On December 6, 1956, Babasaheb Dr B.R. Ambedkar died, leaving behind his mission of annihilating caste and making a just society. He left behind a document in the form of the Indian Constitution, which if implemented in letter and spirit, could have gone a long way towards eradicating the inequality prevalent in society.

Commemorating the 61st Death anniversary of the Father of the Indian Constitution, Bezwada Wilson, National Convenor of Safai Karmachari Andolan and a practitioner of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Thought and Philosophy, spoke to Newsclick discussing implementation of the Constitution and the Dalit movement.

Dr. Ambedkar is remembered on this day, and lakhs of followers pay homage to him throughout the country. What do you think is his most important contribution towards bringing equality in this country?
Wilson: BR Ambedkar took the 3,000 year old problem of caste and dealt with it in a scientific manner. He has given tools for all of us. Indian Constitution is one such tool. We are here to see that the provisions ofthe Constitution are implemented. The problem today is that people (the government) are turning their backs on the values and spirit of the Constitution. They have their own interpretations. That’s why, we have to look through the lens of Dr. Ambedkar.  He was one of the pillars of the Constitution. Although many have contributed, but his views on the Constitution were very clear. Each person and each Prime Minister has had their own dreams (for the country), but those dreams have to fit into the constitutional framework. If something (government programme) does not fit into the constitutional framework, then that should be viewed as anti-national. Constitution should be the scale to measure if something is for the country, or against the interests of the country. Ambedkar stressed on the conditions of Dalits, Adivasis, women, and other minorities and marginalised groups. But their situation has not changed much. Each government report shows the lack of development of these groups.  Even the NCRB crime data documents the increasing attacks on the marginalised. We are not bridging the gaps between the rich and the poor. Article 38 of the Indian Constitution states very clearly that the state has the responsibility to strive to “promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice, social, economic and political, shall inform all the institutions of the national life.” But we are not doing that.

We should not regress and start struggling to implement the Constitution again. We have to come back on track.

If one building is constructed, we say we are contributing to the legacy of Ambedkar. No! Ambedkar does not require any building.  His main aim was implementing the Constitution for social change. Social change is the path of Ambedkar. If we are not going in that direction, that means we are going against Ambedkar’s philosophy.

Dalit movement has always operated within the democratic framework, but the backlash has been in the form of violence, which can be seen in all caste atrocities. 
Wilson: Dominant castes and power coming together is dangerous for the country. From the beginning, dominant castes have been violent. Otherwise, they can’t downgrade any group or person to the status of untouchable … they take power into their own hands. These dominant castes also constitute non-state forces and use their power to suppress the voices demanding equality. That is not good for democracy.

How should the Dalit movement strive for equality when the state has not brought in the equality as envisaged in the Indian Constitution in 70 years?
Wilson: We have to put pressure on the state to bring in equality. The government is elected to implement the Constitution. They have no other business. But now, the government gives all its support to corporates by giving thousands of crores as subsidies. And when it comes to the poor, the government says they have no money.

The Dalit movement and other marginalised movements should put pressure on the state. It is the responsibility of the state to look after the interests of these groups.  ‘We the People’ constitutes the entire population of the country, not just the big corporates, the military or the Prime Minister’s Office. The government, or the ruling party which comes to power for five years, has the responsibility for building a just society.

But the problem is that from day one, they have no clear understanding about what they are supposed to do. What the ruling parties are doing now is furthering their own hidden political agenda. They claim to be working towardsdevelopment, but whose development is not clear.  

The state is not actually bridging the gap,there is no economic equality, no cultural equality, or social equality. Only politically we can be considered equal[one person one vote.

Like Ambedkar said, we are “a society of contradictions”. Instead of addressing these contradictions, we are actually institutionalising them. That is why inequality in the society is rising. There is glorification of the rich without questions, even though their money was made by exploiting workers. Now the rich talk about charity, but they made their money through exploitation. The state conveniently forgot Article 38 of the Constitution that mandates it to ensure that the gap between the poor and the rich is bridged.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar stated, “I feel that the constitution is workable … Indeed, if I may say so, if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that Man was vile.”  How do you see this in the present context?
Wilson: 31 percent of people voted for the present government. That does not mean there is no opposition. The 69 percent are the others who can make the Constitution workable, and bring justice.

Worshipping the constitution, or memorising the constitution is not enough, one has to implement the constitution. Ambedkar’s values in the constitution have to be taken forward.

Getting a little self-introspective, how do you see the Dalit Movement as a whole taking up the issue of manual scavenging?
Wilson: The wider Dalit movement has been supporting the issue but they have not put their heart into the eradication of manual scavenging. The electoral system also has been such that the Dalits are dependent on the majority for getting elected. Hence, a person who strives for the issues of Dalits would not be elected.

What about the autonomous Dalit movement?
Wilson: They are doing their bit. But there are certain issues, such as — Devadasi, Jogini, manual scavenging, and concerns of the people who are employed at crematoriums to dispose dead bodies — which are not on the agenda of the mainstream Dalit movement. The Dalit movement needs to come together as one and address these issues, like Dr. Ambedkar did. The whole Dalit community must speak out in a unanimous voice. These issues must be a priority and we should seek the whole nation’s help in eradicating them.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

 

The third and final day of the historic Workers Mahapadav saw more than a lakh women scheme workers on Parliament Street, Delhi demanding that they be recognized as regular workers. These are the poorest of women who are engaged as ASHAs  (health workers) and anganwadi workers/helpers and mid day meal cooks.

During 9-11 November, thousands of workers participated in the massive show of strength by workers from all over the country, fighting for a 12-point charter of demands including better wages, social security etc. and also urging withdrawal of anti-people policies like labour law changes, privatization of public sector, etc.

At the end, a resolution calling for workers to prepare for a country wide indefinite strike was passed amidst thunderous applause. A detailed action plan was also announced.

Speaking to Newsclick, Tetri Devi, a mid-day meal worker who came along with other workers from Munger District in Bihar said, they had been working as cooks in schools since 2005. Initially they were paid 25 paise per student and they made anything from Rs 45-100 per month. Even now they are being paid RS 1200 per month. They have come to Delhi along with others demanding “1 Hazar mein dum nahi 18000 se kum hai” which translates to ‘there is no use of the Rs 1000 that they are paid now; they will accept nothing less than Rs 18000 as minimum wages’. Similar sentiments were voiced by women who are engaged as ASHAs and Anganwadi workers.

These lakhs of workers were organized under various Central Trade Unions that had called for the mahapadav, barring the RSS backed BMS.

Various leaders from trade unions addressed the huge gathering amidst resounding slogans and calls for further action. Those who addressed the workers in the first part of the meeting included AR Sindhu from CITU, INTUC President Dr Sanjeeva Reddy, Harbhajan Singh Sidhu of HMS and Gurudas Gupta of AITUC.

Sindhu of CITU, one of the most appreciated speakers, directly spoke of the issues of the women scheme workers gathered there. She started her speech by paying tributes to the 11 year old Santoshi who died of hunger as her parents were denied the PDS because their AADHAR was not linked to PDS system. She said that RS 1,40,000 crores Plan budget for ICDS, the scheme under which anganwadi workers are employed, was cut in the very first year of the BJP coming to power. She gave details of how in various parts of the country anganwadi workers/helpers and ASHAs were struggling to fulfill their important responsibilities despite being paid low wages and not being recognized as workers by the government.

THe second and the third session of the meeting was addressed by the leaders – Hemalatha, Tapan Sen – CITU; Usha Sahni, Amarjeet Kaur – AICTU; Champa Varma, Hanumanth Thate – HMS;  and from INTUC, AIUTUC, TUCC, SEWA AICCTU, LPF and UTUC that coordinated the three day meetings. The large gathering adopted an action plan for the coming months which included district level satyagrahas in the last week of January 2018, industry or sectoral strikes whenever the govt. announces privatization, protest actions on the day the Union Budget is announced, etc. The resolution adopted at the Mahapadav called for workers to prepare for a nationwide indefinite strike in the coming months as the govt. doesn’t seem to be willing to accept their just demands.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

400 Dalit families in Garagaparru Village, Andhra Pradesh have been facing social boycott since May 5, 2017.

 

400 Dalit families in Garagaparru Village, West Godavari District, Andhra Pradesh have been facing social boycott since May 5, 2017.  Remember how the Dalits were prevented from erecting Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s statue in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh? In a similar fashion the upper castes of Garagaparru have prevented the Dalits from installing the statue of Babasaheb Ambedkar at the village. The village alreadyhad statues of Mahatma Gandhi, Sir Arthur Cotton, Alluri Sitaramaraju, Tandra Paparayudu (Local Warrior) and the idols of Rama and Krishna. The Dalits of the village felt that it would also be good to have the statue of the Father of Indian Constitution as well.The members of the SC community approached the elected village Sarpanch, Unnabatla Elizabeth, and Mandal Parishad Territorial Committee (MPTC) member, Siringula Venkata Ratnam, with their proposal to install the statue.

On April 23, 2017 the Dalits erected the statue. By next day morning the statue was stolen by the upper castes.To protest this, a daylong Rasta Roko was held. The sub-collector (RDO )intervened, following which the stolen statuewas brought backand re-installed at the old Panchayat Office. The statue was garlanded by the sub-collector himself. Unhappy with this development, the upper castes led by Balram Raju, Gattukoppala Srinivasu and Muddunoor Ramaraju called a ‘meeting of 14 castes’. In this meeting it was decided that if the statue was not removed from the village by May 5, 2017, the Dalits (Malas) would be socially boycotted. If anyone disobeyed this diktat, a fine of₹1000 would be imposed. The Dalit tenants who were cultivating the land for past 20 – 30 years were asked to give up the land. The Dalits who were working as drivers on the auto rickshaws and tractors were dismissed. The animals belonging to the Dalits were prevented from grazing on common grounds. 

The implementation of social boycott by the dominant caste groups was so strict that a registered medical practitioner (RMP Doctor) who was treating patients from the Dalit community was asked to leave the village. Even the vegetable vendors and provision stores were not allowed to sell to Dalits.  On top of all that, to monitor thewho they were meeting or interacting, a CCTV camera was installed at the Dalit Colony onMay 5.

The people approached the government officials to bring it to their notice the social boycott imposed on them. “As soon as we got to know of this social boycott, we along with CPI(M)and other Dalit organisations approached the government officials to sort out the issue”, P. Rama Krishna of Kula Vivaksha Porata Samiti (KVPS) said. “The government officials were not helpful at all, so we formed a committee to fight this boycott”, he said.

Only after 10 TV, a news channel, broke this news did the larger public come to know about the issue. Immediately, different organisations took up the issue and visited the Dalits of Garagaparru. All India Dalit Rights Forum convenor K. Ananda Rao who visited the village said, “If there is a social boycott in the developed Godavari districts you can imagine the conditions of the Dalits [in the country]”.

The AP government has imposed Section 144 to prevent activists from visiting the village. Criticising the anti-Dalit measures of the state and the central governments, V Srinivasa Rao, National Convening Committee member of the Dalit Shoshan Mukti Manch, stressed that the governments claiming to be pro-Dalit have actually been on the side of the perpetrators of atrocities against them. He demanded that the State and the Central Governments must take action against the culprits who have been involved in this crime.

The District collector Bhaskar Katamneni who initially said that there was no social boycottwas forced to conduct an enquiry when news of the incident spread and became a point of discussion. Neither the perpetrators were arrested nor wasany action taken against the higher officials under whose jurisdiction the social boycott has taken place.Instead, ironically, the TDP/BJP government suspended the MRO, the VRO and the SI who hail from the Dalit community.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author's personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

The Modi government has completed three years at the Centre. The BJP came to power with the slogan of ‘Sab ka sath Sab ka vikas’ but in practice, the governance of the country has become ‘Poonjipati ka Sath Vanchiton ka Vinash’ (Support the capitalists, destroy the deprived). Modi went around saying that he was from the ‘pichhda varg’ (backward class) and played with identity politics. But all this was done just to get votes. All his promises have only been election jumlas (bluffs).

The marginalised communities – Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes along with the minorities – have been on the receiving end in these three years. They have been given lesser priority than the ‘cow’. But none of the misdeeds of the present regime are part of the discussions in the media.

False Promises
The best way to expose the misrule of BJP is to look at their Election Manifesto for 2014 general Elections and then compare it to actual implementation.

“BJP is committed to eliminate manual scavenging”

This promise is far from reality. In fact, in the 2017-18 Budget presented this year, Modi government reduced allocation for the rehabilitation of manuals scavengers to half – from 10 crore to 5crore. According to the 2011 Census, there are nearly 26,07,612 dry latrines, which require 2,00,000 workers for this inhuman work. If we take into consideration the number of people who are engaged in cleaning the sewers and railway tracks, it would be an even bigger number. If we were to calculate Rs. 40,000 that is given as cash incentive per person for the rehabilitation of the people engaged as manual scavengers Rs. 800 crore would be required. Only 7,573 people were rehabilitated till 15 February 2016. That leaves a whopping 1,92,427 more people still to be rehabilitated. There is no data on how many dry-latrines have been even discarded or dismantled to claim as part of Modi’s ‘Swachh Bharat’ programme.

“We [BJP] will accord highest priority to ensuring their security, especially the prevention of atrocities against SCs & STs.”

The Hindutva forces have been emboldened since BJP came to power. The above quoted claim made during the election campaign is far from reality. As one of the victims of Saharanpur violence said, “We are Hindus for the elections and after that we become untouchables.” Dalits have been facing severe atrocities under their rule. The recent attack on the Dalits in Shabbirpur, Saharanpur district, Uttar Pradesh is a reminder that whenever Dalits seek to uphold their human dignity they would be attacked to reinforce the caste codes in the society. The incident in the village was like any other attack, the upper castes’ pride was hurt as the Dalits wanted to install a bust of Dr B. R. Ambedkar in the Sant Ravidas temple compound and this was not acceptable to the dominant castes. On May 5th, 2017, when the Thakurs were congregating to unveil Maharana Pratap’s statue in the neighbouring village, a rumour spread that the Dalits have misbehaved with the procession that passed through Shabbirpur. After the rumour spread, people went with swords, attacked Dalits and set fire to their homes. This pattern is often repeated in most of the cases of atrocities against Dalits.

Another horrendous incident that evoked widespread protest was the attack by the gaurakshaks on four Dalit youths in Una while they were involved in their traditionally forced work of disposing dead animals. The youth were publicly flogged using the police baton. It shows that the police have a tacit support for gaurakshaks.

Every year the Ministry of Home Affairs brings out the ‘Crime Scenario in the Country’ in its annual report. It is interesting to note that although there is an increase in media reports of atrocities against Dalits, there is a clear decline in the cases registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The cases registered in 2013 against this Act were 13,975 and have decreased to 6,005, a massive decrease of 133%, in 2015. The data shows that there is an increase in most other crime cases, including other crimes against dalits. In all probability, police have been instructed to curtail registering cases under the POA in order to bring about an artificial dip in the data. Otherwise, how is it that all crimes are increasing steadily over the years, yet atrocities against Dalits have suddenly started decreasing from 2014?

No Jobs for Dalits
Dalits are a community with no access to property. Employment in the government sector had been a major contributor for their progress. With the governments of the day adopting the neo-liberal economic agenda which increases privatisation, the numbers of government jobs have been decreasing. The BJP government which has been making a noise about empowering Dalits, has no concrete policy for recruiting to fulfil the backlog in jobs. The last special drive to fulfil the backlog posts for the SC/STs was carried out in the year 2008.

BJPs Denial of Budget allocations to the Dalits
The government had provisions called the Special Component Plan (SCP) for proportional allocations in the budget for the SC/ST population. These allocations were monitored by the Planning Commission. This year’s (2017) budget has been a bane for the Dalits with the planned economy being scrapped. According to the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), the budgetary allocations for the SC-ST as a proportion to their populations, should have been Rupees 91,386 crore and 47,276 crore respectively. But the current allocations are only 55% for the Dalits – Rs 52,393 crore and 66.5% for the Adivasis – Rs 31,920 crore. Even these figures are not exclusively for SC-ST population. They include allocations that are for other sectors as well. The SC/ST MPs had written to the PM stating that “The increase is notional as the funds for SC/STs have been diverted to administrative heads such as salaries, pensions and the like rather than properly-targeted schemes for empowerment of the SC-STs.”
The provisions that directly benefit Dalits are scholarships. The MPs pointed out that an outstanding amount of Rs 11,267.61 crore of scholarships was pending from the previous years. Education has been the vehicle for social mobility for the SCs. This deliberate delay is a way to make the Dalit students drop out from schools and colleges.

Alternative to BJPs jumlas- The Real Empowerment of the Dalits
On the other hand, CPI(M) led governments in Kerala and Tripura have retained the planned budget. Dr. Thomas Isaac said in his budget speech, “Rs. 26.00 billion for SCP (Special Component Plan) and Rs. 7.51 billion for TSP (Tribal Sub Plan) are earmarked. 9.81% of total outlay is being earmarked for SC population, who comprise 9.10% of total population. 2.83% is earmarked for STs who form 1.45% of the population. Rs. 1.88 billion for Scheduled Castes and Rs. 3.66 billion for Scheduled Tribe has been allocated in excess of the proportionate normative share. This allocation is higher than that of any other State in India.”

The message of alterative development taking place in the Left ruled states are an answer to the hollow ‘ache din’ of the BJP.

Courtesy: Newsclick

RSS sees the Indian Constitution as a roadblock for establishing Hindu Rashtra.

For a long time, RSS and other right-wing groups have been peddling lies that Dr B.R. Ambedkar wanted Reservations for the SC/STs to be discontinued 10 years from the inception of the Constitution.

The Sangh Parivar, a strong believer of the Manu’s (a)dharma code, does not believe in the empowerment of the lower castes and women. It sees the Indian Constitution, with its progressive provisions, as a roadblock for establishing the Hindu Rashtra. The RSS leaders have been making statements on the need to ‘revisit reservations’ or end it. Manmohan Vaidya, at the Jaipur Literary Festival, recently said that caste-based reservations should go. Prior to that, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat made a similar statement just before the Bihar Assembly elections.
Did Ambedkar really want reservations to end? In this context, it is important for us to know how the reservations have come about and what the constitution has to say.

Snapshot of Reservation Policy in Modern India

Reservations for the backward classes were introduced for the first time in 1902 by Chatrapati Sahuji Maharaj of Kohlapur. Later, in 1919 it was implemented by the King of Mysore on the recommendations of the Miller Committee. It was suggested by the Committee that there has to be a fair representation of non-Brahmins in matters of employment and education. This practice was replicated in the Madras Presidency in 1921, where for every 12 posts, five had to go to non-Brahmins, two to Brahmins, two to Muslims, two to Anglo-Indians or Indian Christians and one to the depressed classes (read Untouchable castes).

The struggle for social justice in the modern period began in the Southern regions of India. It then spread to other parts of the country, with the entry of Dr B.R. Ambedkar into the political scene around the 1920s. During the same period, the Depressed Classes were getting organised politically and were approaching the British administration to address their grievances. The struggles of the untouchables were recognised by the British and they provided some nominated positions with the enactment of Government of India Act, 1919. Untouchables were categorised as the Scheduled Castes (SC) in 1935 Act and specific seats were reserved for them in the political sphere. Gandhi sat on a hunger strike at the Yerawada Central Jail against the provisions of separate electorates for the SCs. A compromise position was struck between Ambedkar and Gandhi by signing an agreement known as the Poona Pact. The right to choose members who truly would work for the betterment of the lives of the ati-Shudras was lost forever. Many people believe that the progress of the Scheduled Castes was derailed by the joint electorates where the majority (upper castes) of the population had a larger say in who gets elected.

On the jobs front, reservation in services was extended to the Scheduled Castes in the year 1942 as a policy of the British government. After India gained independence, though a liberal democratic framework was adopted, the Constitution had certain provisions to safeguard the interests of the marginalised – Dalits, women, minorities and children.

Constitutional Provisions for Reservations

The provisions in the constitution which enable policy makers to institute reservations or affirmative action policies are under three sections: Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles of State Policy and Special Provisions Relating to Certain Classes.
 

1. Articles 16 to 16 (4B) of the Fundamental Rights specifically addresses the government to reserve posts in employment or posts that are not “adequately represented in the services under the State.”
2. Article 46 states that, “The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.”
3. Article 335 of the Constitution directs the policy-makers to have reservations in services and posts of governance.

This article (Article 335) allows governments to provide reservations for the SC/STs in employment and other posts, related to state governance. If Dr. Ambedkar intended to end reservations in services, he would have incorporated a relevant clause. He believed that there should be proportional representation in matters of services and education. He says that, “The question of entry into the Public Service is an important question for all minority communities. But to the Scheduled Castes it is a vital question, a question of life and death. There are many reasons why this must be so. In the first place, it is a question of opening up a career for young men[/women] from the Scheduled Castes. This is an aspect of the question which the Scheduled Castes, and even the Government of India, cannot ignore.”

Ambedkar, for whom representation of Dalits in services was a matter of life and death would not have been so casual about the issue as the conservatives/RSS want us to believe.

Ten-year Limitation for Reservations for SC/ST MPs and MLAs

Babasaheb Ambedkar definitely talked about a set time period for reserved seats in legislative assemblies and the parliament. He introduces the article 295A in the Constituent Assembly:

“… [R]reservation of seats for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes either in House of the People or in the Legislative Assembly shall cease to have effect on the expiration of ten years from the commencement of this Constitution. This is also in accordance with the decision of the House.”
Thus, it is clear that Ambedkar said a limitation of “ten years” should be imposed upon reservations on legislative positions. Reacting to these provisions, on 21 November 1949, S. Nagappa, a Member of the Constituent Assembly, stated in his concluding remarks:

“We too would have been glad to forego our reservations if we had the status of other minorities, the economic status, the social status and the educational status which the other minorities are enjoying today. The responsibility lies more on your shoulders, as you have taken the pledge that you should bring us upto your level within 10 years' time. I hope with this goodwill, with your generosity, we will be able to come to that level.”

The hope Nagappa had, that the untouchable castes would achieve the same level of development as others, remains till date a distant dream.

Though Ambedkar did not say anything about the need to end reservations in services, either in the Constituent Assembly or in any of his works, the RSS thinks that a ‘lie repeated a thousand times becomes the truth’. But, it forgets that the exploited lot who swear by Ambedkar are not going to be fooled by such propaganda. This was proven in the Bihar Elections, where the electoral battle was fought on the issue of social justice vs the Hindutva agenda and the people rejected the BJP.

Now with the upcoming elections in Uttar Pradesh and four other states, the Sangh Parivar is back to its favourite topic of ‘revisiting the Reservations’. However, people are aware of the dangers if the BJP captures power in the these states.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in