Kolkata: Students of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) have been quite vocal and determined about the fee hike proposed by the University management. Students enrolled with the university have not just taken on the streets of Delhi or formed human chains, demanding for an immediate fee roll back, but have given out a call to all the students across India, seeking their support. In response to the call by the Jawaharlal Nehru University Student Union (JNUSU), seeking support from fellow students across India, former students of JNU organised a rally on Wednesday afternoon in Kolkata.

Much to the surprise of the organisers, a healthy number of participants hailing from different cross-section of the society made it to the protest rally, which was flagged off from Raja Subodh Mullick Square to culminate at Entally’s Ramlila Maidan.

Speaking to eNewsroom, Subhanil Chowdhury, professor of economics at Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, said, “I am a former student of JNU and I have seen for close vicinity how the subsidised educational fee allows thousands of brilliant students hailing from the often forgotten section of the society get access to quality education. Hike in fee in public education system, will deprive 40 per cent of JNU students of their right to education. I understand the importance of the JNU movement, where the students have been creating pressure on the government to roll back the fee hike and hence, I am here to stand in solidarity with the demands being made by the students of my Alma Mater.”

“At a time when countries like Norway are making education free, our country is hell bent on increasing the cost of education. If the fees are hiked, where will the poor students go to? Is this a deliberate attempt to make quality education accessible only to the rich and elite class? Are the poor or those who have the courage to dissent to be kept deprived of education? The constant attempts being made to corner JNU students or to saffronise them, is not a healthy sign. I understand the importance of public education and subsidised fee,” said Tanweer Ahmed Khan, secretary of Maulana Azad College’s alumni association.

It was not just Chowdhury, who made sure to be present at the rally on a working day, but several other faculty members, students, student union leaders and even alumni association members of various government colleges and universities of Bengal like Presidency University, University of Calcutta, Jadavpur University, Maulana Azad College and more chose to stand in solidarity with the former students of JNU.

“At a time when countries like Norway are making education free, our country is hell bent on increasing the cost of education. If the fees are hiked, where will the poor students go to? Is this a deliberate attempt to make quality education accessible only to the rich and elite class? Are the poor or those who have the courage to dissent to be kept deprived of education? The constant attempts being made to corner JNU students or to saffronise them, is not a healthy sign. I understand the importance of public education and subsidised fee,” said Tanweer Ahmed Khan, secretary of Maulana Azad College’s alumni association.

Echoing a similar sentiment was Sudipta Bhattacharya, professor of economics at the Viswa Bharti University. He said, “The problem that the JNU students are facing is universal for all Indian students and in not just limited to JNU campus. Students across India enrolled in autonomous universities are having to face a similar issue. Almost a week back, similar protests were seen in our university campus, back then the students were demanding for the admission form price to be reduced. We as the general public need to understand that there is a constant pressure on autonomous universities and colleges to generate their own funds to keep the institutions running.  Fee hike is definitely not the best way to make institutes to arrange their own funds.”

When asked that there are many, who are not okay with tax-payers money being spent on JNU students, Chowdhury, said with a dry laugh, “I am cent percent sure that the people saying so, lack the acumen to crack the JNU entrance examination. They have an issue with the taxpayer’s money being spent on education, but are fine with it being spent of statues and foreign trips of politicians.”

“The government needs to understand that autonomy granted to universities and colleges doesn’t boil down to financial autonomy. It means that the university or college is free to take its own decision without the state interference, with respect to their curriculum. On the contrary, we have been witnessing an increasing trend where autonomous educational institutes are being forced to mobilise their own funds. University Grant Commission, has been made redundant, to create space for Higher Education Funding Authority (HEFA), which now has created provision for the universities function not on grants but on loans which it has to recover from its students, which can be done only by hiking the fees,” explained Bhattacharya.

When asked that there are many, who are not okay with tax-payers money being spent on JNU students, Chowdhury, said with a dry laugh, “I am cent percent sure that the people saying so, lack the acumen to crack the JNU entrance examination. They have an issue with the taxpayer’s money being spent on education, but are fine with it being spent of statues and foreign trips of politicians.”

Interestingly, according to a February 2019 CAG report, INR 94,036 set aside for secondary and higher education cess along with INR 7,298 crore for research and development cess have remained unused. So, where did this money go and why is it not being used to meet the expenditure of premium institutes of India like the JNU, IITs and IIMs, are questions that need to be raised not just on the streets but also at the Parliament.

Courtesy: https://enewsroom.in/

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Kolkata: At a time when faculty members both present and past have even written to the President of India, Ram Nath Kovind, requesting him to intervene and stall the appointment of Dr Feroze Khan in Banaras Hindu University (BHU)’s Sanskrit Dharam Vidya Vigyaan department, West Bengal seems to embracing its Sanskrit professors hailing from the ‘other’ community, comfortably.

Going by a loose headcount there are at least 30 Muslim professors in West Bengal, teaching Sanskrit. Around 14 were recruited last year through College Service Commission and 12 this year. The most recent recruitment being of Ramzal Ali at the Sanskrit department of Ramkrishna Mission Vidyamandir, Belur. Speaking to eNewsroom, regarding his recruitment, he said, “I am in a state of shock with so many calls being made to me, seeking my comment. A Muslim learning Sanskrit is nothing new. There is a history to it. In every Sanskrit department across the state, you will find at least one Muslim student. Muslim Sanskrit teachers in Bengal, is also not rare.”

Perhaps Ali has a point. For, Dr Shaikh Sabir Ali, a gold medalist in Sanskrit from the University of Calcutta has been teaching the language for almost a decade now. Dr Ali, at present, teaches Sanskrit at the West Bengal State University, Barasat. According to him, Sanskrit, as a language is beyond Vedas and Upanishads.

Speaking from experience Ali said, “Every batch has at least one Muslim student in the Department of Sanskrit. In Kolkata, I presume, Rabindra Bharati University has a huge number of Sanskrit students.”  Dr Ali is also a topper from Ramkrisha Mission Vidyamandir.

He said, “There is more to this language, apart from the Vedas, Purans and Upanishads. This language has a rich literature and grammar too. It was these two that attracted me as a child. Luckily, my teachers encouraged me to take up this language for my higher studies. You, see one can’t make people take up a language simply based on one’s religion. History is a witness to many Muslims mastering this language.”

Speaking from experience Ali said, “Every batch has at least one Muslim student in the Department of Sanskrit. In Kolkata, I presume, Rabindra Bharati University has a huge number of Sanskrit students.”  Dr Ali is also a topper from Ramkrisha Mission Vidyamandir.

Rakibul Sk, assistant professor at SBS government college said, “I have never been discriminated on the basis of my religion, neither while I was mastering Sanskrit, nor while teaching it. I would like to add that while I hail from a small place like Jangipur, my place of birth has taught me that there is no religious attachment to any language. Hence, when I took up Sanskrit for my higher education, the Hindu neighbours of mine never raised an eyebrow. On the contrary, they were quite happy. The teachers who guided me to reach this position are all Hindus. It’s sad that today, we are discussing all this from a religious perspective.”

Adding to the experiences of Muslim Sanskrit teachers in Bengal, Rakibul Sk, assistant professor at SBS government college said, “I have never been discriminated on the basis of my religion, neither while I was mastering Sanskrit, nor while teaching it. I would like to add that while I hail from a small place like Jangipur, my place of birth has taught me that there is no religious attachment to any language. Hence, when I took up Sanskrit for my higher education, the Hindu neighbours of mine never raised an eyebrow. On the contrary, they were quite happy. The teachers who guided me to reach this position are all Hindus. It’s sad that today, we are discussing all this from a religious perspective.”

However, on being asked about the faculty members writing to the President of India, Ali, said, “I don’t want to open up a new controversy. But let me be very clear, there is a particular department of Sanskrit, which is accessible only to the Brahmin. Even Hindus from other sect are not allowed to enter that domain, so the question of a Muslim being appointed in that domain can be quite challenging. As per my knowledge, Dr Feroze Khan has been appointed in the Sanskrit Dharam Vidya Vigyaan department, which is the domain that I just talked about. I don’t want to get into a further debate, but I guess, his recruitment in the literature department wouldn’t have caused this huge controversy.”

Given the new twist in the story, it would be interesting to see President Kovind’s call on the letter written by the faculty members of BHU, seeking his intervention to stall Khan‘s recruitment, especially when earlier this year, he had awarded Padma Sri for Literature and Education to Sanskrit Scholar Mohammad Hanif Khan Shastri.

Courtesy: https://enewsroom.in/

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A speaker addresses the conference

Kolkata: Not many would know about the Hunter Commission set up by the British to prepare a report on why Indian Muslims were revolting against their regime, just like the Sachar Commission was asked to study the issues that plague the Muslims community. And after the report was filed, the British aligned with progressive Muslims and encouraged the community to embrace English education, unlike the governments of today, who are yet to act on the recommendation made by the Sachar Commission.

Also, many of us wouldn’t have also thought for a second, about the complete absence of Bengali Muslims in Bangla Films and serials. This comes as surprise, given the fact that Tollywood is considered as progressive, while the negligible presence of Muslims in government jobs in Bengal, no longer is a secret.

These and many more thought provoking topic was discussed for the first time in Kolkata, during a two-day international conference Bengali Muslims at a crossroad. The conference was organised by Aliah University in association with Bengali Academia for Social Empowerment (BASE) at the Park Circus Campus of Aliah University. The event had a number of Bengali Academics presenting their research papers to academically reclaim the lost status of the Bengali Muslim in both West Bengal and India.

Over 50 academic research were presented before the audience, covering issues like Unemployment among the Muslims in West Bengal, Representation of Bengali Muslims in Bangla Films in Contemporary West Bengal, A Peep into the Jenana Mehfil: Bengali Muslim Women and their Wedding Centric Songs, Faith, Food and YouTube: Bengali Muslim Identity and Food Videos During Eid in Kolkata, The Identity Crisis of Bengali Muslims (West Bengal): After Partition and more.

Dr Maidul Islam added, “During my on-going research, I was even amazed to see, even sensitive filmmakers like Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak and Tapan Sinha, have failed to the Bengali Muslims a decent place in Bengali Cinema.” Citing examples he said, “While Tapan Sinha’s film never had a Bengali Muslim character. Those who will remind me about Kabuliwala, need to understand, that the Kabuliwala was an Afghan Muslim and not a Bengali Muslim. Ghatak’s film made films on Hindu Bangladeshi refugees but chose to neglect the Bengali Muslim, while Ray, in his film Hirak Rajar Deshe had a character called Abu Fazal, who was a peasant.

Dr Maidul Islam, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, presented an interesting paper, stressed upon – Representation of Bengali Muslims in Bangla Films in Contemporary Bengal. While presenting the paper, he said, “Post partition, Bengali Muslims have been conspicuously missing from Bengali Cinema. If you scan through the history of Bangla Films, you will see there are no films with Muslim characters as the protagonist. I call this phenomenon as Missing Muslims. Also, I have observed, during my research that Muslim characters if any in the film are increasingly being depicted as anti-social or terrorist. Also, there are specific stereotypes while representing Muslim characters. Like they must sport a beard and wear a skull cap.” Then he went on to add, “Such sketchy or biased representation only helps in creating a wrong perception about Muslims in general.”

He added, “During my on-going research, I was even amazed to see, even sensitive filmmakers like Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak and Tapan Sinha, have failed to the Bengali Muslims a decent place in Bengali Cinema.” Citing examples he said, “While Tapan Sinha’s film never had a Bengali Muslim character. Those who will remind me about Kabuliwala, need to understand, that the Kabuliwala was an Afghan Muslim and not a Bengali Muslim. Ghatak’s film made films on Hindu Bangladeshi refugees but chose to neglect the Bengali Muslim, while Ray, in his film Hirak Rajar Deshe had a character called Abu Fazal, who was a peasant.

The trend continues in present Tollywood cinema, where the filmmakers might introduce a Muslim character, but often they are non-Bengali Muslims. For example, Nandita Roy’s Haami had a Muslim character – Chacha Jaan, who was shown as skull cap-wearing, Hindi speaking Muslim. In Mishwar Rohoshyo, the Muslim character was an Egyptian Muslim, in Rajkahini, Rituparna Sengupta was Hindi speaking prostitute, while Kabir had a Muslim terrorist.”

According to Maidul, Hoi Choi Unlimited’s Azam Khan – a car mechanic, Mrinal Sen’s Amar Bhuban, Nobendu Chatterjee’s Monsur Miyaar Ghoda are some of the Bangla Cinema that can have been kind enough to give realistic celluloid representation to the Bengali Muslim.

Dr Mosarraph Hossain Khan, Assistant Professor, Department of English, Presidency University, drew a parallel between the present time and the 1870s when the British government commissioned the Hunter Commission, just like the decade-old Sachar Committee Report to understand what was making the Muslim to revolt against the regime. “It was after this report that the British aligned with the progressive Muslims and encouraged the community to embrace English education. However, post-partition, most of the Muslim intellectuals moved on to Pakistan and Bangladesh (East Pakistan). The Bengali Muslims who stayed back were poor and not intellectually sound and lacked a proper middle-class community. However, with time, a middle class is emerging among the Bengali Muslims who stayed back in India, when Partition happened. This is the right time for us to reclaim our identity.”

A similar presentation by Samiya Roshni, a PhD scholar from Vidyasagar University, tried to highlight the Representation of Muslims in Bengali Television Serials. “After the partition, in the post – Independence era, Bengali Muslims never acquired a prominent space on Bengali silver screen, unlike Hindi cinema where Muslims were represented adequately both on-screen and off-screen. And whenever Muslims were represented in the narrow cinematic space, they were depicted mostly as a marginalized section of the society. This representation is the outcome of certain cultural hegemony, religious identity and its power structure and market economy,” noted Samiya.

Meanwhile, Dr Mosarraph Hossain Khan, Assistant Professor, Department of English, Presidency University, drew a parallel between the present time and the 1870s when the British government commissioned the Hunter Commission, just like the decade-old Sachar Committee Report to understand what was making the Muslim to revolt against the regime. “It was after this report that the British aligned with the progressive Muslims and encouraged the community to embrace English education. However, post-partition, most of the Muslim intellectuals moved on to Pakistan and Bangladesh (East Pakistan). The Bengali Muslims who stayed back were poor and not intellectually sound and lacked a proper middle-class community. However, with time, a middle class is emerging among the Bengali Muslims who stayed back in India, when Partition happened. This is the right time for us to reclaim our identity.”

Sabir Ahamed, research coordinator of Pratichi, in his presentation Unemployment among the Muslims in West Bengal, chose to highlight, how even today, Bengal, despite its higher Muslim population, has very few Muslims as flag-bearers in government institutions. “Despite people accusing Mamata Banerjee of Muslim appeasement, I am unable to see its reflection in number of Muslims being employed in Government sector,” said Ahamed, while talking to eNewsroom.

He then went on to explain, “Look at the data revealed through one of my RTI application. The latest Staff Census of WB government shows percentage of Muslims employed in Government sector is as little as 5.3, 4.24, 2.66, in Kolkata, Howrah and Purulia, to name a few. I won’t deny that female recruitment has improved and so has the female percentage for higher education. But what about a huge chunk of Bengali Muslim men who migrate from Bengal on a regular basis, in search of better work? No data is being maintained by the government on the huge number of these Bengali Muslim men, who are drop outs.”

He then asserted, “There is a huge need for Bengali Muslim representation in Bengal Politics, and so is the need to increase the number of job openings. In KMC alone the percentage of Muslim appointment has shrunk to a mere 5.29 per cent in the year 2019.

Meanwhile, speaking to eNewsroom, Abdul Matin, treasurer, BASE and co-convener of the conference, said, “This is a way of academically recording the issues, problems or development of the Bengali Muslims in India and also to offer a platform to researchers, where they can present their academic findings.”

Courtesy: https://enewsroom.in/

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The inconsolable Rausen Ara Bibi, wife of Kamaruddin
 

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People assembling outside Paikar police station in Birbhum, West Bengal

Birbhum/Kolkata: Sunday, which witnessed a massive hashtag movement trending against Islam and Prophet Muhammad on Twitter. A similar model was perhaps being replicated in West Bengal to disturb the communal harmony, during the Maharashtra and Haryana assembly elections. Jharkhand too will have assembly polls in November-December.

However, this time around the efforts of the divisive forces was averted by West Bengal Police and local residents. Learning from  past mistakes  (Bashirhat), the police officials of Paikar Police station in Birbhum district were effective enough to pick up on Sanjay Kumar (name changed) for posting an offensive post in connection with Prophet Muhammad.

But given the inflammatory content on the post (a snapshot of which lies with eNewsroom) the Muslims from the adjoining area began assembling outside the police station demanding for immediate action against the arrested person.
 

When contacted Purnendu Bikash Das, officer-in-charge of Paikar Police Station. He said, “Yes, there was a cybercrime case, we have arrested him, and he shall be punished.” On being asked about the tension that gripped the area, he without divulging much details said, “The situation is under control.”

Speaking to eNewsroom, MD Ripon, one of the members of Bangla Sanskriti Mancha (BSM), an NGO, which has been working towards bridging the differences between the two Hindus and Muslims said, “I have been on the spot since the issue began, which was when a boy from Ammudda village began protesting outside the police station. Soon many more joined in. Also, we spotted some boys affiliated with the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) lurking around. However, on being confronted they disappeared from the spot.”

He further said, “The police along with us was able to handle the first batch of protesters, by explaining them the technicality and assuring that the boy would be punished for his offence. However, post-lunch, some local boys in a deliberated state began to create a ruckus once again. This time they even pelted stones. To stop the mob from attacking the police station, the officials had to resort to tear gas and lathi-charge to disperse the mob. The situation is now under control.”
 

The post Like Bashirhat, boy circulates derogatory content on Prophet Muhammad but Birbhum saved from burning appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Sugar factory workers on strike

Surat/Kolkata: The 14-day-long strike called by the tribal workers who annually assemble in and around Surat to harvest sugarcane formally ended without much being promised to the protesting workers.

Traditionally, over 200000 tribal workers from Daang and Tapi district of Gujarat and Maharashtra’s Dhule and Nandurbar area migrate to Surat to harvest sugarcane.

But, these workers this year refused to migrate leaving their contractor and sugar factory owners in a fix.

Explaining the reason for the protest, Sudhir Katiyar, an Udaipur-based social activist working for the cause of migratory workers while speaking to eNewsroom said, “The workers work under conditions that are frequently referred to as modern-day slavery. A pair of worker toil for up to 12 hours a day to harvest and load on to trucks one metric tonne of sugarcane for which they are paid Rs. 255. Thus average daily wage works out to Rs. 127.50 that is significantly less than Rs. 178 per day for agriculture workers in Gujarat.”

Strike Banner and Charter of Demands

However, what makes their condition worse is the fact that these workers take advance from the contractors, which they repay on being paid. “At times these workers have to repay almost one-and-a-half times more than the money that their contractor had given,” said Katiyar.

On being asked the need for this, he explained, “The advance is necessitated by the fact that the factories do not pay the workers regular wages as defined under the Payment of Wages Act. Instead, they provide bare minimum food ration and pay wages at the end of the season in gross violation of the law. The workers live for six months literally on the road in tents of polythene sheets without any basic facilities like drinking water, electricity, and sanitation. Children migrate with their parents and join them at work as there are no educational facilities at the campsites.”
However, the strike also is historical in another sense. “The workers are employed by cooperative sugar factories of South Gujarat led by the Bardoli sugar factory that is the largest and oldest sugar factory. Bardoli is the site where Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel undertook the famous struggle for farmers against British colonial rulers. While he won a famous victory and got established as a premier leader in national politics, according to one set of historians, in the process he also betrayed the interests of the tribal farm workers on Patel farms. It has taken almost a century for tribal workers to organize for their dues,” explained Katiyar.

Sugar factory workers protest with their banners

However, the revolt didn’t seem to rattle the sugar factory owners, who on the other hand managed to manipulate or arm-twist the labours, who had already taken advance from their contractors.

Macwan added, “We want the daily wage to be fixed following the minimum wage draft notification which was passed on January 21, 2019. We have reached a compromise this year, but next year we will be better prepared to fight for the rights of the workers employed in the sugarcane farms.”

“On October 9, there was an informal meeting between the factory owners, contractors and the representatives of the Majdur Adhikar Manch, where they come to an informal agreement where the workers have been verbally promised to be paid a higher daily wage than what they have been getting till date,” informed Denis Macwan of Surat Committee.

He further said, “There was immense pressure from Ishwarsinh Patel, Chairman, Gujarat State Federation of co-op. Sugar Factories Ltd to end the strike. Also, the workers were supposed to return their advance, which could be cleared only after they harvested the sugarcane crop. So, the contractors compromised for a raised daily wage of Rs 300 per day.”

Macwan added, “We want the daily wage to be fixed following the minimum wage draft notification which was passed on January 21, 2019. We have reached a compromise this year, but next year we will be better prepared to fight for the rights of the workers employed in the sugarcane farms.”

Courtesy: enewsroom.in
 

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Ballad singer Yusuf with actor Sadia Siddiqui

Twenty-four-year-old Yusuf Khan, a Muslim Jogi from Alwar district, stays a few blocks away from the now-famous Pehlu Khan who was lynched for trading in cattle. In a way, Yusuf Khan, a ballad singer and his family is a testament of the age old Hindu-Muslim brotherhood that seems to now be eroding, thanks to the peddlers of hate.

The growing intolerance, however, has not been able to stop Khan and his family from singing in praise of Krishna, Pandava and Shiva. In fact, Khan, a civil engineer by education, chose being a bhapang player just to keep his family’s legacy alive.
“It was a difficult choice to make,” he says. “I am a qualified civil engineer; I had a bright future ahead. But then, with the sudden death of my grandfather, who was like my guru, I was forced to make a choice between pursuing a modern age career or preserving my legacy. I chose the latter, a decision that I don’t regret, despite the challenges that I have to face,” he adds.

Khan, and his ancestors, represents a particular sect of Muslims, who earn their living by praising Shiv, Krishna or the Pandavas. “I have been playing the bhapang (a musical instrument) since I was a kid. I grew up idolising my grandfather, Jahur Khan, a bhapang player of repute. Being jogis, we earlier used lived by seeking alms from other communities. However, with time, we also opened our doors to education, thereby, bringing down curtain to our age-old tradition of seeking alms for a living. But with that we also sensed, that we were moving away from our musical roots,” says Khan.

The Jogis of Rajasthan, who sing particularly for the Meo Muslims, who consider themselves as the descendents of Pandavas and Krishna, are the custodians of 40 lok kathas (folk lores), which are sung in praise of the Krishna, Pandavas and Shiva. These 40 lok kathas, which are like ballads, however, are not documented. It till date was being passed down generation after generation from the elders to the youths through rigorous trainings and performances. With many jogis wanting to improve their financial condition were seen opting for regular jobs, which in a way was denting the age-old tradition. “This was kind of a threat for our legacy. We were seeing youngster not interested in the lok kathas or bhapang. But still we were being called upon by Meo-Muslims for functions, and were even being paid money, without having to perform. However, I realised that if we don’t save our legacy, one day people would question our identity, as to why were we being called for weddings and being paid, who we are and what’s our importance,” he says.

That was what trigged Khan to take a stand and take on the daunting task of documenting these khatas manually first and then having them saved on computers. This was followed by organising a stage show where they performed a couple of these ballads to have them digitally saved. “I took this initiative of having these kathas digitised; as of now, only my uncle knows them all. My grandfather was earlier custodian of this heritage of ours. He is dead and if anything happens to my uncle, then we will not have much left with us. Every day, I sit for hours with my uncle to make a note of these ballads, for we just can’t take the risk of losing our identity.”

On being asked, how come a Muslim is jogi? “We hail from the dynasty of this Ismail Nath. We have a Bengal connect as Ismail Jogi, was a contemporary of Kamkhya. He was adept in black magic. We, till date do Shiv gaayan on Shivratri. And what about singing ballads that praise Hindu gods, he says, “Well, that is what our identity is. Till date we have made a living by singing them. I don’t see any harm in this. We all are children of one God. The present situation is a bit scary. I think people like us are very much needed for communal harmony.”

He then adds, “Interestingly, our audience too are Muslims. But yes, I must admit, our numbers are dwindling and our legacy is definitely at stake. Especially, with many now not willing to sing or hold performance.”

The Digital Empowerment Foundation, a Delhi-based non-governmental organisation (NGO) and Jahur Khan Mewati Bhapang Kala and Shiksha Samiti, is helping Khan to preserve his family’s legacy, albeit the digital way.

This article was first published on enewsroom.in
 

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