The Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) conducted by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), and designed to collect information on consumption and expenditure of households on goods and services, was released by the Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation (MoSPI) in June 2024. Drawing from this data, a report ‘Nutritional Intake in India’ was released in July 2025.

The HCES estimates the monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE) from the total value of monthly consumption of goods and services of the household divided by the number of members of the household, and its distribution among households and individuals. It gives a break up of expenditure by commodity group at the national and state level. It has two sets of estimates – one without factoring in the value of items (grains, edible oil, pulses, laptops or personal computers, bicycles, uniforms, footwear etc) received free of cost through various social welfare programmes, and the other with the imputed values that includes these items. Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) and education related information has not been imputed here because of the apparent complexity of measurement.

Proportion of expenditure on food in a household is considered as an indicator of poverty. A decline in food spending is generally understood as an increase in incomes, which then means having more money for other expenditures like on medical, clothing, education, conveyance, durables, fuel and entertainment, among other things.  Food as a share of total consumer expenditure is less than 10% in many economies. In India, it continues to remain high overall. In rural households, the share of food in total consumption expenditure varies from 40% (Kerala) to 53% (Assam) (mean 47%), and in the urban households from 36% (Maharashtra) to 49% (Bihar) (mean 40%).

Based on the HCES, the government, through the NITI Aayog and other bodies, has declared that less than 5% of Indians are now expected to be below the poverty line, that welfare, inequality and poverty have improved since 2011-12, and that the nutritional intake is seen to have generally improved. Going forward, if policies have to be evidence-based, then all of these assertions have to be revisited.

Nutritional Intake Data

The report—‘Nutritional Intake in India’, estimates per capita and per consumer unit consumption of calories, protein, and fat. This report has apparently been compiled to ensure that adequate nutrition can be ensured for citizens, particularly those who are economically vulnerable, to plan welfare schemes and to compute poverty related calculations, for national and international comparisons. It gives an idea of nutrient intake and its source. It therefore gives an idea of the energy, protein and fat consumption of each household which can then be extrapolated to individuals. To date, five reports on “Nutrition Intake in India’ have been published[1].

Key findings on nutrition

As can be seen in Table 1 and 2, there is a similar pattern in expenditure on consumption of various categories of food items, the highest proportion being spent on consumption of beverages and processed food (21% in rural areas and 28% in urban areas).These changes in the composition of household expenditure are attributed to changes in household demand and improved infrastructure, storage, and transportation, which have expanded the markets for perishable items such as fresh fruits, milk & milk products, eggs, fish, and meat, making them more accessible and affordable across all regions of India.

The recorded foods consumed by the household are converted into the equivalent amounts of energy, protein and fat based on a Nutrition Conversion Table prepared by a committee constituted by MoSPI. households.

The intakes as per the report are:

Average Calorie Intake:

• • • Rural: 2,212 kcal
    • Urban: 2,240 kcal

Protein (grams):

• • • Rural: 61.8
    • Urban: 63.4

Fat (grams):

• • • Rural: 60.4
    • Urban: 69.8

However, the actual intake of nutrients depends on how these foods are processed and/or cooked in the surveyed households.

For example, if a larger proportion of calories are derived from simple carbohydrates (all forms of sugar) or refined carbohydrates (grains, root vegetables and some pulses and legumes with the fibre and bran being removed) will quickly increase blood sugar levels. then it can lead to an increased risk of obesity and diabetes. Therefore calories from simple sugars and refined complex carbohydrates should be minimised or stopped. But merely computing the total number of calories without breaking them down into their source does not truly indicate the nutritive value of food consumed.

The urban and rural data for different states (Table 1 and 2), gives an idea of how different states facilitate different foods and dietary diversity. For instance, Kerala, West Bengal, Assam are among the top spenders on animal sources of protein while MP and Rajasthan are among the lowest. Similarly Haryana, MP, Rajasthan, Punjab are among the top spenders on milk and milk products while Kerala, West Bengal and Assam are among the lowest consumers of milk and milk products. These differences are related to geographical location, on what kinds of food is grown locally and is easily available.

For instance Kerala, West Bengal and Assam are close to large rivers and /or sea. Therefore fish consumption is very high. On the other hand, cattle and other livestock rearing is common in the Gangetic plains of North India. So Haryana, UP, Rajasthan and MP are among the top spenders for milk and milk products. Policy makers need to examine these data in the light of local contexts and should ensure that dietary diversity is at the heart of all welfare schemes related to food and nutrition such as the food and take home rations (THR) provided in anganwadis, public distribution system (PDS), mid-day meals and so on. Policy makers need to use these data to join the dots so that the schemes and programs are interconnected and comprehensive.

For example, consumption expenditure could be compared with data on the prevalence of anemia, stunting, underweight and other deficiencies. Such an exercise will contribute towards development of meaningful and effective programs that make use of local diversity in foods and also cater to the local tastes. Instead, the government chooses to take short cuts that benefit multi-national corporations such as universal fortification of rice with iron.

Energy/calories

The energy consumption of a man of average height and weight doing sedentary work is considered as one Consumption unit (CU) and equivalent to 2400 kcal. If the same man does moderate and heavy work, the CU would increase. Women and children are considered to have less CU than this average man. As per Table 3, the average daily per capita and per consumer unit intake of calorie protein and fat has not changed much between the previous survey (2022-23) and this (2023-24).

*Consumer unit is a unit used to measure the energy requirement of a group of persons of different sectors, gender and age-groups

The HCES assumes that animal products like milk, meat, fish and egg, and plant foods like pulses, oilseeds and nuts are all good sources of protein, but both these groups cannot be held at par. Plant based foods can be deficient in certain essential amino acids.

In the rural sector the share of cereals ranges between 34-55% in all major States across both periods except Kerala, where it is around 25-26%. In the urban sector the share of cereals is 24-25% in Kerala and 31-51% in all other major States.

Protein

With regard to proteins, the report claims that cereals continue to be the single largest source of protein for households with a share of about 46-47% for rural India and about 39% for urban India,  although their contribution to protein has come down and that from pulses, dairy and meat/fish/poultry going up.

As can be seen in Figures 2 and 3, most of the protein source are cheap quality from cereal, unlike the highly bioavailable animal source foods such as meat, milk and milk products, eggs, fish, poultry which contribute no more than 20% of the total intake in rural areas and 27% in urban areas. India, thus has a long way to go before it has access to the kind of proteins (and other nutrients) that enable the best possible heights and weights as also improvement of other nutritional indicators. Cereals are only a moderate source of protein as they contain about 10% protein. Rice contains less protein (7%) than wheat (approximately 10%) and other cereals. Leafy vegetables, fruits, roots, tubers are generally poor sources of protein as they contain less than 2% protein.

For instance, it is assumed in the report, that soya bean is the richest source of protein, however these proteins are incomplete, with poor bioavailability and being indigestible, requiring a lot of processing to improve digestibility. This processing can, however, contribute to denaturing of the proteins.

The other sources of proteins have poor bioavailability and calculations have to factor that in. It is also important to calculate intake in grams per kg body weight with due consideration for age, activity and physiological status.

Of the 20 amino acids that the body requires, it cannot synthesise 9 (essential) AA which must be consumed in the diet. The bioavailability (ability to utilise) is more from eggs, milk and meat. Proteins help to build and repair tissues. Usual recommended protein is 0.8 gm per kilogram body weight or 10-15% of total calories but some studies show that young children, adolescents, pregnant/lactating women and senior citizens may need more from 1.2 -1.7 gm/day. Even if you consume proteins from plant sources, at least 50% of total intake should come from animal sources (milk, dairy, eggs, meat, fish or chicken) or 50:50. If the ASF proportion drops (40 ASF: 60 PSF), chances of developing deficiencies are higher.

Fats

Fats are important for various functions of many organs. Fats can contribute around 25-50% of the calorie requirement depending on age, activity levels etc. The quality of fats need to be considered with trans fats available in ultra-processed foods being of particular concern.

Fat is an important component of diet and supports a number of functions in the body. Fat is a concentrated source of energy and per unit weight, it supplies more than twice the energy of either protein or carbohydrate. It also imparts palatability to a diet and retards the pace of emptying of the stomach. Presence of fat in the diet is important for the absorption of fat-soluble vitamins like Vitamin A and Carotene.

Packaged foods

It is recognised that access to healthy diets is challenging in low income settings, and when there is high food insecurity. Processed foods, cereals and sugars (as seen in commercially produced beverages) contribute both to under-nutrition but also to non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as obesity, diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, cancer etc. It is therefore concerning that the report downplays this and instead makes it appear like protein from cereal has reduced while protein from other sources has gone up. Given the increased expenditure (above all other foods) towards beverages and processed foods, there would need to be more policy interventions to control this.

According to Kapoor et al. (2024), a 1 standard deviation increase from mean of diversity was associated with approximately 10% lower prevalence of anaemia in women (15-49 years). They found that the prevalence of anaemia among children (6 to 59 months) and women (15 to 49 years) is inversely associated with the dietary diversity of iron sources as measured by the Shannon Diversity Index. This relationship was observed across state/UTs and the NSS regions. They recommend that dietary diversity plays an important policy role in addressing anaemia – “an implication of this is that economic growth and development, which improve the dietary diversity of the household, could play an instrumental role in reducing the prevalence of anaemia among children and women.’ They conclude that although universal fortification in an attempt to improve iron intake and reduce anaemia in India, has widespread appeal yet it has limited impact. This echoes what doctors and several food rights groups have been saying – that fortification is not just useless, but downright harmful, and importantly that policies that promote dietary diversity at the household level, apart from general economic growth and improved access and affordability of diverse food items “through advancements in supply chain and logistics” as also “traditional practices and food habits at highly localized levels” would be better policy.

We need to also recognise that eggs are systematically denied from the mid-day meals in many states across the country. Cattle slaughter bans have made cheap nutrient dense foods inaccessible to many. So, on the one hand, the government claims to celebrate diversity while systematically erasing these, by enabling gory and macabre lynchings in the name of cow protection. The sources of micronutrients varies within states. For instance, Kerala with its acceptance of all animal source foods may have better levels of micronutrients as compared to states which are expected to make up their nutrient requirements from cereals. To meet requirements, they would have to consume increased quantities of cereals putting them at increased risk of non-communicable diseases. Children are further more likely to be stunted (and obese) if they do not have access to animal source foods. Unless these distinctions are made, a false narrative of all sources being equivalent will be created which is dangerous.

Concerns about the HCES, and some suggestions

This Household Consumption Expenditure Survey  (HCES) is different in methodology (including sampling) from the earlier Household Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES) last conducted in 2011-12, and therefore the two are not comparable – so the claim that India’s poverty has declined to below 5% doesn’t hold water. Secondly, the NITI Aayog has made no effort to even determine an official poverty line or re-examine the categories of urban or rural, last defined in the Census 2001. There are concerns that there is a higher representation of well-off groups in the current sample, giving higher consumption expenditure results and an active bias that excludes poor households. Imputed cost for items received free of cost through social welfare programs were not calculated earlier, so that can also artificially hike up the current MCPE estimates.

According to the National Accounts Statistics (NAC), household consumption share is dropping since 2016 with a drop in savings and rise in debt. Questions are being raised as to how it is possible for expenditures to rise when jobs are faltering, youth unemployment is doubling or tripling and the economy is slowing down.

The HCES survey for the year 2017-18, which revealed a decline in average per capita expenditure and increase in poverty headcount ratio, was conveniently junked by the government as “unreliable”. Before that, the survey was conducted in 2011–12. Hence, no consumer expenditure data was available for over a decade to assess the impact of the economic slowdown, demonetisation, the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), Covid-19 and lockdowns etc. and how many people above the poverty line have been pushed below.

The economist S. Subramanian argues that India’s abysmally low ranking on the  Global Hunger Index (GHI) which is drawn from under nutrition and <5 mortality indicators is not in keeping with what is being projected as a thriving economy.

The earlier sampling identified villages and urban blocks to select households to be surveyed. However the HCES strategy ensures that a certain proportion of the rural sample is from the villages close to the urban areas. As Anand (2024) writes –“It is safe to assume that villages closer to the city centre or the district headquarters would be relatively more affluent than the remote ones” also “While the survey design does not explicitly exclude the poorest from the sample, it reduces the probability of the poor making it to the sample”. If the extremely poor households are not a part of the sample, the monthly per capita expenditure estimates would be higher by design.  Standardization of HCES across countries and better understanding of the strengths and limitations of the data are also crucial.

In the context of the food consumption survey, there are several limitations to the HCES, most notably the difficulty of estimating the intra-household allocation of foods and therefore of quantifying the actual food intake of individual household members. Research is needed to better understand the strengths and the weaknesses of HCES data when used to assess and plan intakes at the household and individual levels Dietary surveys are widely used to assess food and nutrient intakes at the population or individual level. This helps to identify nutrient gaps as well as the risks of inadequate or excessive intakes to plan programs or policies. Several methods and tools exist to assess dietary intake, but the complexity and cost of dietary surveys often discourage their widespread use in developing countries, especially on an ongoing basis. Therefore, very few countries have reliable dietary data.  HCES, routinely conducted on a nationally representative sample, can be taken as proxy to plan nutrition related interventions. Whereas other methods can give individual level consumption patterns, HCES is limited to the household. Therefore, ideally, the HCES should be bolstered by other more accurate individual level data on food consumption. HCES therefore may not accurately capture individual consumption patterns due to factors like recall bias, differences in survey design across countries, and the challenges of tracking food consumed outside the home.

Standard measurements of individual consumption use the adult male as reference. For example, energy requirements of a non-pregnant or non-lactating woman is 0.8 and 0.6 for a child under five years of age. Using an estimate of the energy needs of a typical adult male (typically 3,000 kcal/day), the total household energy requirement can be estimated based on the number of Adult Male Equivalent units (AMEs) in the household. However, individual requirements can vary based on age, sex, physiological status, and (ideally) physical activity of each family member.

One method that could provide useful information is a comparison of nutritional data collected from the same household using multiple methods such as 24-hour recalls for each member of the household, as well as administering a standard HCES to determine household food consumption. Data at multiple time points to cover seasonal variations and other fluctuations in consumption would also be helpful. The more unwieldy assessments are done on smaller but representative samples.

HCES can also be difficult to compare across countries because of variations in period of recall, whether food has been collected for acquisition or consumption, mode of acquisition etc. Some of the procured foods listed in the HCES may be listed as fortified and this may or may not be factored into calculations. Further, additives, salt, sugar, trans fats etc. added to these may not be disclosed, and therefore difficult to measure or assess.

(The author is a public health doctor and researcher)

[1] Reports based on NSS (National Statistical Survey)’s 50th round (1993-94), 55th round (1999-2000), 61st round (2004-05), 66th round (2009-10) and 68th.

Related:

Poverty alleviation requires revision of Poverty Line

India behind on poverty, health and gender goals: Independent study

Why does the Karnataka government not want children to eat eggs at mid day meals?

Religious Indoctrination Through Midday Meals

Why health and sex education for young is crucial: Supreme Court

The post When data is used as a weapon against reality: Deviations in the HCES & CES, claims of poverty line appeared first on SabrangIndia.

’Indian tradition’ and ‘culture’ sits too comfortably with discrimination based on caste, class, gender, physical ability, geography, language, and increasingly, religion. These discriminations go well with the backdrop of the lethal weapon wielding angry ‘hero’ who perform macabre acts of violence and vandalism, legitimised and sanitised by labels such as rakshak and kanwariya. This cosy alliance is further sanctioned and emboldened by an immoral State and a degenerate media. The other eager participants are the health system, the police and judiciary who have better relationships with the murderers than with innocent citizens. The entire structure is such that lynching is inevitable rather than unexpected.

On March 31 2023, Idrees Pasha was brutally murdered in Ramnagara, Karnataka just a few metres from the Sathanur police station by Puneeth Kerehalli, who, according to the media, was the ‘President of the Rashtra Rakshana Pade’- labels that set the stage to project murderers as extra-judicial heroes and the murdered as having violated social norms and laws. Pasha’s arm showed marks of electrocution and his body of bruising, but autopsy downplayed these, in what is an oft recurring pattern, to claim that he died of ‘cardiac arrest’. According to the media, Kerehalli was known for livestreaming his ‘cow rescuing missions’. “In videos, Kerehalli is purportedly seen carrying a baseball bat and a stun gun while intercepting vehicles carrying cattle.” Indian Express (6 April 2023).

A mob lynching is an extrajudicial, violent act in which a crowd of people or a mob, under the pretext of administering justice without trial, execute a presumed offender, often after inflicting torture and corporal mutilation, demonstrating extreme disrespect for human life. It is perpetrated by a collective upon individuals who serve as representatives of another collective.

Some of the factors that set the stage for mob lynching are

Rationalising discrimination.

Caste-based discrimination propagates the belief that certain communities are meant to be treated inferiorly and that they cannot expect similar rights. Hierarchy is ‘normal’ for Indian society, and, in fact, anything that has the potential to change this status quo is perceived as a threat. The intuitive response to someone of another collective being abused, harassed or discriminated, is to presume that he or she must have done something wrong to ‘deserve’ that punishment. There is a mental checklist which many of us have as a reference point for those ‘crimes’ that deserve extreme punishments – those that break artificially created  diktats around touch, food, marriage, relationships, friendships, aspirations drawn and defined by caste, class, gender and religion among others.

This collective is often a group of strangers who are drawn together and behave like a single entity when key triggers are activated. There is cohesiveness in what this collective perceives are its own victimhood and threats versus the individual representing another collective that has been painted as the other and the enemy. There are members of the aggressive collective who enact the violence, there are those who rationalise and justify it, there are others who offer impunity, and another large majority that stays silent. The mob functions on factors such as anonymity, suggestibility, contagion, collective identity, impunity and deindividualization. In the last, an individual loses personal moral restraint and reasoning.

‘Moral disengagement frequently entails treating the victims as less than human beings, dehumanizing them – allows for disassociation from the moral ramifications of harming another human being’

Rezwanul Haque, 2024.

Valorising extra-judicial killings

Whether it is by the police, by an action hero on cinema or by a mob, there are some ‘crimes’ for which we feel due process of the judicial system is too slow, ineffective or inadequate. The ‘heros’ or rakshaks who vandalise, murder, mutilate, torture etc. become vicarious atonement for what is perceived as systemic failures to curb ‘offenders’. For a society steeped in a discriminatory mind-set, whether people are, in fact, offenders or not, gradually becomes irrelevant. Markers such as their religion or caste or tribe becomes sufficient ground to murder them.

People who engage in these most brutal, inhuman and pathological acts often use euphemistic language such as Jai Shree Ram as a form of moral disengagement. It should, in fact, make every practicing Hindu’s blood crawl to see the name of Ram becoming analogous with these acts.

A recent report by Delhi-based NGO Common Cause and the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) mentioned that, “35% of police personnel interviewed for the survey think it is natural for a mob to punish the “culprit” in cases of cow slaughter, and 43% think it is natural for a mob to punish someone accused of rape.”

“Police surveillance itself may also be more frequently directed against socio-economically vulnerable groups such as Dalits, Adivasis, and religious minorities due to the larger structure of discrimination and criminalisation of these communities within the police system.”

Status of Policing in India Report 2023: Surveillance and the Question of Privacy

Thus it is not at all surprising that in many States of the country, there is a shifting of burden of proof on victims and consequently a presumption of guilt, which leads to FIRs being registered against them with words such as smuggling, terrorist, thief, illegal etc. being associated with the victims. Murderers are labelled as rakshaks !!

Impact on targeted individuals and communities

Targeted acts of violence and discrimination can have devastating, irreversible and long term impact on individuals and communities. The message that goes out to the victim’s community is that they are the ‘other’ and of lesser social value; that their identity can be the sole reason for one group as a collective to target another group as individuals and that this will be done with the complicity of media, political parties, elected representatives, the police, the judiciary, informal leaders and religious leaders.

Those who have survived, witnessed (virtually or in reality) or even escaped from a mob attack can experience several short and long term physical, psychological, social  and economic effects, with one contributing to or leading to the other.

Physical injuries can be fatal either immediately or subsequently. Physical trauma can lead to blood clots (hematomas), internal bleeds into vital organs, fractures, organ rupture, lacerations, and contusions. Injuries to the head can lead to fractures and bleeds into the brain which can lead to loss of consciousness, death and other cognitive and neurological damage – both temporary and permanent. Head injuries can progress to loss of vision, loss of hearing and focal seizures.

Trauma to the chest can fracture ribs leading to lung and heart injuries causing collection of air, fluid, blood in these organs. Major arteries can be damaged. Abdominal trauma can damage the spleen, liver, kidneys, intestines and reproductive organs. The liver being fragile can bleed excessively which is often very difficult to control. Injury to the kidney can cause blood in the urine and later, possible acute kidney failure. Intestinal injuries can cause obstruction and severe infections (peritonitis/sepsis). The pathological mind-set of the abusers can be identified by their gleeful stripping of their victims and inflicting injuries on their genital areas. Injuries to the pelvic area can cause pelvic fracture, damage to major blood vessels, rupture of the urinary bladder and genital tract injuries. Major surgical interventions maybe required to control the bleeding and salvage vital organs.

Even if a person survives a lynching attempt, they can subsequently suffer from sepsis, obstructions, embolisms, haemorrhage, multi-organ failure etc. Those who do survive can have long term consequences requiring prolonged hospital intervention, medical/surgical support and pain management. This can lead to inability or difficulty in continuing to work/earn and economic catastrophe for the affected families. Chronic stress, reduced sleep and appetite can make people more vulnerable to infections, lowered immunity, hypertension, diabetes, ulcers, depression, heart disease etc.

The psychological impact of attempted lynching by an angry mob can lead a person to develop long lasting psychological damage –post traumatic stress disorder, depression, excessive rage, panic attacks, suicidal thoughts and even suicidal attempts. Feelings of isolation, rage, distrust, fear, helplessness, anger, anxiety, hopelessness can occur. Depression can manifest as feelings of despair, disinterest in usual activities, sleep disturbances etc. Communities and individuals who are targeted, often for no reason other than their identity, can gradually or drastically reduce their access to public spaces, reducing their opportunities for enjoyment, social interaction, celebration and community participation. The start shrinking within a larger society to avoid being visible. We have yet to fully comprehend and address generations of caste-based discrimination which has pushed entire communities to the periphery and creating structural barriers to accessing even basic rights such as education, food, shelter, public spaces, healthcare etc. Religion is now rapidly becoming the political and social tool for similar practices.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is not very well documented in India, but could definitely be a diagnosis in many people who have survived or witnessed a violent attack by a mob. They can have intrusive and vivid thoughts that cause them to relive the incident even years after its occurrence, interfering with day to day functioning, with avoidance of social or even intimate interactions, detachment, emotional numbness with exaggerated responses, irritability, hypervigilance, extreme startle reactions etc. Substance abuse can become a way of handling the chronic and intense stress.

Each act of lynching is a public spectacle that sends out a message to the community that the mob belongs to that they can carry out similar acts with impunity against a ‘common enemy’ as an act of heroism and nationalism, becoming simultaneously law makers and implementers of these vicious diktats.

In most of these crimes, the larger society can participate, enable, collude, silently observe, rationalise, justify, glorify, valorise, reward, offer protection and impunity etc. Those who pride themselves on being animal lovers, climate activists, environmentalists, vegetarians, vegans etc. should seriously explore how their positions enable and legitimise these acts of violence.

Very often the spotlight is on the imagined transgressions of the victims themselves. The human rights violators are often rewarded with bails, garlands, positions of power. This sends out a disappointing message to society. According to Haque, witnessing lynching can have severe psychological and societal impact, with erosion of social cohesion and trust in the legal system. In India, the erosion of trust encompasses elected representatives, media, judiciary, police, health system and religious leaders. There is even erosion of trust in ones colleagues, neighbours and other acquaintances.

Effect on society

The effect on a community that is consistently targeted cannot be undermined or overstated. It leads to loss of feeling of belonging to a community, alienation, a strong sense of betrayal and discrimination. Young people can respond to this in several ways. They may hesitate to form close relationships, may be fearful of public spaces and may have inordinate fear of strangers and new places. Families of targeted communities can become extremely protective of each other, leading to reduced opportunities for economic progress and social interactions. Community members can become ‘paranoid’ and this is not without a reason leading to increased aggression in an attempt to control other family members to keep them ‘safe’.  Even a routine train journey can become fatal event.

Mob lynchings have serious and complex repercussions that affect not just the victims and their relatives, but the entire community by feeding a cycle of violence, mistrust, fear and terror. There is often irrevocable damage to social cohesive factors such as compassion, inclusion, diversity, kindness etc.

Shukla explains how mob violence may be a form of pathological normalcy – unhealthy behaviours, which appear so commonly in society that they are considered the norm.

‘Pathological normalcy can also be understood as pathological processes that become so socially widespread that they lose their individual character and come to be regarded as common and acceptable. Disturbed or unhealthy behaviour – such as display of irrational hatred, or support of violence – becomes very common, and such persons find much to share with many other individuals having a similarly unhealthy mentality. In this situation of an unhealthy herd mentality, the fully sane and objective person may find themselves in a relative minority and may even feel isolated.’

India is thus in a state where the pathological is normal. This is a dangerous stage for the country to be. It sets the base for barbaric acts of violence layered on deep rooted prejudices and misconceptions. We need to unravel our thought processes and cull out every of our thoughts, words and actions that lend complicity and normalcy to these inhuman and macabre acts that are performed for us every day.

(This article arose out of a panel discussion organised by Bahutva Karnataka that can be viewed here https://bahutvakarnataka.wordpress.com/2024/07/22/lynchings-in-india-a-national-shame/) 

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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There was more. Further, the Karnataka cabinet has also decided to remove school textbook lessons on RSS founder K B Hedgewar and others, reported Deccan Herald. The government also plans to make reading of the Preamble of the Constitution in all schools and colleges. Since the textbooks for the year have already been printed the government has decided that a supplementary booklet would be sent to all schools immediately, with instructions on what should be there in the textbooks or what not in the Kannada and Social Knowledge textbook of classes 6 to 10, reported India TV.

Now, comes the crux. Although the current Congress government had also promised to scrap the controversial National Education Policy –NED (euphemistically dubbed the ‘Nagpur Education Policy’ given the RSS’ sectarian stamp on it) and focus on state led syllabi in the interest of students, it become important to document the concerns about the 26 position papers that the Bommai-led BJP government had brought in to explicate the NEP. This is key so that they don’t become an unchallenged template for other states

Of the 26 position papers that the BJP government in Karnataka had brought out to feed into the National Curriculum Framework (NCF) of the National Education Policy (NEP), the one on health and well-being is striking from a public health point of view. This position paper has been criticised by doctors, educationalists, nutritionists etc. for being ‘outrageous, outdated, unscientific and frivolous’, amidst demands for its immediate withdrawal. Although the current Congress government has thankfully promised to scrap the ‘Nagpur Education Policy’ and focus on state led syllabi in the interest of students, it is important to document the concerns about these position papers so that they don’t become an unchallenged template for other states.

The ‘experts’ who put together this position paper on Health and Wellbeing, under the Chairperson Dr. K John Vijay Sagar, Professor and Head of the Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, include nutritionists, Ayurveda physicians, a yoga therapist, a diet lecturer and a gymnastics coach. They claim to have taken a ‘holistic’ approach to health and well-being.

Although the stated objective of the paper is to illustrate the importance of health, it embroils itself in irrational and unscientific propaganda that can be disastrous within an educational space. It quotes extensively from ‘ancient texts’ to showcase the ‘deep knowledge of ancient seers of India’ and ‘fundamental principles envisioned   by the rishis of our country’. It is important for us to contemplate on whether this is the direction in which we want education in the country to head.

According to the paper, Ayurveda or the science of life, based on the tridosha principles (vata, pitta and kapha) and trigunas (sattva, rajas and tamas) supposedly control physical (doshas, dhātus and malas), physiological and psychological functions of both the body and the universe!!

That yoga is 3000 years old and Ayurveda is 5000 years old has been highlighted along with their various perceived benefits. Achara, ahara, vyayama and yoga are described as ‘the core   of Indian culture’ and the document include mantras and shlokas from the bhagavad gita. Further, the paper states that according to yoga as explained in the taittriya Upanishad, the concept of health itself depends on the ‘pancha kosha’ or the five layers of body that cover the atman (or self). Doctors have challenged the director and head of child psychiatry at NIMHANS to provide proof for the existence of such ‘sheaths’ or to immediately withdraw the paper.

While there may be a role for yoga, and other traditional systems, in the holistic development of a child, one cannot embrace it in totality in an uncritical manner ascribing all kinds of unproved benefits to it.

In the table below, food being arbitrarily classified as good and not good, helps understand why any recommendations on food and nutrition by such groups is dangerous and prejudiced.

Source: Karnataka Position paper on health and Wellbeing

Diet drinks or food, refined foods, sweeteners, sugar, salt, fast foods, soft drinks are classified as ‘not good’, while cereals (wheat, corn, rice), grain, plant-based foods, fruit, vegetable, fibre are classified as good. Oils, fats and animal source foods have received a blanket label of ‘not good’. Clearly the authors are not aware that oils and fats are essential for absorption of fat soluble Vitamins A,D, E and K from food. Fats are also important source of energy and essential fatty acids which support numerous functions in the body. Low or absent fat in the diet can lead to a host of nutritional deficiencies and subsequent health issues.

The table then ends with a generic statement that ‘eating foods that have been prepared in grandmother’s way’ are good. Since the table also classifies meats (animal source foods) as not good, only the vegetarian, dominant caste grandmother would pass this test!! The grandmothers who lovingly prepare beef, pork, fish, dry fish and a variety of other culinary delicacies are not only erased completely but also succinctly identified as ‘not good’. The trauma that this inflicts on young children who are taught in schools that their traditional foods are inferior, polluted, unhealthy cannot be easily undone.

The paper also brings in the concept of gene diet interactions which would apparently decide what is best for “Indian ethnicity’ and the ‘natural choice of the race’. These prejudiced theories only serve to take the onus away from policy makers and elected representatives who readily blame genes for the malnutrition in the country “You are short-statured and of poor health because of your genetic make-up’. The fact is that when Indians are given adequate diets rich in all nutrients, they have heights and weights comparable with their Western counterparts. The paper further goes on to say that Indian’s ‘natural choice of food’ is plant based unlike the Western food choice. This argument is ridiculous on many fronts because Indians are no strangers to meat and it is hardly a “Western food choice’.

The paper goes on to say that there is no pankti bheda in the Indian way of eating and this can be ensured by similar foods be served to all children as part of the mid-day meal. Specifically mentioning eggs, they say “Serving different foods to the same graders will lead to an imbalance in the nutrient distribution among children. For example, serving other recipes or foods to the same graders, such as egg versus grams, or egg versus banana, leads to a nutritional imbalance among children. Additionally, children develop complexes that result in emotional disturbances among friends; treating all children equally and with no pankti bedha is authentic Indian philosophy or Dharma.”They go on to recommend that eggs be prohibited in the MDM. Diversity of foods and inclusion of nutrient dense foods in the MDM are now officially being labelled as discriminatory !!!

The paper further goes on to blame eggs and meat for lifestyle disorders and suggest that animal-based foods interfere with hormonal functions in humans. This has been called out by doctors in their open letter “There is now a mountain of evidence available to prove that it is the excessive consumption of sugars such as fructose (fruit sugar) and glucose (malt sugar, cereal grains) that is the most important cause for non-communicable diseases such as obesity, type 2 diabetes, hypertension, degenerative diseases and even many psychiatric problems such as ADHD, depression, anxiety etc., in children as well as adults. There is also enough evidence proving that eggs and proteins have a protective effect against obesity and other NCDs”.

Eggs for a healthy diet

A recent study in Karnataka has clearly showed that children who received eggs in their mid-day meal had significant gains in weight and body mass index (BMI). Quoting this and another study, the doctors state that, given a choice, a majority of children in Karnataka prefer eggs and if the authors of the position paper had indeed been concerned about not practicing pankti bheda or discrimination, they would not have opposed a majority of children eating eggs and other animal source foods of their choice.

Ignoring the widespread criticism of the MDM in Karnataka, specifically the ideological imposition by organisations such as Akshaya patra, the position paper states “The Karnataka government has successfully implemented midday meals with the support of many NGOs. As observed, the children enjoy the food supplied in the midday meal and the milk provided before the start of the class”. They suggest that textbooks should promote sattvik foods which they identify as ‘Indian food culture and the Indian way of thinking’. These preposterous presumptions not only lack evidence, they are also openly casteist and anti-minority.

Glorifying cereals and pulses as staple foods which apparently ‘prove that Indian food culture is the best’, the members of this group effectively erase not just the rich cultural and traditional food diversity of the country, but also, importantly, completely deny the visible and tangible nutritional and health consequences of this inadequate diet. Instead they feel that stories about Bheema and Hanuman’s eating habits will help children link eating the right  (read sattvik) food to valour, courage and success.

Children from marginalised and vulnerable communities are constantly being told, particularly by their faculty in schools, that their own cultural practices are inferior. To become a part of mainstream or ‘cultured’ society, they are forced to deny, erase, reject and distance themselves from their own traditions.  A child who is already malnourished, poorly educated and facing the possibility of bleak health outcomes is made to feel that his or her own family or community is responsible for this. This is adding salt on a chronic social wound and affects childrens’ sense of self-esteem. While beef has already been criminalised ad nauseum, eggs are projected as disgusting, forcing children to either stop eating these foods or lie about it. In the absence of an affordable and culturally relevant alternative, important sources of nutrition are removed from the childrens’ plates.

These prejudices, in combination with those in another position paper which openly classifies children into categories of worker, leader etc. institutionalise  discrimination within public and private spaces. Children from marginalised communities are forced to experience about age old caste practices that neither reaffirm scientific thought nor their own culture. People of the country have to take note of and resist these kinds of position papers and policies that make a mockery of people’s struggles and aspirations and instead create templates for the agenda of the hindu rashtra.

(The author is a public health doctor and researcher based in Karnataka)

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