Venkatesh Nayak | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/content-author/venkatesh-nayak-0-12909/ News Related to Human Rights Wed, 13 Mar 2019 06:38:37 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png Venkatesh Nayak | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/content-author/venkatesh-nayak-0-12909/ 32 32 CIC threat of penalty compels RBI to share under RTI minutes that rubber-stamped DeMon exercise https://sabrangindia.in/cic-threat-penalty-compels-rbi-share-under-rti-minutes-rubber-stamped-demon-exercise/ Wed, 13 Mar 2019 06:38:37 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/03/13/cic-threat-penalty-compels-rbi-share-under-rti-minutes-rubber-stamped-demon-exercise/ I am placing in the public domain a copy of the meeting minutes of the Board of Governors of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) which legitimised the Central Government’s initiative to withdraw the legal tender nature of currency notes of Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 denomination (also known as demonetisation or DeMon for short) on 08 November, 2016. Readers might […]

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demonetisation

I am placing in the public domain a copy of the meeting minutes of the Board of Governors of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) which legitimised the Central Government’s initiative to withdraw the legal tender nature of currency notes of Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 denomination (also known as demonetisation or DeMon for short) on 08 November, 2016. Readers might remember my earlier despatches about RBI’s stubborn refusal to part with any information about the preparatory stages of this exercise. Readers might also recall my brief analysis of the stark differences between the 2016-17 exercise and the previous such exercise conducted in 1978.

I salute the efforts made by the Indian Express and other media houses which have already reported the contents of RBI’s Board meeting minutes in November 2018- a worthy example of investigative reporting. However, I have not been able to locate a copy of the actual document on the Internet. I am publicly sharing the document containing these minutes so that any citizen or institution may make use of it henceforth.
Click here for a copy of RBI’s DeMon-related meeting minutes.

Click here for the email communication received from RBI’s Central Public Information Officer (CPIO) which is proof that these documents were “neither stolen” nor photocopied without  authorisation” but obtained legitimately under The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) after a 28-month long wait. Making this declaration at the outset is necessary because this is the season where wild accusations of theft of official documents are being flung at people who are working for greater transparency and accountability of certain very publicly conducted affairs.
Last month, RBI revealed its intention to disclose these minutes at a hearing in my RTI case pending before the Central Information Commission (CIC).  CIC issued a penalty show cause notice to the CPIO for the inordinate delay in making a decision in favour of disclosure.
This order was widely reported.

Click here for the CIC’s interim order to RBI.

Three days ago, CIC staff informed me telephonically about the cancellation of the next hearing in this case which was scheduled for 08 March, 2019. However, RBI’s CPIO emailed me these minutes the same day. He also shared RBI’s written submissions to the CIC against the grounds cited in my second appeal case. As the CIC might not have examined it yet, I am not sharing those submissions publicly.

Preliminary observations on the contents of the DeMon minutes versus the CPIO’s justification for secrecy

1) The first two queries in my RTI application were for copies of the minutes of the meeting of RBI’s Board of Governors and any recommendation that was submitted regarding the DeMon exercise to the Central Government. The CPIO sent a copy of the minutes of the 561st meeting of RBI’s Board which was held less than five hours before the Hon’ble Prime Minister announced the DeMon decision to the country on television. RBI sent its resolution approving the DeMon exercise to the Government only on 16th December a full 38 days after the Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 currency notes stopped being legal tender. So essentially, RBI’s Board had only rubber stamped the Government’s initiative. RBI’s CPIO has sent me this document also.

2) The remaining queries in my RTI application pertain to petitions, recommendations or communication submitted by any person, entity or organisation to RBI regarding demonetisation and all replies that RBI sent to such entities. I had also sought copies of all file notings and correspondence conducted in this regard. RBI’s CPIO continues to deny access to all this information citing Section 7(9) of the RTI Act, without batting an eyelid. Readers will recollect that an RTI application may be rejected only by invoking the exemptions listed under Sections 8 and 9 of the Act. Section 7(9) is meant to facilitate disclosure through some acceptable form if the form of access sought by an RTI applicant cannot be fulfilled. Nevertheless, the CPIO persisted with his line of reasoning at the last hearing before the CIC, held in February 2019.

3) In the first instance, RBI’s CPIO cursorily rejected the first two queries of my RTI application by citing Section 8(1)(a) of the RTI Act. Later, upon the advice of the First Appellate Authority (FAA), the CPIO gave some reasoning. 

Click here for my RTI application, CPIO’s replies, my first appeal and the FAA’s order.

In his detailed reasoning as to why the DeMon minutes and recommendation sent to the Central Government cannot be disclosed, the CPIO had stated as follows:

“The documents containing the information pressed for by the appellant in these queries have been examined. The documents reveal factors/modus operandi which preceded a highly sensitive decision of withdrawing the legal tender character of Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 bank notes by the Central Government having bearing on the economy of the state. It is reiterated that the information sought relates to vital economic interests of the country which takes in its expanse an array of economic, financial and security factors. data, exchange of opinions etc. of secret nature, disclosure of which would harm more the larger national interest as compared to the interest of an individual. Disclosure is also likely to impede the decision-making processes in the area of  future economic and financial policies of the State. In effect it attracts the provisions of the Section 8(1)(a) of the Right to Information Act, 2005, (the Act) and the information sought qualifies for an exemption under this Section.
After careful consideration it is also observed that none of the information available can reasonably be severed from any part that contains exempt information as envisaged in Section 10 of the Act.”

4) A perusal of the DeMon minutes that the CPIO has furnished now, shows that there is hardly any information that can be called “sensitive” in them. The only statistics cited in the DeMon minutes are reproduced below:

a) The Central Government’s letter containing the draft DeMon Scheme drawn up in the Ministry of Finance stated that growth of the bank notes of Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 denomination was 76.38% and 108.98% during the period 2011-16 whereas the economy had grown only by 30%. RBI’s Directors disagreed with this reasoning and responded that the growth rate of the economy was the real rate whereas growth in currency circulation was nominal and when adjusted for inflation did not constitute any stark difference.

b) RBI disagreed with the Revenue Dept.’s finding that the shadow economy for India (where black money transactions do not leave an audit trail) was estimated at 20.7% of GDP in 1999 and had risen to 23.2% in 2007 (based on World bank estimates). It is interesting that the DeMon minutes do not mention the black money reports submitted by NIPFPand two other research institutions. My formal request for copies of these reports was rejectedunder the RTI Act.

The Union Finance Minister has recently made a curious statement in Parliament that black money study reports may be made available to MPs who sit on the Department-related Parliamentary Committee on Finance, but will not be placed in the public domain. The Government seems to have ignored the proviso underlying Section 8(1) of the RTI Act which contains the noble democratic principle that information which cannot be denied to Parliament or State Legislature cannot be denied to a citizen. To hold that information may be provided to certain MPs but not to the people who sent them to Parliament is perplexing to say the least.

c) RBI’s Directors opined that most of the black money is not held as cash but in the form of real-sector assets such as gold or real estate and that DeMon would not have any material impact on those assets.

d) RBI’s Directors rejected the Government’s concern that an estimated Rs. 400 crores of counterfeit currency in circulation was significant as a percentage of the total quantum of currency in circulation. The Directors also noted that DeMon will impact negatively on the GDP in the short term.

5) What were the compelling factors that justified DeMon which took the lives of more than a hundred citizens who stood outside banks to exchange their currency notes and scores of bankers who collapsed counting them and have had well documented negative impact on various sectors of the economy which is still unravelling? RBI’s DeMon minutes are strangely silent on this matter.

6) At para #4.3(i), it is mentioned that the Board found the measure commendable, but there is no reasoning provided for this commendation anywhere in the minutes. At para #4.4 there is a vague mention that DeMon will help achieve financial inclusion. How will criminalising possession of the DeMon currency beyond the grace period, lead to financial inclusion is not explained anywhere.

7) What is interesting is that the DeMon minutes do not contain any sensitive information such as factors, data or exchange of opinion about financial and economic security. Nothing in the documents that I have received indicates that any portion of it has been severed under Section 10 of the RTI Act to remove sensitive information. So the CPIO’s reasoning which was bandied about between 2016-2017 as the basis for rejecting the RTI application is simply not borne out by the contents of the document.

8) The Board also stated that DeMon will help incentivise use of electronic modes for making payments instead of cash. Opinion on whether increased use of electronic modes of payment was due to DeMon is divided. RBI’s own recent reports present a contradictory picture.While e-transactions have grown manifold there is more cash circulating in the economy than there was on the date of demonetisation. So on what basis did RBI make its assumption on 08 November 2016, is not revealed in the DeMon minutes.

9) Interestingly, the DeMon minutes reveal that a Deputy Governor of RBI was working with the Central Government on the initiative to withdraw legal tender of the Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 currency notes, for six months. But his name is not mentioned anywhere in the minutes. The language of para #4.4 of the minutes seems to indicate that the Board was simply not aware of this planning prior to the tabling of the Deputy Governor’s memorandum on the subject at its meeting less than six hours before the Hon’ble Prime Minister announced the decision to the country.

Meanwhile, I am looking forward to the next date of hearing to battle it out for the remaining information I have sought in my RTI application.

Courtesy: Counter View

 

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Is Terror financing still Alive despite De-monetisation? https://sabrangindia.in/terror-financing-still-alive-despite-de-monetisation/ Tue, 06 Dec 2016 12:47:51 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2016/12/06/terror-financing-still-alive-despite-de-monetisation/ If the Khadki Ordnance Factory (OFK) is not manufacturing the anti-riot weapon called "pellet guns, where are law enforcement agencies, particularly the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in J&K, buying these pellet guns from?     Terror financing seems to be alive despite demonetisation/remonetisation drive The security forces are reported to have told the Jammu and Kashmir […]

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If the Khadki Ordnance Factory (OFK) is not manufacturing the anti-riot weapon called "pellet guns, where are law enforcement agencies, particularly the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in J&K, buying these pellet guns from?
 
Kashmir
 
Terror financing seems to be alive despite demonetisation/remonetisation drive
The security forces are reported to have told the Jammu and Kashmir High Court that 3,000 pellet bearing cartridges and 8,650 tear gas cannisters have been used to disperse the protesters between July-August. More instances of the use of these "less lethal weapons" have been reported since then. According to recent media reports, the death toll has crossed 90Ambulances carrying the injured also have borne the brunt of the violence. Hundreds of security force personnel have also sustained sever injuries.
 
Initially after the demonetisation and remonetisation drive some senior members of the establishment in Delhi proudly declared that this move had silenced the protesters who could no longer be "paid" in the old currency and that the financing of terror had been plugged. However recently, the armed forces are reported to have recovered some new currency notes from amongst the belongings of "terrorists" who reportedly shot dead during operations. This indicates, while the old currency notes have been rendered useless, the channels of fund flow are alive and kicking with the new currency notes doing the job. This is a major cause for concernThe demonetisation drive seems to have treated only the symptom and not the disease of "terror financing" itself.
 
As an RTI activist, I have since September 2016, trying to elicit details on the sale and the efficacy of anti-riot weapons- particularly pellet guns which have caused severe injuries to hundreds of youth in various parts of Jammu and Kashmir. I had sought information under The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) about the quantum and price of sale of pellet guns and cartridges as well reports of any studies conducted about the efficacy of such weapons and ammunition on human beings.
 
The RTI application originally sent to the Ordnance Factory Board Kolkata (OFB), landed up with the Khadki Ordnance Factory (OFK). Rejecting the RTI application, the Central Public Information Officer (CPIO), OFK, had invoked the ground of "defence interest of the State" under Section 8(1)(a) and also claimed that the information was in the nature of commercial confidence, trade secret and/or intellectual property and disclosure would adversely affect the competitive position of a third party. So I filed a first appeal against this order with the First Appellate Authority (FAA), OFK.
 
Now the FAA, OFK has, in his order, clearly stated that:
 
a) they do not hold reports of any studies regarding the efficacy of anti-riot weapons such as pellet cartridges; and
 
b) they do not manufacture anti-riot weapons such as pellet guns but only the ammunition used with it.
 
In response to the FAA's direction to disclose specifications of the pellet cartridges, the CPIO has claimed that disclosure of the sale price and the quantum of sale of pellet cartridges is not in the public interest. The CPIO merely printed out the webpages from the OFB's website regarding the specifications of the pellet cartridges and sent them to me after stamping them with a seal saying "Document issued under the RTI Act".
 
My first appeal and the order of the FAA as well the CPIO's reply in response to the FAA's directions are in the first 3 attachments. The RTI applications and the CPIO's rejection order apart as well as the communication regarding the transfer of my RTI application from Kolkata to Khadki are in the 4th attachment.
 
What is problematic with the FAA's order?
The FAA, OFK's order is problematic in many ways:
 
1) if the Khadki Ordnance Factory (OFK) is not manufacturing the anti-riot weapon called "pellet guns, where are law enforcement agencies, particularly the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in J&K, buying these pellet guns from?;
 
2) if as the manufacturing entity, OFK does not have any study reports regarding the efficacy and expected impact of pellets on human beings, how are they authorised to manufacture such ammunition and under whose orders? If there is no written record about how such ammunition will impact on the intended targets, how can any standardisation of ammunition be achieved? 
 
OFK is a public sector enterprise which sells arms and ammunition not only to the defence forces and law enforcement agencies but also to civilians in the form of weapons for hunting, sporting and self-defence; Such a body is claiming that they do not have studies which show how such anti-riot ammunition will impact on human beings. This is indeed a very strange admission; and
 
3) The FAA did not bother to give any ruling on my arguments that the sale and pricing of anti-riot weapons cannot be rejected under the RTI Act under either Section 8(1)(a) or Section 8(1)(d).
 
What is problematic with the CPIO's response after the FAA's order?
1) While dealing with my RTI application initially, the CPIO had invoked 2 exemptions (listed above) to deny data regarding the pricing and sale of the anti-riot weapons. Realising that the claim cannot be justified, he has now argued that such disclosure will not be in the public interest. As pointed out above, the FAA did not give any ruling on this issue at all, which he should have. Instead, the CPIO is now raising a ground which is not even permitted under the RTI Act for rejecting an RTI application. According to Section 7(1) of the RTI Act, a request for information may be rejected only for reasons contained in the list of exemptions given in Sections 8 and 9. Nothing in those sections authorises a public authority to reject a request for information by holding that its disclosure not in the public interest.
 
If I had asked information about the manner of deployment of the anti-riot weapons or their distribution across the forces that are authorised to wield such weapons, that would not have been in the public interest to disclose. Even, then it would still have to be linked to the exemptions related to protecting the country's security or ensuring efficient operations of law enforcement agencies to reject the request.  
 
2) The printout of the webpages that the CPIO has sent contain specifications for the 12-bore pellet cartridge that contain rubber pellets. According to several media reports officers engaged with the situation in J&K have commented that they use 9-bore cartridges. Several media reports indicate the use of metal pellets on protesters in J&K. So the information supplied by the CPIO does not match with the information emerging from the ground in J&K. So are the law enforcement agencies in J&K especially, the CRPF sourcing the 9-bore pellet cartridges also from some source other than the Khadki Ordnance Factory? The information disclosed under RTI does not clear up this mystery either.
 
MHA Committee report on riot control methods remains a secret
Soon after the media reported instances of numerous youngsters being injured severely by pellet guns, resulting in extensive eye damage, many of whom were innocent bystanders, the Government of India announced the formation of a committee to study existing and alternative methods of crowd control. The 7-member committee is said to have submitted its report to the Government. This report has not been officially placed in the public domain. There is an urgent need to make the report public. A similar report prepared in 2010 was made public by the Delhi Police after I filed an RTI application. There is no reason why the 2016 report should not be made public, especially, when organisations like OFK are manufacturing ammunition for riot control without knowledge of what their impact is on the human body.
 
This is an issue of immense public interest. I hope readers will also start seeking such information from the Central and the State Governments as well as the law enforcement agencies that are operating in J&K.

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