Maggie Hennefeld | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/content-author/maggie-hennefeld-19264/ News Related to Human Rights Sat, 04 May 2019 06:07:17 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png Maggie Hennefeld | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/content-author/maggie-hennefeld-19264/ 32 32 Are clownish outsiders the future of democracy? https://sabrangindia.in/are-clownish-outsiders-future-democracy/ Sat, 04 May 2019 06:07:17 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/05/04/are-clownish-outsiders-future-democracy/ Comedic buffoonery no longer marks the dividing line between satire and news. It is now the starting point for participatory democracy. Stephen Colbert Greets U.S. Soldiers in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Stephen Tour, 2009.|Lee Craker/PA. All rights reserved   A television comedian was elected President of Ukraine last Monday, provoking headlines such as: “Buffoons Are […]

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Comedic buffoonery no longer marks the dividing line between satire and news. It is now the starting point for participatory democracy.

Stephen Colbert Greets U.S. Soldiers in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Stephen Tour, 2009.
Stephen Colbert Greets U.S. Soldiers in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Stephen Tour, 2009.|Lee Craker/PA. All rights reserved
 

A television comedian was elected President of Ukraine last Monday, provoking headlines such as: “Buffoons Are Taking Over the Court” and “Why a Bit of Humorlessness Might Go a Long Way.” Volodymyr Zelensky – who once played a sitcom character shockingly elected President after his angry video rant goes viral – beat the incumbent Petro Poroshenko in a landslide, reaping over 73% of the vote. Are clownish outsider candidates like Zelensky the future of global democratic politics?

Pranksters run for government

Pranksters have been gaining a foothold in national elections since the news satirist Stephen Colbert ran a fake Presidential campaign in 2008, following the publication of his best-selling book I Am America (And So Can You). Like Pat Paulsen, whose joke bid for the White House in the tumultuous year of 1968 started as a gag skit on The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour (CBS, 1967-1969), Colbert’s campaign was pure parody.

Sponsored by Doritos snack chips, it quickly ran afoul of FEC rules, just two years ahead of the 2010 Citizens United Decision that unleashed vast corporate wealth on political elections. Colbert used dark satire, not grey money, to gain national attention. He ran in South Carolina with the outrageous slogan, “First to secede, first to succeed,” taking aim at the dog whistle race-baiting that’s clinched the southern electorate since Barry Goldwater’s 1964 Presidential Campaign. But Colbert’s nonsense rhetoric clearly marked his own candidacy as a farce, not the real thing.

Since 2008, however, clownish outsider candidates have deployed Colbertian tactics with remarkably successful results. In Italy, the activist-comedian Beppe Grillo launched his anti-elitist Five Star Movement (M5S) in 2009, which quickly gained regional influence and now holds a significant national minority that governs in coalition with the fascist Lega Nord (Northern League).

M5S rode to power on the coattails of a public prank in 2007, when Grillo organized mass rallies to celebrate V-Day (Vaffanculo or “Fuck You” Day). Invoking the Allies who landed in Normandy in June 1944, V-Day urged Italian citizens to “invade” the bad legislative body, further protesting endemic corruption in Silvio Berlusconi’s government.

M5S derived its populist credibility (or its grillismo) from a mixture of diffuse outrage and obscene antics. As the movement gained electoral traction and political legitimacy, its pretenses of direct democracy and digital participation (spurred by Grillo’s rabble-rousing blog) have yielded contradictory and often bizarre policy positions. Buffoonish utopianism – sullied by political reality – has shaped a party that is now both egalitarian and nativist, progressive and ultra-nationalist, anti-insider and increasingly tribal.

Its platform panders to rising hostilities against immigrants and refugees, the European Union, and even medical vaccines – as clownish imagination buckles under the pressures of racial hostility and conspiratorial belief.

TV clowns go to Washington

Like Grillo, Zelensky jumpstarted his political career by speaking truth to power with an expletive-laden rant. In the pilot episode of Servant of the People (1+1, 2015-2019), he tirades against Ukrainian government corruption in a viral video that unexpectedly catapults his character to electoral victory. The episodic foibles that ensue evoke classic presidential film satires such as Duck Soup (1933), Being There (1979), and Wag the Dog (1997), in which idiocy alone guarantees authenticity.

Zelensky’s seamless trajectory from television clown to successful politician further mirrors the ascent of Donald Trump – who crossed over from reality game show host to unprecedented leader of a representative democracy. Trump’s revolving door Cabinet Administration – which grows and shrinks by the whim of a Tweet – has been a major point of continuity between his Presidency and its basis in The Apprentice (NBC, 2004-2017), the tagline for which was “You’re Fired!”

Both Trump and Zelensky further rely on absurdity to fill the gap between their fictional characters and their electoral ambitions. Trump’s outlandish buffoonery garnered him abundant media coverage, while Zelensky’s unorthodox background boosted his candidacy from inside joke to international news headline.

What was the tipping point between gag campaigns like Colbert’s 2008 run and this new frontier of democratic politics, whereby one’s grotesque inexperience actively fosters their populist viability and broad-based support? With the infusion of corporate money into national elections, immense influence of dubious digital news sources, and increasing class inequality around the globe, voters apparently trust comedian underdogs over incumbent insider politicians.
 

With the infusion of corporate money into national elections… and increasing class inequality around the globe, voters apparently trust comedian underdogs over incumbent insider politicians.

Insult comedy rallies the base

Elected leaders have always used humor as a political weapon, but only to a degree. This is why Plato wanted to ban excessive laughter from his idealized city-state in The Republic. Now that the center will no longer hold, political humor has grown ever more extreme.
Trump notoriously mocked a reporter with a disability, derisively refers to Senator Elizabeth Warren as “Pocahontas,” laughed off global warming during the 2019 Midwest polar vortex, and even ridiculed Christine Blasey Ford for stating that she had “only one beer” on the night of her alleged assault by Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh.

Offensive shock tactics such as these rally the true believers, displacing light-hearted burlesque with bald-faced invective. If absurd unorthodoxy helped to establish these unlikely candidates as electable, now their obscene defilement of decorum further burnishes their anti-elitist chops.

Far-right authoritarian leaders know that insult comedy is crucial for firing up the base in moments of crisis. Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil), Rodrigo Duterte (the Philippines), Recep Erdoğan (Turkey), Benjamin Netanyahu (Israel), Viktor Orbán (Hungary), Vladimir Putin (Russia), and Matteo Salvini (Italy) pitch their bellicose rhetoric to a social media-based attention economy with pithy taunts, schoolyard jeers, and ludicrous exaggerations.

An age of permanent carnival

We’re living in an age of “permanent carnival,” argue Lauren Berlant and Sianne Ngai, referring to the popular medieval folk festival that the people celebrated every year between Christmas and Lent. Carnival was a temporary social revolution in which holy scripture was profaned, the king was decrowned, and anything serious became fair game for grotesque ridicule and outrageous satire.

Political theorists have emphasized that carnival actually contributed to the health of the state. It ignited joyful anti-sovereign rebellion, in which all repressed urges and scandalous ideas had momentary free rein. Since the Middle Ages, carnival has gone underground in literature, film, television, and other mass media. But as the boundaries between carnival and sovereignty erode, serious politics have become extravagantly absurd. Comedic buffoonery no longer marks the dividing line between satire and news (between jokes and elections). It is now the starting point for participatory democracy.

But what will happen if the clowns continue to wear the crown 365 days a year? Can democracy survive the sustained unleashing of its primal ungoverned impulses? I don’t believe anyone knows the answer to those questions. But it’s clear that this carnivalesque zeitgeist will not be losing steam any time soon.

Courtesy: Open Democracy

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Comedy is part of feminist history—and we need it more than ever https://sabrangindia.in/comedy-part-feminist-history-and-we-need-it-more-ever/ Tue, 08 May 2018 05:55:11 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/05/08/comedy-part-feminist-history-and-we-need-it-more-ever/ Feminism has always been mobilized and strengthened through collective joyful laughter.   Women’s march to denounce Donald Trump in Toronto, January 21 2017. Credit: Wikimedia/By booledozer. CC BY-SA 2.0. There is no fiercer political weapon than laughter. The controversy around Michelle Wolf’s brilliant, uncomfortable, and brutally honest roast at the 2018 White House Correspondents Dinner […]

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Feminism has always been mobilized and strengthened through collective joyful laughter.
 


Women’s march to denounce Donald Trump in Toronto, January 21 2017. Credit: Wikimedia/By booledozer. CC BY-SA 2.0.

There is no fiercer political weapon than laughter. The controversy around Michelle Wolf’s brilliant, uncomfortable, and brutally honest roast at the 2018 White House Correspondents Dinner is the latest in a long line of examples that reveal the threatening power of feminist jokes. As the author Margaret Atwood puts it, “Men are afraid women will laugh at them; women are afraid men will kill them.” This is why the Patriarchy has always tried to stereotype feminists as humorless killjoys, the anti-pleasure police, or shrill sticks in the mud.

In reality, nothing could be farther from the truth. From Samantha Bee’s satirical TV show Full Frontal; to the stand-up comedy of Wanda Sykes, Margaret Cho and Tig Notaro; to the explosion of playful memes and witty protest signs that forcefully satirize patriarchal predation, feminism is, and has always been, mobilized and strengthened through collective joyful laughter.

As I show in my new book, Specters of Slapstick and Silent Film Comediennes, insightful satire and exuberant comedy were important forces in the early years of the feminist movement. The biggest myth of anti-feminist propaganda—both in the present moment and in the history of the struggle—is that wanting equal rights and having a sense of humor are somehow mutually exclusive.

In fact, when women laugh too loudly or pointedly they’re often disregarded as ‘hysterical’—not in the positive sense or as a figure of speech but as pathology: ‘maybe we should send you to a mental institution and poke at your uterus to figure out what’s wrong with you.’

Comedy, though delirious and light-hearted, is often extremely violent and vividly obscene. There’s a fine line between edgy and insulting, and it’s long been the role of the clown to test the boundaries of that line as they change over time, particularly during moments of escalating social and political activism. Wolf exemplifies this tension between the timely and the taboo in her roast with jokes like these: “Sarah Huckabee Sanders, I loved you as Aunt Lydia in The Handmaid’s Tale;”  “I know a lot of you are very anti-abortion, unless it’s the one you got for your secret mistress.”

Women, LGBQT+, people of color, and other oppressed minorities have long used satirical comedy effectively to ‘punch up’ against authority and speak truth to power. For example, as Lindy West puts it in “How to Make a Rape Joke,” there’s a difference between “a joke about women getting raped” and “a joke about the way that rape culture—which includes rape jokes, makes women feel.” Nothing is off-limits for progressive comedy, not even rape; what matters is whether the victim or assaulter becomes the butt of the punch line. Regardless of the comedian’s identity—even if you have to live in the aftermath of your own mockery—a joke that goes too far, or that risks exploiting its topic rather than exposing it, will typically fall on deaf ears.

The refusal to laugh is not always intentional. After all, laughter is supposed to be involuntary: it erupts in spite of ourselves, often in response to images and ideas that actively confuse us. This is neither good nor bad: we laugh when we’re not completely sure how we want to feel about something, and are still thinking it through. In other words, we are not always in control of the social consequences of our laughter, even though we would like to be.

Comedy is often a matrix for processing social change, as much as an active force that directly provokes it. As an example, take Mary Jane’s Mishap, a slapstick comedy from 1903 starring Laura Bayley about a housemaid who spontaneously combusts out of the chimney while trying to light a fire. Mary Jane erupts out of the roof and her dismembered limbs and torso rain down over the village skyline. Finally she returns as a ghost to haunt her own gravestone, which has the epitaph, “Here Lies Mary Jane. Rest in Pieces.”
Mary Jane’s explosion out the chimney is an absurd representation of how women desire to break free from the domestic sphere and the drudgery of everyday housework. I’m really attracted to these types of films in which gendered oppression is rendered ridiculous. That’s what slapstick is all about: the exaggerated representation of make-believe violence, but violence that strikes us as somehow too zany or cartoonish to be threatening in reality.

Women have always had a marginal position in physical comedy because audiences often feel uncomfortable laughing at comical images of violence against female characters. As with West’s distinction between rape jokes and jokes about rape culture, Mary Jane’s Mishap took aim at the tyranny of women’s domestic enslavement and the brutal mockery of violence against women in the home by presenting these things in slapstick form—and through that medium connecting with its audience.  

The comedian Amy Schumer takes a page out of Mary Jane’s Mishap in her sketch show Inside Amy Schumer, which frequently features skits about women who spontaneously combust, self-decapitate, or commit absurd ritual suicide when their ability to derive meaning from their everyday lives stands in vivid contradiction to their own utopian gender ideals. Skits like “Trouble Accepting a Compliment,” “I’m So Bad,” and “Allergic to Nuts” all exemplify Schumer’s slapstick feminism ad absurdum.

This isn’t new. From the early 1900s, female slapstick comedy in the popular media has been an  avenue for feminist activism and social protest. For example, the only way for Mary Jane to break out of the home is through the chimney. In another film released in 1914 called Daisy Doodad’s Dial, a bored housewife trains to compete in an amateur face-making competition so avidly that she is arrested for public indecency after she grimaces at random men on a street car.

She then shuts herself up in her bedroom and has nightmares in which she’s haunted by spectral superimpositions of her own disembodied face-making. Or take Laughing Gas (made in 1907)in which a black woman is given nitrous oxide by her white male dentist, and then spreads her laughter contagiously through the streets, including to several police officers who can’t arrest her because they’re all laughing too uproariously.

Social satire in these films arises from the jarring clash between how women and minorities are traditionally expected to behave and how they actually want to live, exemplified in suffragette protest comedies, trick films in which women metamorphose into giant spiders or man-eating dolls, and domestic disaster comedies where women ‘blow up’ or bust loose from their normative gender roles and domestic duties in a variety of astonishing ways.

It’s also important to remember that cinema, like Twitter or YouTube today, was the most popular form of new media in the 1890s and early 1900s. There was something about the power of cinema to display movement as never before—housemaids exploding, automobiles crashing, miniature nicotine fairies melting—that provided fertile terrain for social protest and cultural experimentation.

Women’s bodies were ideal for these ends, because they were believed to be physically malleable and less resistant to external manipulation—just look, for example, at the corsets women were expected to wear in the early 1900s that contorted their bodies into crazy human hourglasses. New media images, like gendered bodies, have always been celebrated for their limitless capacity for physical manipulation and visual invention.

People have been drawn to ‘new’ media throughout history because they believe in the transformative power of radical images to influence social and political breakthroughs. Female-identified and gender fluid bodies—the clothes they wear, the positions they assume, and the way their bodies occupy public spaces—are markers of how much social norms and cultural ideals can change over time.

I see so many parallels between the feminist protest culture of the early 1900s and our present-day moment in 2018, when satirical laughter and new media experimentation are again such vibrant parts of our collective imagination and activist resistance. One of my favorite protest signs at the Global Women’s March in 2017 was proudly raised by a group of women dressed as suffragettes: “Same Shit, Different Century,” it said.

Though the issues have changed—from voting rights to abortion rights to #MeToo—some things remain the same: feminist laughter is a forceful political weapon. Some will continue to repeat the old lie that “Women Aren’t Funny,” but that’s ok—it shows that they’re still terrified by the revolutionary power of collective laughter. 

Maggie Hennefeld’s new book is Specters of Slapstick and Silent Film Comediennes, published by Columbia University Press.

Maggie Hennefeld is an Assistant Professor of Cultural Studies and Comparative Literature at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities and author of Specters of Slapstick and Silent Film Comediennes, published by Columbia University Press.
 

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