in public sector banks.

The Delhi University was directed, in January 2017, to allow the search of records of the students who had cleared the BA Course in the year 1978 which is when PM Modi passed the said exam, by the then Information Commissioner Sridhar Acharyulu.

Based on another complaint filed with the Information Commission during the tenure of the Modi government, the Commission directed the RBI to provide details with regards to the NPA in public sector banks and also the details of primary big loan defaulters. The information was denied by the RBI citing the confidential nature of the said information.

The matter even reached the Supreme Court where the Court directed the RBI in 2015 to make the requested information available and the order was reiterated in 2019 after the Central Bank had previously failed to comply with the order of the apex Court.

A conclusion can be drawn here as to how such complaints that have made the Modi government uncomfortable have resulted in the introduction of the RTI Amendment Act, 2019.

Other Issues with the RTI Machinery –

A pertinent question rises after the Digital Personal Data Protection Act (hereinafter referred as the DPDP Act), 2023 came into force regarding how to balance right to information and right to privacy, both of which are fundamental rights protected under Article 19(1) and Article 21 of the Constitution of India respectively.

Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act amends Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act. The previous provision exempted release of “information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or the appellate authority, as the case may be, is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information”, which is now substituted with “information which relates to personal information”.

The revised provision has provided a blanket exemption of any personal information and removed the consideration of larger public interest thereby resulting in huge potential of decrease in transparency and accountability.

The provision provides for protection of privacy of the government, meanwhile to protect the democratic fabric of the country, increased transparency on the end of the government would help in protecting the right of privacy of the citizens. Increased accountability of public officials would promote the objective of the RTI Act, which has been severely diluted by the amendment made by the DPDP Act.

Concerns have been raised as the DPDP Act was passed with great haste and without any consultation. In the documents obtained by an RTI application, it has been found that NITI Aayog which is government’s own think tank had formally written to the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY), urging to not pass the proposed DPDP Bill citing its repercussions and impact on the RTI Act especially, as reported in an article published by ET Government.

A fine will be imposed on the citizens if wrong information is provided to the government even by mistake or if there has been a failure to provide identity proof or address, or even if a complaint has been filed regarding breach of data privacy which is found to be false at a later stage as per an article published by the Deccan Herald. The Government expects the citizens to be perfectly candid and provide with their personal information, meanwhile exempting itself from doing the same and thereby destroying the balance between the governing and the governed.

In 2012, the Report of the Planning Commission headed by Justice AP Shah contended that Section 8 of the RTI Act provides for the exception of privacy to the right to information and when contended, the same can be decided by the Information Commissioners applying the public interest test. Therefore, the Privacy Act should in no way circumscribe the Right to Information Act. (Chapter 4, para 4.2, page 29 of 92)

Further, the Report of Justice Srikrishna Committee in 2018 attempted to balance the right to privacy with the right to information by suggesting amendment to the RTI Act by laying down that information must be exempted “only if such information is likely to cause harm to a data principal and such harm outweighs the aforementioned public interest, can the information be exempted from disclosure.” (Page 110 of 213)

From the above analysis it can be seen how time and again the Centre has attempted to whittle down the power of the RTI Act to protect itself. These acts of the Centre are against the basic fabric of a democratic government, accountability and transparency. Citizens’ right to information has been recognized by the Supreme Court as a fundamental right protected under Article 19(1) of the Constitution of India in a catena of judgments, however, the Centre has left no stone unturned to try and dilute the one law protecting that right.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this primer has been worked on by Yukta Adha)

Related:

India’s RTI Act struggles to survive as backlog, lack of staff persists

Digital Personal Data Protection Bill seeks to amend RTI Act to bar disclosure of personal information

Public authority must give cogent reason to withhold information under RTI Act: Delhi HC

The post Vacancies, Backlogs, and increased governmental involvement: How the RTI Act has lost its glory! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Parbatipur, near Kolkata, Muslims and Hindus unite to create hair for Durga idols used in Durga Puja celebrations, preserving a unique tradition that showcases how art can unite people of diverse faiths. Similarly, Hindu calligrapher Anil Kumar Chawhan in Hyderabad has spent over two decades painting Quranic verses on mosque walls, fostering communal harmony and respect between religions.

In Bihar’s Dumrawan village, the Paswan family has maintained a century-old mosque for over 30 years, despite the village’s shift to a Hindu majority. Their dedication exemplifies the enduring power of shared cultural and spiritual respect. Lastly, the ‘Chali Mukte,’ 40 Sikh soldiers who returned to fight for righteousness in 1705, remind us that humanity transcends religious   boundaries, and faith should always serve the greater good.

Mumbai’s Muslim engraver of Jewish tombstones: a legacy of mutual respect

On a bright February morning in Mumbai’s Worli, 74-year-old Mohammad Abdul Yaseen was chiselling Hebrew characters into a grey stone slab in a small Jewish cemetery. Surrounded by tombstones with inscriptions in Hebrew, Marathi, and English, Yaseen’s meticulous work embodied both dedication and cultural harmony. As a devout Muslim, he is the only expert engraver of Jewish tombstones in Maharashtra, showcasing the deep bonds between different communities in the region. His expertise serves the Bene Israel community, a group of Jews who have lived along the Konkan Coast for two millennia, despite their dwindling numbers today.

Yaseen’s unique connection with the Bene Israel community reflects Mumbai’s long history of peaceful coexistence between Jews and Muslims. His mentor, Aaron Menashe, a Bene Israel tombstone maker, not only taught him the craft but also introduced him to the Hebrew language. Yaseen’s work continues to reflect the mutual respect shared between these communities, living side by side in neighbourhoods like Bhendi Bazaar, where synagogues and mosques have coexisted for centuries. Choosing to remain in Mumbai despite offers from Israel, Yaseen’s life stands as a testament to cultural harmony, with a simple, honest living dedicated to peace.

Harmony in craft: a village that unites through tradition, celebrates unity and diversity

In India, where religious tensions often make headlines, Parbatipur, a small village near Howrah, stands as a powerful symbol of unity and diversity. Situated just 30 km from Kolkata, this village is renowned for its unique tradition of creating the lustrous hair for Maa Durga idols, an essential element of Durga Puja celebrations. As per The Statesman, “The amazing fact about the art of making hair is that it is made primarily by the Muslims,” highlighting how this small community has transcended religious barriers to contribute to the festival’s grandeur. While the work began in the 1960s under the guidance of Ekhlas Chacha, a Muslim craftsman, it now involves the entire village, regardless of faith. Parbatipur’s success story is a shining example of how communities can come together to preserve cultural practices and create something beautiful, celebrating harmony amid differences.

The craft of Durga’s hair

The hair of Maa Durga idols, crafted from dyed jute bales, plays an integral role in the grandeur of Durga Puja celebrations, with its long, flowing mane symbolizing feminine beauty. As per The Statesman, “At present, the villagers make hair for almost 30,000 Durga idols,” reflecting the widespread demand for their craft. The process involves colouring the jute bales, drying them, and cutting them into different sizes, all performed with precision by the local Muslim artisans. The fact that this craft has brought together people of varying religious backgrounds to support a shared cultural tradition makes it a testament to the strength of India’s unity and diversity, showcasing that in their hands, art transcends religion.

Harmonious unity through Art: A Hindu Calligrapher’s journey of peace

For over two decades, Anil Kumar Chawhan, a Hindu calligrapher from Hyderabad, has been a powerful symbol of harmonious unity, painting Quranic verses on the walls of mosques across the city. His journey began humbly with painting Urdu signboards for shops, leading him to master the art of calligraphy and learn the language. Chawhan’s work gained recognition when he was invited to paint the Masjid-e-Noor Mosque, marking the start of his impactful contributions to the religious landscape of Hyderabad.

His calligraphy, including verses from Surah Yaseen at Jamia Nizamia University’s library, has bridged the gap between communities, resonating with people of all faiths. Chawhan’s unwavering dedication to promoting communal harmony reflects the true spirit of unity. “Hindus and Muslims should live in peace,” he says, embodying a message of love, respect, and understanding through his art.

Link: https://www.facebook.com/share/p/19YAVDxqpt/

Everyday Harmony: A Hindu family’s legacy of caring for a Mosque

In Bihar’s Nalanda district, the Paswan family of Dumrawan village stands as a powerful testament to communal harmony. Despite the village’s transformation, from a once-Muslim community to an entirely Hindu one, the Paswan family has faithfully maintained a century-old mosque for over 30 years. This tradition, passed down from their ancestors, continues with unwavering dedication, as Anil Paswan, his wife Sadhna Devi, and their son Durgesh Kumar care for the mosque, from cleaning to lighting incense, despite their modest means.

Their heartfelt commitment exemplifies the spirit of unity and respect across communities, proving that harmony can thrive even in changing times. The Paswan family’s legacy is a shining example of how shared cultural and spiritual respect can transcend boundaries, creating an enduring symbol of peace and coexistence.

Link: https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1Ajdn86FGS/

Humanity has no religion

In a world where debates often spark endless, meaningless arguments, it’s essential to remember that humanity has no religion. Our shared values, kindness, and respect for each other’s differences are what truly define us. Take the story of the 40 Sikh soldiers, who once parted ways with Guru Gobind Singh Ji, as an example. These 40 brave souls, leaving Anandpur Sahib Qila, later became known as ‘Chali Mukte’, after returning to fight valiantly during the Battle of Muktsar in 1705. With deep repentance and unwavering courage, they sacrificed their lives for righteousness, ultimately earning eternal liberation (Mukti). Their story serves as a powerful reminder that faith and humanity transcend religion.

In the age of social media, it’s easy to get caught up in divisive conversations in comment sections, but let’s take a step back and remember the true essence of life: humanity. Regardless of background, faith, or beliefs, we are all united in our shared human experiences. Let’s embrace each other’s differences, celebrate our collective strengths, and foster unity, for humanity has no religion.

Link: https://www.instagram.com/the_colorful_singh/

However, in a world often defined by religious and cultural divides, the stories of individuals and communities embracing unity and mutual respect offer a hopeful reminder of our shared humanity. From the dedication of Mohammad Abdul Yaseen, chiselling Hebrew characters on Jewish tombstones, to the Paswan family’s unwavering care for a mosque in a Hindu-majority village, these acts transcend religious boundaries. The unity witnessed in Parbatipur, where Muslims and Hindus work together on Durga Puja hair, and in Hyderabad, where a Hindu calligrapher paints Quranic verses, highlights the power of art and tradition in fostering peace. The bravery of the ‘Chali Mukte,’ Sikh soldiers who fought for righteousness, reminds us that faith should serve the greater good of humanity. These stories show that despite our differences, we can find common ground through respect, love, and shared cultural practices. As we embrace diversity, we celebrate the universal truth: humanity, above all, has no religion.

Related

Ordinary individuals, extraordinary courage: Waris Khan and Arif Bamane’s rescue stories

India’s Spirit of Harmony: countering divisiveness through shared celebrations and solidarity

Ganesh Chaturthi: Celebrating unity beyond religious boundaries

The post Unity Beyond Religion: Stories of shared humanity and mutual respect appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Rising tide of cow vigilante violence

A wave of violent attacks and harassment against Muslims has unfolded across various Indian states. Cow vigilantes, under the banner of cow protection, have increasingly taken the law into their own hands, targeting Muslims accused of smuggling or slaughtering cows. These self-declared protectors of cattle have escalated their campaigns, often resorting to physical violence, harassment, and public humiliation to enforce their agenda. The perpetrators, including prominent groups like the Gau Raksha Dal and other cow-protection outfits of right-wing organizations, operate with little regard for legal processes. The victims, often Muslim individuals involved in transporting cattle or related products, face unwarranted assault and threats. These vigilantes, operating without any legal authority, frequently use firearms and engage in reckless pursuits, putting lives at risk. Their unchecked violence has become a growing concern, with reports of accidents and injuries resulting from their dangerous actions. 

Timeline of assaults and harassment from December 2024, to January, 2025: –

States

Madhya Pradesh

Location – Bhopal

Date: January 8, 2025

On January 8, 2025, cow vigilantes, accompanied by the police, apprehended a truck that was transporting cattle. The driver was immediately accused of being involved in cow smuggling, a common allegation that has led to numerous such incidents across the country. Despite no proper verification or legal process, the vigilantes physically assaulted the driver.

Haryana

Date: January 7, 2025

In a disturbing incident, members of the Gau Raksha Dal in Haryana used firearms to intercept a truck suspected of transporting cattle. They accused the drivers of smuggling cows and proceeded to seize the vehicle.

Location – Rohtak

Date: December 25

Two Muslim drivers transporting bulls in a pickup truck were accosted and harassed by cow vigilantes. The men were wrongfully accused of smuggling cattle for illegal slaughter, despite providing no evidence to support these claims. The drivers were subjected to verbal abuse, physical threats, and intimidation.

Location – Tauru, Nuh,

Date: December 18

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes in Tauru, Nuh, harassed a Muslim truck driver transporting cattle, accusing him of cow smuggling. The driver faced severe harassment and was forced to endure hostile questioning, which was rooted in religious bias rather than any evidence of illegal activity.

Location – KMP Expressway

Date: December 20

On December 20, another truck carrying cattle was stopped by cow vigilantes on the KMP Expressway. The driver was physically assaulted and accused of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter.

Assam

Location – Rangia

Date: January 9, 2025

In Rangia, Assam, members of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal physically harassed two Muslim drivers, accusing them of smuggling cow meat. Despite presenting the necessary documentation and repeatedly stating that the meat was buffalo, the vigilantes refused to listen and continued their assault.

Chhattisgarh

Location – Raipur

Date: January 8, 2025

A raid led by Bajrang Dal members, supported by the police, took place in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, where slaughtered cattle were discovered in a house. The butchers were harassed, publicly humiliated, and forced to chant slogans demanding the execution of those involved in cow slaughter. The police also paraded the accused through the streets, forcing them to chant that killing cows is a sin.

Location – Kumhari, Durg

Date: December 28, 2025

In Durg, Chhattisgarh, on December 28, cow vigilantes assaulted truck drivers transporting cowhide. The drivers were wrongfully accused of smuggling cows, and the vigilantes used physical intimidation to enforce their accusations.

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Durg, cow vigilantes on Dec 28, assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cowhide, alleging them to be cow smugglers. pic.twitter.com/LtQSGAhTPF

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 3, 2025

Maharashtra

Location – Chopda, Nandurbar

Date: December 6

On December 6, a dangerous situation unfolded in Nandurbar when cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation recklessly pursued three vehicles transporting cattle. The chase caused one vehicle to topple, while the vigilantes seized the other two vehicles and all the cattle

Location – Ahilyanagar

Date: November 30

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes intercepted trucks transporting cattle on November 30 in Ahilyanagar. They alleged that the cattle were being taken to illegal slaughterhouses, despite no legal confirmation of such claims. These vigilante groups are increasingly stopping vehicles and seizing cattle, often without evidence or legal authority to do so.

Location – Mirajgaon, Karjat, Ahmednagar

Date: November 8

A car chase by cow vigilantes on November 8 led to a car crash in Mirajgaon, Karjat, and Ahmednagar. Cow vigilantes cause a car crash by recklessly chasing it, followed by a team photo with local police reportedly assisting in the operation

Location – Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar

Date: October 20, 2024

In Ahmednagar, a group of vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders transporting cattle. The men were stripped, severely beaten, and then handed over to the police. The traders’ vehicle was vandalized, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local cow shelter. This brutal assault highlights the dangers faced by minority communities, particularly those involved in cattle trade, as they are often subjected to violence without evidence of wrongdoing.

Uttar Pradesh

Location – Mathura

Date: November 26

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by Sonu Hindu Palwal, seized a truck transporting cattle and assaulted the driver, accusing him of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter. They also alleged that someone fired a gun at them from another car, but managed to escape

Location – Ghaziabad

Date: November 22, 2024

Members of cow-vigilante group Mahadev Seva Sangh assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cattle on allegations of smuggling cows

Location – Chhutmalpur, Saharanpur

Date: November 19, 2024

Members of Gau Raksha Dal surround a Muslim woman and harass her after finding her with meat, which they claim is an illegally slaughtered cow

Punjab

Location – Rajpura, Patiala

Date: November 25, 2024

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by their national president Satish Kumar, harassed three men, accusing them of being cow thieves

Karnataka

Location – Dakshin Kannada

Date: November 8, 2024

Cow vigilante Puneet Kerehalli urges people to boycott Muslim businessmen and halal-certified products, and instead buy products marked with the Swastik symbol and from Hindu-owned businesses

Jammu & Kashmir

Location – Ramban

Date: October 21, 2024

Cow vigilantes assaulted a group of men for allegedly transporting cattle

Gujrat

Location – Agol Village, Mahesana

Three Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through Valavadi village with their cattle in Gujarat’s Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assaulted

Three #Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through #Valavadi village with their cattle in #Gujarat‘s #Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of #Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assualted. pic.twitter.com/CxGnfb6Www

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 24, 2024

Police complicity and the mockery of justice

In a deeply troubling development, law enforcement agencies have often been complicit in these violent incidents. In several cases, police have either supported the vigilante groups or turned a blind eye, allowing them to act with impunity. For instance, in Chhattisgarh, Bajrang Dal members, backed by the police, raided a house for slaughtered cattle, humiliating the accused. Similarly, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, police were present when cow vigilantes assaulted a truck driver accused of smuggling cattle. These incidents signal a disturbing trend where the state machinery fails to uphold the law, reinforcing the power of vigilantes.

Weaponising cow protection

The rise of cow vigilante violence reflects a broader ideological and political agenda that weaponises the issue of cow protection. What began as a means to protect cattle has now become a tool to target religious minorities, particularly Muslims, based on their involvement in the cattle trade. These attacks, which often occur with little to no legal repercussions, highlight the growing communal tensions in India. The increasing involvement of police in protecting or supporting these groups exacerbates the situation, further entrenching the sense of fear and insecurity among vulnerable communities.

Violence spreads from rural to urban areas

This trend is not confined to rural areas but has spread to urban centres, where vigilantes increasingly accuse individuals of smuggling cattle or engaging in illegal slaughter. In many cases, there is no credible evidence to support these claims. Instead, the accusations seem rooted in religious bias and have led to widespread intimidation and violence. As a result, Muslim communities, particularly those involved in the cattle trade, are being subjected to escalating threats and physical harm.

A map showing the cow vigilantism across India may be viewed here.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

The post Rampant cow vigilantism unleashes violence on Muslim truck drivers across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He referred to Muslims as “descendants of the Mughals,” called for “Jai Shree Ram” to dominate India, and spread fear by suggesting a Muslim population threat to Hindus, with specific reference to West Bengal, as CJP pleads before the CEO Delhi.

CJP mentioned in its complaint that, “BJP leader Ravinder Singh Negi’s speech appears to be a clear attempt to communalize the election process by drawing sharp religious lines between Hindus and Muslims. By invoking his identity as a “Sanatani Hindu” and asserting a duty to protect Hindus, Negi positions the Hindu community as a victim in need of protection from an alleged Muslim threat. He frames this as a moral imperative, aimed at gaining votes on religious grounds rather than on merit or policy.”

CJP stated that BJP Councillor’s speech highlights divisive rhetoric, particularly in his mention of the “descendants of the Mughals” and their “faces downcast,” which seems to stigmatize Muslims by associating them with past Muslim rulers in India. This historical reference is meant to provoke fear and resentment towards Muslims, painting them as hostile or antagonistic to Hindu interests. The statement that “only ‘Jai Shri Ram’ will be spoken” further emphasizes Hindu supremacy, implying that Muslims and other non-Hindu groups should be marginalized.

Additionally, Negi brings up the issue of the Kashmiri Pandit exodus and the alleged persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh. While these are legitimate concerns, his framing of these issues in a way that directly associates them with Muslims (both in Kashmir and Bangladesh) exploits communal sentiments to garner support. By focusing on perceived threats to Hindu communities, he uses emotional appeals that stoke fear and division rather than offering solutions to social or economic issues.

The harmful impact of divisive rhetoric on Delhi’s social fabric and democratic values

CJP in its complaint before CEO, Delhi concerned that the divisive rhetoric presented in Ravinder Singh Negi’s speech poses a significant threat to Delhi’s social fabric and democratic values. By categorizing entire communities based on religious identity, Negi fosters division and resentment between Hindus and Muslims. His statements that Muslims are the “descendants of the Mughals” with “faces downcast” perpetuate harmful stereotypes and vilify a large segment of the population. This fuels communal animosity, creating an environment where religious identity becomes the basis for trust and belonging, rather than shared values of equality and mutual respect.

“Furthermore, the use of historical grievances, such as the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits and alleged violence in Bangladesh, stirs up fear and distrust without addressing the broader complexities of these issues. Instead of focusing on unity or national progress, Negi’s rhetoric plays on emotions, encouraging polarization and undermining the inclusive spirit that democratic societies thrive on” as per CJP complaint.

Impact on electoral environment

Additionally, CJP has highlighted serious concerns regarding the impact of divisive language on the electoral environment, particularly in reference to BJP Councillor Ravinder Negi’s statements. CJP stated that Negi’s rhetoric significantly impacts voting behavior, as it shifts the focus of electoral choices from substantive issues like governance, economic growth, healthcare, and infrastructure to communal anxieties. This shift, according to CJP, undermines reasoned debates and encourages a political discourse cantered on identity politics and exclusionary agendas. The divisive language employed fosters communal polarization, transforming elections into contests for dominance rather than forums for collective progress. Voters, CJP mentioned, are swayed by alarmist narratives rather than informed decision-making based on candidates’ policies and merits. CJP also pleaded that this kind of rhetoric diminishes the democratic integrity of the electoral process, as it exploits religious and cultural insecurities.

Furthermore, CJP emphasized that such communal narratives erode public trust in democratic institutions, as high-ranking leaders like Negi set a troubling precedent prioritizing polarization over unity. CJP noted that this rhetoric risks inciting social unrest, which could have lasting consequences for peace and stability in Delhi.

Violations of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC)

CJP also brought attention to Negi’s violations of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), specifically stating that his statements breach guidelines aimed at ensuring free, fair, and peaceful elections. CJP pointed out that Part I of the MCC prohibits activities that aggravate existing communal tensions, which Negi’s comments clearly violate by using religious identity to promote political loyalty. His call for Hindus to vote for BJP based on religious grounds and his derogatory references to Muslims further exemplify this breach. Additionally, CJP emphasized violations under Part V of the MCC, where appeals to religious sentiments in election campaigns are prohibited, stating that Negi’s speech violates this by promoting Hindu identity and vilifying Muslims.

Legal violations under the Representation of People Act, 1951

CJP also referenced legal violations under the Representation of People Act, 1951, specifically Section 123(2), which prohibits undue influence on voters. CJP pleaded that Negi’s religious appeals aim to influence voters by framing voting for BJP as a moral duty, based on religious loyalty rather than policy considerations. CJP further noted that Negi’s appeal violates Section 123(3), which prohibits appeals on religious grounds, as well as Section 123(3A), which prohibits promoting feelings of enmity or hatred between communities for electoral gain. CJP argued that Negi’s divisive rhetoric, which creates hostility between Hindus and Muslims, seeks to exploit these divisions for political advantage, violating multiple sections of the Representation of People Act.

CJP’s complaint to CEO Delhi dated January 10, 2025 may be read here:

Related:

CJP files 3 MCC violation complaints with CEO Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke for hate speech

CJP files 5 hate speech complaints before CEO Maharashtra as violated MCC

CJP’s fight against Hate: FIR filed against Suresh Chavhanke for Hate Speech at Karad event

The post Communal Campaign: CJP approached CEO, Delhi against the MCC violation and hate speech by BJP Councillor appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a quiet village of Telangana, the dawn of the New Year brought no celebration for Ramu. On December 31, as the world rejoiced, his life took a horrifying turn. Standing innocently outside his house, Ramu was accosted by two police officers. His only crime? Being in his own space, which seemed unacceptable to those wearing the uniform of the law. What began as a verbal altercation ended in a nightmarish assault? The bruises on his arms and legs told a story of pain and humiliation, but Ramu’s voice refused to be silenced. His courage to recount his ordeal sparked a fire of accountability.

A few hundred kilometres away in Uttar Pradesh, Rahul bore the brunt of a different kind of atrocity. Accused of coercing villagers into religious conversion, he was paraded through the streets, garlanded with shoes, and beaten. His cries for justice echoed through the land as FIRs were lodged against him and his tormentors alike. In the same state, Shivbadan, another Dalit, faced similar brutality for his faith. Accused of attempting conversions, he was assaulted by a mob who claimed to teach him a lesson. His dignity lay shattered, but his spirit remained unbroken as he sought justice through the legal system.

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, the story turned tragic. A 17-year-old Dalit boy attended a birthday celebration, hoping for joy, but returned home scarred and humiliated. Stripped, beaten, and urinated upon by his peers, his dignity was stolen in the cruellest way possible. Unable to bear the shame, he ended his life, leaving his family grappling with grief and rage. Their fight for justice led them to stage a sit-in protest, forcing the authorities to act.

Farther south, in Tamil Nadu, a young Dalit boy found himself at the mercy of a man enraged over a trivial act—scribbling on a dusty car. Dragged into a house, he was beaten mercilessly, his cries drawing his mother to his rescue. But when she confronted the perpetrator, she too became a victim. The incident underscored the ingrained prejudice that sees even the smallest mistakes by Dalits as punishable offenses.

In Andhra Pradesh, the prestigious grounds of Sri Venkateswara University became the backdrop for an appalling assault. Dr. Changaiah, a respected Dalit professor, found himself at the receiving end of the wrath of those who resented his advocacy for social justice. The attack was a chilling reminder that even educational spaces are not immune to caste-based hatred.

Meanwhile, in Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit man named Mukesh Longre entered a police station, only to leave in a body bag. The police claimed it was suicide, but his family alleged foul play, accusing officers of demanding bribes and resorting to violence. His death was not just a tragedy but a damning indictment of a system meant to protect but often persecutes.

In Karnataka, a song celebrating Dr. B.R. Ambedkar became the reason for violence. Deepu, a young Dalit, played the song in a milk van, unaware that it would provoke the ire of caste Hindus. What followed was a brutal assault, leaving him with severe injuries. The incident laid bare the deep-seated intolerance that continues to plague the nation.

Through these incidents runs a thread of systemic failure – a justice system that falters, a society that turns a blind eye, and a nation that still struggles with the shadows of caste-based discrimination.

The complaint may be read here:

Related:

How Indian society uses slur and stigma to perpetuate indignity and exclusion: Dalits

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP sends complaint in 8 cases of hate crime to the National Commission for Minorities

The post From December 2024 Onwards: CJP raises alarm over escalating anti-Dalit atrocities to NCSC appeared first on SabrangIndia.

CJP stated in its complaint that, the scheduled event, which is scheduled to take place at 4 PM tomorrow i.e. January 5, has raised deep concerns due to the high likelihood of provocative and incendiary speeches that could ignite communal tensions. While the speakers have not been disclosed, the track record of the organizing group strongly indicates that divisive and inflammatory rhetoric will be at the centre of the gathering. These types of events have historically led to an escalation of violence, stoking fear and insecurity within the community.

In line with the orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court and Bombay High Court, which mandate preventive actions against hate speech and violence, CJP is calling on the Pune authorities to act swiftly. CJP mentioned in its complaint that such gatherings violate the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution and contravene Indian criminal law, particularly by inciting communal violence.

CJP has also pointed to a recent precedent in which the Mahim Police in Mumbai denied permission for a similar rally by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. This decision was made in the interest of preserving communal harmony, and CJP urges the Pune authorities to take a similar stance. Immediate preventive measures are crucial to prevent any untoward incidents that may arise from this dangerous event.

HJS’s role in spreading communal hatred and extremism

CJP in its complaint mentioned that, “HJS runs a campaign advocating for the passing of anti-Love Jihad laws in across the country. Extremist Right-wing Hindu groups have been using the term “love-Jihad” loosely now, wielded by an aggressive majoritarianism, woven into a dominant caste Hindu narrative of religious extremism, Islamophobia, and communal hatred. It has also been provided on their website that HJS has been conducting regular workshops to make Hindus “aware” of the consequences of autonomous and free choice marriages, derogatively and provocatively termed ‘Love Jihad.’ This Right-wing extremist organisation has also organized various events in the past advocating for the boycott of Halal and the economic boycott of Muslims in India. Other than this, their websites have also provided a communal colour to issues such as religious conversions and cow slaughter.”

“It is pertinent to note, that in the current environment of oppression and otherisation of the Muslim community, such religious issues when portrayed in a prejudicial or hysterical way, without any rational basis to that questioning, with an intention to pitch views of only one segment/community amounts to stigmatizing of an already marginalized section” as CJP’s mentioned in its complaint.

CJP highlights Supreme Court directives to prevent hate speech

As part of the complaint, CJP also highlighted a series of key directives issued by the Hon’ble Supreme Court, emphasizing its repeated rulings aimed at preventing social disharmony, hate crimes, and communal violence. These included landmark judgments such as Mohd. Haroon & Ors. v. Union of India [(2014) 5 SCC 252], Firoz Iqbal Khan v. Union of India [W.P (Civ.) No. 956 of 2020], Tehseen Poonawalla v. UOI & Ors. [(2018) 9 SCC 501], and Amish Devgan v. Union of India [2021 1 SCC 1]. The CJP also stressed the interim orders in Shaheen Abdullah v. Union of India [Writ Petition (Civil) No. 940 of 2022], where the Apex Court reaffirmed the police’s statutory duties to take immediate action under Section 151 of the CrPC if hate speech is anticipated. Moreover, the Court mandated video documentation of events where hate speech may occur, reinforcing the need for preventive action.

In light of these directives, the citizen’s delegation urged police officials to invoke Sections 130 (Police to prevent cognizable offences), 131 (Information of design to commit cognizable offences), and 132 (Arrest to prevent cognizable offences) of the BNSS, alongside any other relevant provisions of law. They emphasized that keeping the public informed about developments in such cases would greatly help rebuild faith in the rule of law and strengthen the police-citizen relationship.

Additionally, the complaint presented a comprehensive Handbook titled “Towards a Hate-Free Nation,” which offers clear guidelines and the latest jurisprudence from the Supreme Court and Bombay High Court on combating targeted violence. The booklet outlines essential preventive measures for the police and district administration, ensuring they are equipped to handle events that may involve hate-inciting speeches. CJP firmly believes that combating hate is a collective responsibility that rests on both the concerned citizenry and the authorities.

CJP’s complaint dated January 4, 2025 mey be read here:

Related

CJP seeks preventive action against Hindu Janjagruti Samiti’s Hyderabad event

CJP urges preventive measures against “Third Maharashtra Mandir Nyas Parishad” to uphold peace and harmony in Shirdi

Mahim Police refuse permission to HJS August rally, reassure CJP delegation

The post CJP urges Pune authorities to prevent potentially hate fuelled event of right-wing appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In recent years, since 2014, cow vigilantism has become the primary cause of violence against Muslims by extremist Hindutva Vadi groups. Recently, a 37 year old Muslim man named Mohammad Shahideen Qureshi, from Moradabad became a victim of the same. On the 30th of December, 2024, Qureshi and his friend Mohammad Adnan were attacked by an aggressive Hindutva mob shouting the slogans of “Jai Shree Ram” alleging that Qureshi and Adnan had slaughtered a cow. Meanwhile Adnan escaped, Qureshi, who suffered serious injuries after the attack and was admitted in the Moradabad district hospital, succumbed to those injuries.

A report in the Indian Express quotes the Station House Officer where he states, “We took suo moto cognizance and registered an FIR against Qureshi and Mohammad Adnan (29) for cow slaughter,” said the Majhola Station House Officer Mohit Chaudhary. Another FIR has been registered by Mohammad Shahjad (the brother of the deceased) against unidentified individuals under Section 103(1) (murder) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) as per a report in the Hindustan Times.

Police has arrested the accomplice of the deceased who was allegedly with him at the time of the assault for cow slaughter. SHO Mohit Chaudhary said that Adnan fled the spot after locals found him and Qureshi slaughtering an ox in the early hours of December 30, 2024. However, it must be noted that so far, the Police has not been able to make any arrests in the murder case. The Additional Superintendent of Police (City) Kumar Ran Vijay Singh said investigations are ongoing, however “We have not been able to arrest anybody in connection with the killing of Qureshi so far.”

Qureshi transported goods on rented hand carts for a living. His sister-in-law Masooma jamal said “This was no age to die. Is the value of human life so less today? Even if he killed an animal, they could have called the police. He could have been in jail, but why did people beat him up so badly that he died.” This question of Jamal raises the fundamental concern of how cow vigilantism has increased in the recent years becoming a primary reason for violence against Muslims.

This incident brings the dire state of law-and-order enforcement into focus. According to a research conducted by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data reported by Statista, the primary cause for violence against Muslim civilians between, June 2019 to March 2024, has been cow vigilante actions by Hindus. Further, according to a Reuters report, between the year 2010 and mid-2017, a total of 63 cow vigilante attacks have occurred in India, most after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came into power in the year 2014. In these attacks, 28 individuals were killed, of which 24 were Muslims, and 124 were injured. Furthermore, the Human Rights Watch has observed that there has been a surge in cow vigilante violence in India since the year 2015 and the same is attributed to the recent rise in Hindu nationalism in India. As per an analysis by the Observer Research Foundation, cow related violence has spiked up drastically from 5 percent of the total incident of lynching or public disorder in the year 2011, to 20 percent in the year 2017. Cow vigilantism can be perceived as an expression of latent communal prejudice born out of palpable remains of the India-Pakistan partition memories. It is also a result of the strategy of communal-polarisation adopted by the Hindu-right-wing creating a false sense of fear and threat to the Hindu community.

The action of Moradabad police of filing an FIR against the deceased reflects the deep-rooted bias and extreme Hindu nationalist ideology that has become deeply ingrained even in the law-enforcement machinery of India. It is pertinent to note and understand that anarchy, chaos and disorder ensue when any group of people under the garb of self-assumed and self-appointed protectors of law take the law into their own hands, which would then lead to the emergence of a violent society.

The Supreme Court in the case of Tehseen S. Poonawalla vs. Union of India [(2018) 9 SCC 501] and Ors. has expressed its concerns over the rising number of cases of what can be categorized as “cow vigilantism”. The apex court in this case observed that “Lynching and mob violence are creeping threats that may gradually take the shape of a Typhon-like monster as evidenced in the wake of the rising wave of incidents of recurring patterns by frenzied mobs across the country instigated by intolerance and misinformed by circulation of fake news and false stories. There has been an unfortunate litany of spiralling mob violence and agonised horror presenting a grim and gruesome picture that compels us to reflect whether the populace of a great Republic like ours has lost the values of tolerance to sustain a diverse culture.”

Further, in the case of Shubham Singh Baghel vs. State of Madhya Pradesh and Ors. [MANU/MP/1610/2020], the Madhya Pradesh High Court has held that “the acts of vigilantism may be construed by the State as acts threatening the stability of Public Order”.

While the Judiciary has time and again highlighted the dangers of mob violence and how the same affects the secular fabric of India, there has been little to no action taken by the law enforcement bodies to ensure public order and peace.

It also becomes pertinent to understand the response of the government machinery towards cow vigilantism. In the infamous Dadri case, which has been deeply covered by CJP, where a Muslim man was murdered by a Hindutva mob after entering his house on the allegations of possession of beef, as per a report by Newslaundry, the then Tourism Minister Mahesh Sharma belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said, “(the murder) took place as a reaction to that incident (cow slaughter). You must also consider that there was also a 17-year-old daughter in that home. Kisi ne usey ungli nahin lagaayi (nobody touched her).”

The then Chief Minister of Haryana, Manohar Lal Khattar called the lynching a misunderstanding and reinstated sectarianism by claiming, “They can be Muslim even after they stop eating beef, can’t they? It is written nowhere that Muslims have to eat beef, nor is it written anywhere in Christianity that they have to eat beef.”

While the acts of cow vigilantism have instilled a fear, the inappropriate and inadequate response of the government and law-enforcement machineries have perpetuated the belief that such fanaticism is beyond the reach of law.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Muslims in the new India: How one week showcases their escalating persecution

2024: July and August see surge in cow vigilantism with brutal assaults, raids based on rumours and targeting of Muslims while legal consequences for perpetrators missing

The post Rise in Cow Vigilantism: A leading driver of discrimination against India’s Muslim minority appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These events, which are meant to showcase religious pride and unity, have increasingly turned into platforms for radicalisation and hate, with organisers and speakers using the stage to openly call for violence, demonise minorities, and propagate the toxic ideology of Hindutva. What is most troubling, however, is the active collusion of the authorities in allowing these hate-filled gatherings to take place with impunity. Despite clear violations of laws that prohibit hate speech and incitement to violence, these events continue to receive routine approval from local police, demonstrating a disturbing pattern of state inaction or even complicity.

From encouraging communal unrest in cities like Indore, Mandsaur, and Sitapur to the violent calls echoed in smaller towns like Rudrapur and Curchorem, these yatras are marked by leaders, including elected MLAs, delivering speeches that glorify historical violence, spread unfounded fears about Muslim ‘conspiracy theories,’ and even openly incite the crowd to take up arms. Yet, remarkably, these actions are often not met with any meaningful intervention. Police authorities, tasked with upholding law and order, routinely turn a blind eye to the inflammatory content of these rallies, providing permits and facilitating their execution without so much as a word of caution. In some cases, police officers can be seen participating in or condoning these hate-fuelled events, raising questions about the selective enforcement of law and the complicity of the state in fostering an environment of religious tension.

This permissiveness is not a coincidence but a deliberate strategy employed by various state and political actors who benefit from the deepening communal divide. The political establishment, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allied Hindutva groups, have long sought to consolidate their base by stoking Hindu-Muslim animosity and presenting themselves as the sole defenders of Hindu identity. The unchecked rise of such yatras is an outcome of this broader political strategy, wherein hate is weaponised to galvanize support and suppress dissent. The consequences of this are deeply troubling: instead of upholding India’s secular constitution, these rallies contribute to a toxic environment of fear, alienation, and violent polarisation, where Muslims are increasingly portrayed as enemies within, vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence.

Moreover, the very fact that these events are allowed to proliferate despite their clear violation of laws against hate speech speaks to a breakdown in the rule of law and the erosion of democratic norms. The failure to prosecute organisers or speakers, or even arrest those who incite violence, sends a clear message that the rights of minorities are secondary to the political needs of those in power. The environment in India today is one where the state has become complicit in the perpetuation of hate, and the idea of communal harmony seems to be a distant memory, systematically replaced by fear, mistrust, and violence. The unchecked rise of these yatras is a symptom of a deeper malaise that threatens the very fabric of Indian democracy.

Themes of hate speeches in Shaurya Diwas and Shaurya Yatra events

The hate speeches delivered, details of which are given below, during these rallies consistently present a few dangerous themes, which are crucial to understanding the ongoing communal tensions in India. These themes not only seek to deepen divisions but also actively promote hostility and exclusion.

1. Glorification of historical violence: A recurrent theme is the glorification of past acts of violence, particularly the demolition of the Babri Masjid. By framing these events as triumphs of Hindu unity and honour, speakers encourage a violent, revisionist narrative. In cities like Mandsaur, Indore, and Sitamau, participants celebrated the destruction of the Babri Masjid and called for similar actions in other religious sites such as the mosques in Kashi and Mathura. This narrative casts such acts not as crimes but as righteous deeds, and it emboldens further acts of aggression.
2. Portrayal of Muslims as threats: Numerous speeches depicted Muslims as an existential threat to the Hindu community, with claims that Muslims are engaged in covert warfare (e.g., “love jihad,” “land jihad,” “game jihad”). Speakers regularly framed Muslims as invaders or aggressors, with language like “sleeper cells,” “Jihadi population,” or “terrorists” used to demonise them. In some instances, the rhetoric escalated to violent calls for the removal of Muslims from India, particularly in speeches by figures like those in Dhampur and Sitapur, where a genocidal tone was evident.
3. Conspiracy theories and fear-mongering: A key tactic in many speeches was the propagation of baseless conspiracy theories. Claims about “love jihad,” a fictitious notion alleging that Muslim men are systematically targeting Hindu women for conversion, were a common thread, as were fears about a “demographic shift” and “Muslim population growth.” These theories aim to sow fear and suspicion, portraying Muslims as part of a coordinated effort to undermine Hindu identity and take over the country. Such rhetoric is intended to create a climate of distrust and hostility, polarising communities.
4. Rejection of coexistence: Many of the speeches explicitly rejected the notion of Hindu-Muslim coexistence, framing the two communities as fundamentally incompatible. For example, the speaker in Sitapur framed Hindus and Muslims as “eternal adversaries” and representatives of “two separate civilizations,” reinforcing the divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric directly undermines the pluralistic foundation of Indian society, rejecting the idea of a unified, multi-religious nation.
5. Incitement to violence and aggression: Multiple speakers openly incited violence, urging Hindus to take up arms and defend their religion against alleged Muslim threats. In multiple rallies, participants were seen brandishing swords, tridents, and other weapons, with leaders openly encouraging violence. For instance, in Curchorem, Goa, and Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, speakers called for violent retaliation against Muslims, while in Rudrapur, Uttarakhand, a leader described Muslim-majority areas as “sleeper cells” that needed to be eradicated. These speeches create an atmosphere of fear and aggression, normalising the idea that violence is justified in the name of religion.
6. Hindu supremacist ideology: The overarching narrative of these speeches often revolved around the idea of Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology that seeks to define India as a Hindu-only nation. This ideology is used to justify the exclusion and marginalisation of Muslims, with calls for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, as seen in Balunda, Rajasthan. The speeches also portrayed Muslims as “outsiders” who should either convert or leave the country, further alienating the community and denying them their rightful place as citizens.

Together, these themes reflect a growing trend of radicalisation and exclusion in Indian politics and society, particularly among far-right groups. The use of historical grievances, fear-mongering, and direct incitement to violence threatens the fragile communal harmony in many parts of India, contributing to an environment where hate and violence are increasingly normalised. These speeches also illustrate how political and religious leaders, including elected representatives, are systematically fostering division to consolidate power, rather than promoting unity and peace.

Details of the hate speeches and hate mongering

Below is a detailed account of some of these events:

1. Samastipur, Bihar (December 6)

In Samastipur, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal gathered to mark “Shaurya Divas.” The rally featured participants openly brandishing swords, a symbolic act that evoked aggression and intimidation, while commemorating the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The event took place against the backdrop of presently heightened communal tensions in the country, amplifying fears among local Muslim communities. Such displays of weaponry at religious processions are not just provocative but also serve to instil a sense of impunity among those perpetuating hate.

2. Ambala, Haryana (December 6)

A similar rally was organised in Ambala, Haryana, where the VHP and Bajrang Dal again celebrated the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Although less overtly violent, these events contribute to a growing normalisation of hate-filled rhetoric under the guise of cultural celebrations. Ambala, with its historical communal harmony, has increasingly witnessed such events disrupting the delicate social fabric of the region.

3. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 6)

In Mandsaur, the VHP chose a temple setting for their “Shaurya Divas” observance. While framed as a prayer meeting, the event subtly glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, embedding it within religious rituals to legitimise and sanctify communal violence. The choice of a temple as the venue further solidified the narrative of Hindutva as a defender of faith, using historical grievances to fuel contemporary animosities.

4. Bazpur, Uttarakhand (December 8)

In Bazpur, participants in a Shaurya Divas rally chanted inflammatory slogans, including “Put on Dabur’s oil and erase Babur’s name,” linking consumerism with communal hatred. Such rhetoric cleverly plays on cultural pride while stoking animosity against Muslims, whom Hindutva ideology associates with “Babur,” the Mughal emperor. The slogans exemplify the subtle but calculated mobilisation of everyday language to deepen religious divides.

5. Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

Mathura, a city with historical and religious significance, witnessed a particularly charged Shaurya Yatra. During the rally, participants raised slogans like “Cut the hands of those who cut cows,” a direct threat aimed at Muslims. The choice of Mathura is deliberate, as it is a site of ongoing disputes over religious spaces, with extremist groups seeking to replicate the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir narrative. The rally further strained communal relations in a region already fraught with tensions.

6. Curchorem, Goa (December 8)

In Goa’s Curchorem, BJP legislator T. Raja Singh used the Shaurya Yatra as a platform for hate speech, as he does habitually and with impunity. He spread conspiracy theories such as “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “demographic change,” all of which have been repeatedly debunked but continue to fuel anti-Muslim narratives. The involvement of a public representative, as he in an elected MLA from the ruling party, in such rhetoric underscores the institutional support these divisive agendas enjoy. Raja Singh’s 48-minute speech exemplifies how Shaurya Yatras are not isolated events but part of a larger strategy to systematically marginalise minorities.

Some extracts from Singh’s speech are as follows:

“I was reading a statement made by the Governor of this state. He said the percentage of Muslims in Goa, which was 3 per cent 10-15 years ago, has now risen to 12 per cent. This is something to consider and carefully think about.”

“Wherever Hindu population has decreased, conversions of Hindus have occurred there.”

“If the Jihadi population in India continues to grow and if their MPs are 300, then which community will the Prime Minister be from? Unka hi hoga, na (from their’s, right)? And in countries where ‘their’ Prime Minister is elected, what has been the condition of Hindus. History is witness to that.”

Brandishing a sword, Singh could be heard saying, “This sword is not just to be kept in its sheath. This should be in the home of every Hindu.”

“Love Jihadis don’t only target Hindus. I want to appeal to our Christian brothers from Goa. You should watch the Kerala Files (Story) movie even though the film doesn’t tell the entire story. The movie shows how in the name of love jihad, Hindu and Christian girls were lured. Hindus have kept their doors open for Christian brothers to fight against love jihad. Do join hands…our strength will increase.”

“They are appealing for help. I want to say that ‘Bajrangi’ is ready to fight for the protection of Hindus in Bangladesh. Modi ji, just open the gates for 15 minutes and we will do it.”

“In the next 20-25 years, if Hindus follow ‘hum do hamare do’ dictum, then they will suffer the same fate and atrocities as Hindus in Pakistan.”

7. Ved Mandir, Masani, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

At a Shaurya Yatra rally, Bajrang Dal National Convenor Sohan Singh Solanki delivered a provocative speech, declaring that Hindus were ready to reclaim “Krishna Janmabhoomi” at a single call from the saints. He propagated conspiracy theories like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “thook jihad” while alleging an “anti-Hindu” conspiracy to convert Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. The speech not only incited division but also aimed to stoke fears and grievances, weaponising religion to justify aggression.

8. Barsana, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 10)

In Barsana, a Shaurya Yatra rally organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal saw participants brandishing swords, and several speakers incited violence under the guise of protecting religion and the nation. The choice of Mathura—an area central to Hindutva’s ideological focus on reclaiming “Krishna Janmabhoomi”—further underscores the agenda to exacerbate communal divides in a region already fraught with sensitivities.

9. Angul, Odisha (December 11)

The VHP organised a Shaurya Sanchalan (display of valour) rally in Angul, where members of the Maa Hingula Paika Akhada Seva Sangha paraded with swords and other weapons. This display of arms, framed as an assertion of cultural pride, masked a deliberate attempt to intimidate minorities and assert dominance. Odisha, historically less prone to communal violence, has seen a steady rise in such events after the change in the state government, reflecting a worrying trend of polarisation.

10. Indore, Madhya Pradesh (December 15)

At a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Sanchalan event in Indore, speaker Vinod Sharma openly praised the demolition of the Babri Masjid as a symbol of Hindu unity. He declared Ayodhya was merely the beginning, with plans to reclaim Mathura, Kashi, and temples in Bangladesh and Pakistan as part of an “Akhand Bharat.” Sharma also propagated vile conspiracy theories like “spit jihad” and “urine jihad” while dehumanising Muslims as deviants. His statements not only glorified violence but also legitimised future communal confrontations, painting them as part of a larger nationalist agenda.

11. Rudrapur, Udham Singh Nagar, Uttarakhand (December 15)

In Rudrapur, a speaker at a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Yatra spread conspiracies about Muslims “taking over” Hindu properties, recounting a fabricated story about a Maulana promising Muslim children possession over Hindu households. The speaker described areas with Muslim populations as “sleeper cells,” drawing parallels to Kashmir and Pakistan, thereby equating minority communities with security threats. This narrative seeks to delegitimise the presence of Muslims as citizens, portraying them as invaders within their own country.

12. Balunda, Pali, Rajasthan (December 15)

Far-right leader Yogi Laxman Nath addressed a Shaurya Sanchalan organised by the VHP-Bajrang Dal, calling for an economic boycott of Muslim-owned businesses. Promoting the conspiracy theory of “love jihad,” he incited economic and social ostracisation while sowing fear about the Muslim population’s growth. His rejection of communal harmony underscores the agenda to fracture India’s pluralistic ethos by fomenting suspicion and hostility.

13. Khajuha, Rae Bareli, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Rae Bareli, participants of a Shaurya Yatra openly displayed swords and other weapons. This visual spectacle of aggression, staged in the heartland of Uttar Pradesh, is emblematic of how these rallies aim to intimidate minority communities. Such public demonstrations of force create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, undermining communal harmony.

14. Rampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

At a Shaurya Yatra in Rampur, participants raised inflammatory slogans like “Tel lagao Dabur ka, naam mitao Babar ka” and “Hindustan me rahna hoga, to Jai Shri Ram kehna hoga (if you want to continue living in India, you have to say Jai Shri Ram.” These chants not only invoke the Babri Masjid demolition but also demand conformity to Hindutva ideology as a precondition for living in India. The slogans are a direct threat to the secular character of the nation, weaponising religious identity to exclude and marginalise minorities.

15. Chandausi, Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

During the Shaurya Jagran Yatra, a VHP-Bajrang Dal leader propagated conspiracies of “love jihad” and “land jihad,” which are frequently used to vilify Muslims. By portraying Muslims as aggressors engaged in covert “jihad,” these speeches aim to radicalise Hindu audiences and perpetuate a cycle of fear and hatred. It is essential to note that in the past moth itself, Sambhal saw instances of communal violence and state excess, which resulted in the death of five Muslim men.

16. Mumbai, Maharashtra (December 15)

In Mumbai, Bajrang Dal leader Vivek Kulkarni used a Shaurya Sanchalan event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition and spread conspiracies like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” The speech, delivered in India’s financial capital, highlights how communal polarisation is being pushed even in urban, multicultural spaces. The glorification of historical violence is intended to legitimise similar actions in the future, normalising hate and exclusion.

17. Dhampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Dhampur, a leader at the Shaurya Jagran Yatra glorified the Babri Masjid demolition while spreading a range of conspiracy theories, including “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “game jihad.” He explicitly urged violent retaliation against Muslims and called for their removal from India, underscoring the increasingly genocidal tone of such rallies. This event reflects the extreme rhetoric becoming normalised in public discourse, with open calls for violence going unchecked.

18. Morigaon, Assam (December 16)

A Shaurya Divas event organised in Morigaon included a speech dismissing the Babri Masjid as “just a structure” where no prayers were ever offered, reducing it to a relic unworthy of recognition. The event also featured a “Trishul Deeksha” ceremony, where participants swore oaths while holding miniature tridents, symbolising a militaristic approach to their ideological goals. These ceremonies are emblematic of efforts to radicalise attendees and normalise aggression under the guise of cultural pride.

December also saw multiple “Trishul Deekha events” being organised across India, a detailed report of which may be read here.

19. Sitamau, Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 17)

In Sitamau, Bajrang Dal district in-charge delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra rally. He glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, called for the “liberation” of Kashi, Mathura, and Bhojshala, and spread the “love jihad” conspiracy. Explicit threats were made, including a vow to “find all Bangladeshi supporters and give them a beating.” His declaration that “Yes, they should be scared of us” while referring to the Muslims highlights the deliberate cultivation of fear among minorities as a strategy to consolidate communal polarisation.

20. Allipur, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh (December 20)

Speaker Narendra Hindu delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra, predicting a dystopian future where Hindu women would be captured, cows slaughtered, temples demolished, and Hindus exterminated. His rhetoric framed Muslims as existential threats, stoking communal fear and legitimising divisive and violent actions.

21. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

At a Shaurya Yatra, a Bajrang Dal leader glorified the demolition of the Babri Masjid, chanting slogans like “Ek dhakka aur do, Babri dhancha tod do (give another push, break the structure of Babri).” He called for similar actions in Kashi and Mathura mosques, and suggested adopting confrontational strategies to claim religious sites like Bhogshala and Sambhal. This narrative promotes an aggressive and revisionist agenda, seeking to rewrite history through violent reclamations.

22. Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

During a Shaurya Divas event, Bajrang Dal leader Tarshvee Upadhyay used dehumanising language, referring to Muslims as “illegitimate children of Babur.” He boasted about breaking barricades to demolish the Babri Masjid, framing the act as a triumph over centuries of oppression. Such statements glorify past violence and incite further hostility.

23. Haridwar, Uttarakhand (December 22)

In Haridwar, Sohan Singh Solanki’s speech at a Shaurya Yatra demonised Muslims as terrorists and promoted a slew of conspiracies, including “land jihad.” He described Muslims as “pigs” and framed them as existential threats targeting women, cows, and land. Solanki also blamed Muslims for the caste system and untouchability, distorting historical realities to create a divisive narrative.

An extract from his speech is:

“When they are in the minority, they make idols; alleged when they become the majority, they destroy our idols.”

24. Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh (December 24)

In Jabalpur, a Shaurya Yatra escalated into a physical altercation between VHP-Bajrang Dal members and police officers, after the police halted the rally for lacking proper permissions. Participants carried lathis and miniature tridents, symbolising their readiness for confrontation. This incident underscores how these events disrupt public order and embolden participants to defy legal authorities.

25. Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh (December 25)

During a Shaurya Diwas event in Sitapur, organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal, an unidentified far-right leader delivered an incendiary speech portraying Muslims as eternal adversaries to Hindus. The speaker framed Hindus and Muslims as representatives of two fundamentally irreconcilable civilisations, reinforcing a divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric sought to deepen communal divides, explicitly rejecting the idea of coexistence or fraternity between the two communities. Such speeches amplify societal polarisation, legitimise exclusion, and fuel animosity, contributing to an environment where prejudice and violence against minorities can thrive.

A map showing the Shaurya Yatras held across India may be viewed here.

Related:

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

Christmas under siege: right-wing target Christmas celebrations across states, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala

Right-wing outfits disrupt Christmas across the country, alleged religious conversion through events

The post Shaurya Yatras: Orchestrated mobilisation of hatred appeared first on SabrangIndia.