Guwahati, March 5: The nationwide lockdown due to the emergence of Covid 19 pandemic is beginning to take people to a dark place. Thousands of wage labourers, people from lower income group and migrant workers are under extreme depression due to their inability to put food on the table for their families.

Take the case of Gopal Barman, a 35-year-old daily wage earner from Ambari Kochpara village that falls under the jurisdiction of Agia police station in Goalpara district of Assam. His wife and three children had already been dealing with abject poverty even during the time before the lockdown, but when food and essentials began running out and all income sources dried up, Barman found himself unable to feed his children.

The family ran out of food on April 1 and starved for three days before Barman’s wife insisted that he try to arrange for some food somehow. This led to an argument and the wife decided to go to seek help from some relatives. Shortly afterwards, Barman too stepped out and did not return. The minor children were faced with the prospect of remaining alone at home all night as neither parent came home. They informed neighbours who went out to look for Barman. Th enext day they discovered Barman’s body hanging from a tree.

The villagers feel that the incident took place because, Gopal Barman could not earn even a minimum amount necessary to pay for essentials items for the for the family. Local businessman, Radheshyam Nath reacting to the incident said, “It is not an isolated incident. Many people are under extreme depression due to long term lockdown. Many such incidents may take place if government does not take appropriate action at the earliest.”

CJP Volunteer Motivator from Goalpara, Zesmin Sultana said, “We are getting calls from a large number of helpless people, who are facing starvation. The efforts of the government are not adequate. If the situation doesn’t change, then many people will die near future.  We are trying to help the few people we can with limited resources at our disposal. But the government must step up relief measures and at least try to prevent death by starvation.”

In urban areas too, many low-income families have the additional worry of being able to pay rent. The mainstream media has failed to address the situation of this large and vastly neglected section society. Though many humanitarian organizations unlike Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) extending a helping hand to the marginalized sections of people, the number of people requiring assistance is large and many feel that the efforts by the government or large corporate donors are proving to be inadequate.

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The state of Assam has come to a standstill in the wake of the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) being passed by the LokSabha with 311 votes. Protestors have stirred up in rage and the agitation has now reached the State Secretariat.

Thousands of people had taken to the streets yesterday itself, after the Bill was tabled in the LokSabha. Three ethnic groups had called for a strike against it and had garnered tremendous support from protestors.

However, the situation worsened after the Bill was passed in the Lok Sabha at midnight. Today, the North East Students’ Organisation (NESO) and All Assam Students Union (AASU), along with the Left, Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) and other democratic parties, had called for a ‘bandh’ to oppose CAB 2019.

A total bandh prevailed from East to West Assam – from Sadiya to Dhubri, with no public vehicles plying over the state. According to reports, a bike was burned down by agitators in the heart of the city in Hatigaon, Guwahati. Eventually, after reports in the media, some private vehicles that were running, went off the roads too. Train services were disrupted, with over 70% of the trains being cancelled. Corporate offices and other organizations too were shut in the light of the bandh.

At 3 pm, the situation worsened with agitators attacking the residence of BJP member and Guwahati Lok Sabha MP Queen Ojha; allegedly entering the compound of the house. Later, protestors, mostly the general public that was not affiliated to any particular group, came out spontaneously and marched to attack the residence of influential state Cabinet Minister Dr. Himanta Biswa Sharma.

A huge number of people, including AASU members, charged to the Assam Secretariat area trying to attack MLA quarters, while also gheraoing the convoy of Assam education minister Siddharth Bhattacharya following which he escaped from the spot.

Keshab Mahanta, Cabinet Minister for Science and Technology who had wished to attend the Shahid Diwas (martyr’s day) organised by AASU, escaped from the venue at Swahid Nyas after being rebuked and chased away by protestors.

In more than 50 places in Guwahati, heavy public protests erupted across all district and sub-divisional headquarters, with agitators raising “anti-CAB” and “anti-BJP” slogans in opposition of the Bill.

In Bijni, tension broke out as bandh supporters torched vegetables at shops in defiance of their opening during the bandh. In Bongaigaon, the situation is still tense with news of CAB supporters allegedly having attacked anti-CAB protestors in the area. In Dhubri district’s Bilasipara, CAB supporters and anti-CAB protestors burst forth in a scuffle deteriorating matters further.

All over the state, with the heightened intensity of the agitation, a scuffle broke out between security forces and agitating groups. The police had to resort to lathi charge in Maligaon, Adabari and Ganeshpuri to pacify the agitators.

In Dispur too, events took a violent turn with the police using lathi charge on agitating groups to disperse them, thereby injuring many. However, the police has failed to dampen their spirit and the protestors are currently staging a ‘dharna’, a sit-in demonstration, shouting anti-CAB slogans at the MLA hostel in the area.

At 3:45 PM, a public mob of not less than 10,000 people mobilized in front of the BJP state office at Hengerabari was pushed back by security personnel in a bid to maintain law and order across the state.

The situation, worsening rapidly, is similar throughout the state – through its interior regions as well as at the State’s headquarters in the city.

In Tripura’s Dhalai district, a public mob turned violent inviting fire from the police in which Bethel Tripura was injured seriously. Following this, the Tripura government has cut-off internet and mobile services in the state for 48 hours to bring the situation under control.

Though some parties in power are supporting the CAB, the public has come down heavily in opposition to the same, taking to the streets to express displeasure over the government’s decision to impose it on the citizens of India.

Currently, the government has imposed Section 144 all over the state and security measures have been tightened in the light of the current turbulence that has been witnessed all over.

In solidarity with the protestors, all members belonging to the performing arts industry – be it actors, singers or artists have taken a unanimous decision to oppose the unconstitutional CAB. They are staging a ‘dharna’ at Chandmari in Guwahati city and have categorically stated that they will boycott all government programmes till the CAB is not withdrawn. Any artist found to be overstepping this decision will be boycotted by the members of the industry. They have also decided to not be a part of the Indo-Japan meet to be held in Assam from December 15 – 17 which will see Indian PM Modi and Japan PM Shinzo Abe visiting the state.

The Citizenship Amendment Bill passed by the Lok Sabha yesterday has seen stiff opposition from people all over India. If this bill becomes a law, it is sure to destroy the secular fabric of the country as it will bring with itself long-lasting, unfathomable and irreversible repercussions that will only further push the minorities to the peripheries eventually changing the picture of a democratic nation.

Related:

Citizenship Amendment Bill passes, but what does this mean?

CAB tabled in LokSabha

Anti CAB Protests Rock the North East

The post The anti-CAB stir intensifies in Assam appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image Courtesy: https://www.time8.in/

The ruling BJP meanwhile retained Ratabari of Barrak Valley, Sonari of upper Assam and Rangapara of Northern Assam. But, in the only the minority dominated constituency, where bye-election was held, AIUDF wrested the seat from Congress with a formidable margin. Blame is now being assigned for this huge embarrassment and many believe it lies squarely with Tarun Gogoi.

Just after publication of final NRC, Gogoi had said, “The updated NRC neither satisfied the Minority or Majority people… It is just like a waste paper.” On another occasion he said, “A huge number of Indian citizens have been excluded and many foreigners has been included in updated NRC. So, Congress will reject the NRC, if it comes to power.” These statements were perceived by many political watchers as untimely, unfair and immature. Neither the majority nor the minority communities could accept such statements. In fact minority populations were looking at the NRC as a solution for long standing jibes about being foreigners and hoped the NRC would settle the issue once and for all in Assam.

How BJP and AIUDF won the bye-election
In Ratabari Assembly constituency, BJP candidate Bijoy Malakar polled 68,416 votes against Congress Candidate Keshab Prashad Rajak. The Congress candidate polled 44,450 votes. In this situation BJP defeated Congress candidate by a margin of 23,982 votes. In 2016 Assembly election, in Ratabari Congress polled 29,449, BJP 53,975 and AIUDF polled 23,966 votes respectively. This time perfume merchant Badaruddin Azmal led AIUDF skipped off from contesting in Ratabari and such the party’s Muslim votes, which it polled in 2016 was equally divided between Congress and BJP. Thus, Congress could increase its votes by 15,000 and BJP increased its vote by 14,500 from their previous tally.

In Rangapara Assembly constituency of Northern Assam, the BJP candidate Rajen Borthakur defeated his opponent Congress candidate by a huge margin of 49,547 votes. The BJP candidate polled 78,235 votes against his Congress rival Kartik Kurmi’s 28,688 vote. In this bye-election CPI(M) candidate and eminent Trade Union leader Royel Soreng polled 5,899 Votes. In the Assembly election of 2016, BJP polled 51,597, AIUDF 13,281, Congress 28,606 and CPI(M) got 8,033 votes respectively. The tea tribes dominated constituency was a Congress bastion till 2006. In this bye-election, a portion of voters from tea Tribes and Bengali Hindus, returned to Congress fold, but the Muslim minority voters who voted for AIUDF and even the Congress in 2016, voted for BJP en masse.

In Sonari Assembly Constituency of upper Assam, BJP candidate Nabanita Handique defeated Congress Candidate Sushil Kumar Suri by a comfortable margin of 15,332 votes. The BJP polled 66,449 votes against 51,117 votes polled by Congress. But, it is matter of fact that, Sonari is the lone constituency where Muslim voters are minority with only four percent, where not only the margin of votes between BJP and Congress decreased, but the total votes of Congress increased and total votes of BJP decreased substantially from 2016. In 2016, the BJP candidate Tapan Kumar Gogoi polled 73,327 votes against Congress veteran Sarat Barkataky’s tally of 49,210 votes. It seems that in a straight contest between Congress and BJP total number of vote of Congress increased by only 2000 at a time when total number of vote of BJP decreased by about 7000. It is due to simple displeasure of voters with BJP. Due to this reason, the difference of vote between Congress and BJP decreased to 15,332 in this bye-election from 24,000 of 2016 Assembly election and 26,000 in respect of 2019 General election in Sonari Constituency under Jorhat Parliamentary constituency. At a time when, voters are feeling discomfort with BJP, the Congress leadership failed to return back them to Congress fold. So, the number of abstainee voters, as well as vote of NOTA increased in Sonari constituency.

The major jolt for Congress in this bye-election was the lone minority dominated seat went on poll is Jania in lower Assam. The Jania Assembly was once represented by former President of India, Mr Fakharuddin Ali Ahmed, former Deputy Speaker of Assam Legislative Assembly became epicentre of minority politics in Assam since 1985. The constituency was represented by legendry Minority leader, former Minister of Assam and former Member of Parliament A F Golam Osmani. The then United Minority Front (UMF), the first minority based political party in Assam, represented the constituency in consecutive third term from 1985-2001. In 2001, the sitting UMF MLA, Ashahaque Ali joined Congress and won for the second term in a Congress ticket in 2001. In 2006, the constituency was retained by Congress nominee Abdul Khaeque by a narrow margin of just 25 votes defeating his nearest rival and another newly born pro-minority Political Party AIUDF candidate Mujibur Rahman. But, in 2011, the constituency was retained by AIUDF, defeating Congress nominee Abdul Khaleque. In 2016, Congress Candidate Abdul Khaleque once again retained the seat, defeating sitting MLA and AIUDF candidate Hafiz Rafiqul Islam by a huge margin of about 29,000 votes. After three years, Congress nominee Abdul Khaleque and AIUDF candidate Hafiz Rafiqul Islam, again came face to face fight for the Barpeta parliamentary constituency election in April, 2019, when Congress candidate defeated the AIUDF nominee in Jania Assembly constituency by huge margin of about 40,000 votes and elected to parliament. In 2016, Congress polled 86,930 votes, BJP 6,067, AIUDF 57,194 and the CPI(M) polled just 1,976 votes in Jania Assembly constituency. But, in the bye-election, the result became just a reverse. The AIUDF candidate Hafiz Rafiqul Islam polled 81,764 votes against his nearest Congress rival and former President of All Assam Minority Student’s Union (AAMSU) Samsul Haque polled just 46,634 votes. Surprisingly enough that the BJP candidate Towfiqur Rahman polled 15,348 votes in the constituency dominated by 94% Muslim minority voters. The BJP candidate, an arch critics of Neo-Assamese Muslim and his party taking all policy decision against Muslim successed in harvesting more then two third of Muslim votes of the total number of votes it polled.

How the arithmetic works:
The BJP won the election in a very calculated way. In Jania alone, the BJP has enrolled more than 35,000 members in last three years, though the Government and the party in power, using hate speeches against this group of people. Upward from NRC to eviction and some Government policy decision, the main target of BJP is Neo-Assamese Muslim for polarisation politics of BJP. But, in certain aspects, the BJP, using its power, trying to find some young and educated people from this group and giving them some opportunity to engage themselves in some developmental work, where its own people can’t reach. In certain areas, the BJP and Sangh Pariwar are recruiting some educated Muslim youth and spending huge amounts of money to spread anger against progressive and democratic forces raising some basic issues of Muslims. They are looks like friends of Muslim society but their main objective is to alienate the Muslim people from mainstream of the society and more vigorously eliminate all progressive and democratic forces from the Muslim society. The way of their work is to either communalise the Muslim society or disconnect them form all democratic, progressive or rational forces. When these people lose all trust in left, democratic, progressive and secular forces, they motivate them to connect them with the party in power, irrespective of its ideology. This strategy appears to have worked in this bye-election in Assam at a time BJP is marginally losing its influence among its traditional vote bank.
 

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On May 26, 2018, Subrata Dey, a Bengali Hindu, was found dead under mysterious circumstances in the Goalpara detention camp. Dey was the only earning member, and his family at the time depended on his income from his modest tea shop. Now, a year later, his son has been forced to drop out of school, and his mother and wife live hand to mouth with what they earn by making and selling cloth bags. On September 26, 2019, a CJP team visited the family. This is what they found.

It was bright evening, but everything was gloomy and darker than a new moon night in the Dey household in Ashadubi village in Goalpara. The darkness was in the eyes of the family of Subrata Dey, who died in detention camp a year and four months ago. Subrata’s mother Anima and widow Karuna were sewing cloth bags.

Karuna said, “All our dreams died with Subrata last year. Now we sew cloth bags and survival is a struggle.” Anima explains, “Everyday, I cannot sew more than two dozen bags, while Karuna can only manage four dozens bags. For each dozen, we are paid Rs 8/. Now, you tell us how are we to survive on Rs 48/ per day?”

The team comprised CJP’s Assam state program coordinator Ali Zamser, volunteer motivators Pranay Tarafdar and Nandu Ghosh, and detention camp survivor and CJP community volunteer Rashminara Begum. Ratan Goswami, the Vice-President of Bharatiya Nagorik Adhikar Suraksha Mancha also accompanied the CJP team.

They spotted Subrata’s eight year old daughter Sucheta was reading from her book of rhymes. But his son Biki was nowhere to be seen. He had finished his standard twelve studies around the time of his father’s death, but now his life has taken a bleak turn. When Ratan Goswami enquired about his whereabouts, the room fell silent. After a while Anima spoke. “He works as an apprentice in a cloth shop in Dhupdhra. He does not get paid anything as of now. If he can learn, he will be paid something,” says Anima of her grandson. Astonished Pranay Tarafdar asked if Biki was continuing his education and Anima stoically replied, “No.”

The family once had some land, a small dairy farm and a tea shop. But they were forced to sell it all to pay for Subrata’s case before the foreigners’ tribunal.

Brief background of the Subrata Dey’s case

Subrata Dey, who born in 1979 at his family home in South Salmara Bazar area under undivided Goalpara district, later migrated with his family to Krishai which is about 70 km away. They had to migrate several times as the Old Market area of South Salmara several hundred villages were washed away by the Brahmaputra several times since 1968. Some of these villages still experience inundation.

Subrata Dey had been served a D Voter notice 9 years ago and referred to a foreigners’ tribunal in 2016. The family moved heaven and earth to collect all necessary documents to prove his Indian citizenship. “Though, his father Krishna Pada De’s name was enrolled in 1951 NRC along with his grandfather Monoranjan De and grandmother Makhan Bala De, Subrata De was declared foreigner,” says Nandu Ghosh, CJP Volunteer Motivator for Lower Assam.

While authorities had claimed that Subrata died of an illness, the family suspects foul play. “I met my son at detention camp on May 24, 2018. He never said or looked like he was unwell. I spoke to him and he said nothing about his illness. On May 26, we were informed that he had died in detention camp. I don’t believe that Subrata died due to illness, he must have been murdered,” says Anima.

Interestingly, Anima had been served a foreigner’s notice back in 1998. The family challenged the case in the IM(DT) court, and she was declared Indian. In 2012, Karuna Dey, wife of Subrata Dey faced the same situation and she was declared Indian by a Foreigners’ Tribunal. But, Subrata Dey was not so lucky. The family feels that a greedy lawyer botched up the case. Even after paying Rs 1,30,000/- , the family feels his advocate didn’t deal with the case properly leading to Subrata being declared foreigner.

Then Rashminara Begum, another detention camp survivor who now works as a community volunteer with CJP asked, “How many names of your family members have been included in final NRC?” Karuna replied, “Not even a single one!” Nandu Ghosh checked the ARN again and found that name of Anima De and Karuna De, had been dropped from final NRC on the ground that, foreigners’ tribunal cases are pending against both of them. The name of Biki Dey and Sucheta De have been dropped, because they are descendants of declared foreigners!

After learning the reason for exclusion Anima said in anguish, “I was born in this country, I have never seen Bangladesh. Still, I had to fight foreigners’ case long back. I was declared Indian in that case. How can they say that I have a pending case in foreigners’ tribunal? Karuna was also declared Indian in 2012. How can they say so?”

The members of the team CJP tried to reassure the family of our continued support and that we would inquire if a fresh reference has been made before a foreigners’ tribunal against them, and if a notice has been sent. If fresh references against them have not submitted, then team CJP will take every step to help Anima and Karuna have their names included in the final NRC on the basis of earlier judgement. But, the assurances led to greater anguish. Karuna broke down saying, “I have nothing now to fight the cases. If we are asked to attend foreigners’ tribunal once again, then I have no resources to fight the case.” The CJP team found that the mental health of the family members was also very fragile on account of the crushing poverty and growing hopelessness. Before leaving our team reassured the De family that CJP will provide them legal aid. Anima and Biki will be present at a special solidarity meet for Assam that is being organised by CJP and a few other human rights groups in Mumbai on October 11.   

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Guwahati, October 24: It was an unprecedented occasion in Assam with the historic success of Assam Bandh called by more than 60 youth, students and civil society organizations on October 23, 2018 against the communal agenda of ruling BJP Government in Assam, as well as India. The State has never before received such an overwhelming support to any
Bandh called by any party, organisation or a group of organisations. It paralysed normal life all over the state: apart from Upper to Lower Assam, from the hills to the plains, from urban centres to the remotest areas of riverine shores to the inter-state or international boundaries in the Brahmaputra Valley; it also had a significant impact in certain parts of the Barak Valley.
 
Though the Bandh was called to protest against the Citizenship Amendment Bill-2016, which is presently under the consideration of Joint Parliamentary Committee of India, the protest manifest into a conflict between the ruling BJP Government of Assam and the people; scions of the ruling partly openly threatened the people of Assam with dire action if someone ‘dared support the Bandh called on Tuesday’.
 
Representatives of the government of Assam under the BJP also threatened shop-keepers who supported the Bandh by remaining closed on October 23,  with ‘cancellation of trade licenses; threatened drivers of vehicles of cancellation of licenses of the public vehicle if it did not run! Threats took other forms too : if any government employee doesn’t attend office his salary would be cut and strong departmental action will be taken.
 

The Deputy Commissioners of various Districts of Assam were pushed into the government’s service and had hectic parleys with various trading and business organisations where they were repeatedly threatened not to participate in the Bandh that was called by Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS)-Assam Jatiyatabadi Yuva Chatra Parishad and 42 other social and ethnic organizations.
 
The Bandh was called against the hasty manner in which the BJP led Government in the Centre has been pushing the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Bill-2016 to give refugee status of minority groups of people from neighboring countries, specifically from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The general perception of the bill is that it will only to increase the large scale influx of Bengali Hindus migration from Bangladesh into Assam. The people of Assam and several North-Eastern States along with Eastern States are opposing such a move. The Bill is presently pending before the joint Parliamentary Committee headed by BJP MP Rajendra Agarwal. The Committee has already had two rounds of visit in Meghalaya and Assam in April and May, 2018, when various organizations of Assam submitted hundreds of representations before it, in favour and opposing the proposed bill. There was, however, a major reaction in the State, at a time when the Joint Parliamentary Committee spent two days (May 5 and 6, 2018 in the Barak Valley and (only) one day on May 7, in Brahmaputra Valley. The Barak Valley which contains only three districts of Assam are those which favour the Bill, but Brahmaputra Valley consists of 30 Districts of Assam which have been opposing the Bill. 
 
This duplicitous policy of the state BJP has created a huge resentment among many organizations and individual who have been opposing the Citizenship Amendment Bill-2016. The resentment stems from the fact that those opposing the Bill were not allotted anytime to convey their views before the joint Parliamentary Committee. After the strongest possible reactions emerged from the organisations of the Brahmaputra Valley, Mohd. Salim, the CPI(M) MP and member of the joint Parliamentary Committee conveyed before the press on the late night of  May 7, 2018 that the JPC headed by it’s Chairman Rajendra Agarwal has decided to re-visit the state once again to take in views of all sections of the people of the Brahmaputra Valley. Mohd. Salim had conveyed in this media briefing that whatever he was saying was on the unanimous decision of the Joint Parliamentary Committee and he was speaking only on behalf of the Committee Chairman, Rajendra Agarwal. Surprisingly, without fulfilling the promise made at the media briefing the Chairman of the joint Parliamentary Committee was reported to have said after a meeting called on October 23, 2018 that suggested that, without visiting Assam again, the Committee would finalize it’s report in Delhi and submit this before Parliament to ensure its passage.
 
It was this politics being played by the central and state BJP leadership that has fuelled a burning resentment in Assam once again. It was this that resulted in the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) and Assam Jatiyatabadi Yuva Chatra Parishad (AJYCP) alongwith 44 other organizations calling a meeting at Guwahati on October 20, 2018 to protest against the communal agenda of BJP and Citizenship Amendment Bill-2016. The BJP-led Government in Assam along with the Assam state BJP promptly reacted to the Bandh called by the 44 nos of Youth, Students, Ethnic, Civil Society and Mass organizations tagging them as defenders of “Bangladeshis” as a few Muslim Minority organizations were also part of the 44 organizations that called on the Bandh. The Assam State President of BJP, Ranjit Das on October 20, said, “those who have called on the Bandh have no organisations in the root level. Some organisations at the behest of Muslim Bangladeshi are very active now and they will work for success of the Bandh. People of Assam are very alert and they will have foiled any such attempt.”
 
On October, 21, a powerful minister from the Assam cabinet, and BJP leader Himanta Biswa Sharma said, ” The organisations those have called on Bandh are against development of the State. The Government of Assam will take strongest action to fail it.” He also said, “some organizations who are against Hindus are active for the success of the Bandh, but it will not succeed.” He also accused the organisers of the Bandh as being defenders of the Bangladeshi Muslims. 
 
On the same day Ranjit Das, the state BJP President, at a hurriedly organised press meet in Guwahati said, “25 lakh BJP Workers in Assam will come out to the streets of the State to foil the Bandh. Every Person, who opposes the Bandh will be helped by the BJP workers.” When the BJP leaders and ministers were singing in a single chorus to foil the Bandh, they also pointed that two Minority organizations specially All Assam Minority Student’s Union (AAMSU) and the All BTC Minority Student’s Union (ABMSU) have declared their moral support to the Bandh which made the Bandh, in BJP’s view, a protest called by Muslims and their protectorates!
 
Thus the Government machinery and the BJP camp left no stone unturned to tagging the Bandh as backed by Muslims, doing theier best to ensure no Hindu support for it.The Government of Assam also served notices to every office, to every government employee, PSUs and business and trading organizations stating that if any one found that he or his office, organisation, or establishment didn’t work, as normal to ensure that the Bandh failed, he would be punished. Every Deputy Commissioner of the State and Heads of Departments were served such threatening notices stating that everyone will face departmental punishment for not performing regular duty on the day of the Bandh in the case of government employees; trade licenses  will be withdrawn in case any business establishment remains closed on the day of the Bandh in case of business establishment, shops etc, license of the vehicles will cancelled if not runs on the day of the Bandh. Threats also included withdrawal of license or affiliation or permission of industries, of private educational Institutions, petrol pumps etc if these individuals and organisations did not ensure normal work in their respective institutions, industries or establishments. Despite these mass notices served, despite these anti-democratic tactics, the number of protesting and supporting organisations only increased and rose to 60 by October 22. Even some political parties including Congress, CPI and CPI(ML) declared their open support to the Bandh at the last moment, responding to the overwhelming public mood.
 

The Bandh, therefore became the manifestation of an all our conflict between the genuine Indian citizens of Assam and the ruling BJP in which people’s unity won hstoric popular support. The success of the Bandh was not only the mandate of Genuine Indian Citizens of Assam against the Citizenship Amendment Bill-2016 but it is a huge victory of the people of Assam against the communal agenda and oropaganda of the BJP party, its government and it’s ally, the Sangh Pariwar.
 

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