Glad to report: The Mumbai Police has now registered an FIR against the organisers of this Ram Navami rally. https://t.co/i0HxGHuh2I

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 12, 2025

Purohit, who was present at the procession near the Airport Road metro station, posted the videos on April 7, capturing disturbing scenes of participants engaging in inflammatory speech. The footage showed chants such as “Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi,” along with other offensive lyrics that openly incited violence against Muslims

Spent a few hours in #RamNavami processions outside Mumbai’s International Airport:

*Slogans like ‘Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi’.
*Songs with words: Bharat Mein Jo Desh Drohi Hai, Unki Ma Ka Bh*sda.
*Songs that threaten brutal violence against Muslims. pic.twitter.com/3AnpzlTdtQ

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 7, 2025

The procession, attended by thousands, featured a crowd mostly consisting of young men in their 20s and 30s, but also included some women and older individuals. Purohit described how the songs were widely known, with the crowd singing along to the chants, and the energy escalating whenever a song specifically targeted Muslims. The event was filled with repeated slogans calling for violence, including calls for the expulsion of Muslims from the country. Despite the presence of numerous police officers, Purohit observed no action taken to intervene or curb the hateful rhetoric being broadcasted publicly.

While the police were present in large numbers throughout the procession, it took the authorities several days to take action. The FIR against the organisers, filed on April 12, includes charges under sections 296 and 3(5) of the BNS Act, which address the use of offensive and inflammatory language during public events. Speaking to IndiaToday, Deputy Commissioner of Police, Zone 8, Maneesh Kalwaniya, confirmed that the case has been registered, but authorities have not yet disclosed whether they have identified or arrested the individuals responsible for leading the slogans.

This delay in filing the FIR raises important questions about the role of law enforcement in addressing hate speech, as well as the challenges faced by the authorities in responding to such incidents swiftly. The incident also highlights the growing concern over the lack of accountability for those who incite communal hatred in public spaces, even as law enforcement has been slow to act.

While Purohit’s videos led to action against organisers, Purohit had previously shared a screenshot from X (formerly Twitter), revealing that the Mumbai police had requested the platform to take down the videos, which depicted the hate speech and violence.

Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism.

Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally.

Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos.

I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice. pic.twitter.com/Ef0tgpmvQV

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 11, 2025

Kunal Purohit refuses to remove videos, calls out police action

In a separate development, Purohit has been at the centre of controversy over Mumbai police’s attempts to remove his posts documenting the hate speech during the Ram Navami procession. On receiving a takedown notice from X, the social media platform, Purohit took to X (formerly Twitter) to share his defiance, calling out the police’s attempt to suppress journalism. He posted:

“Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism. Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally. Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos. I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice.”

Purohit’s response underscores his belief that his role as a journalist is to document events like these, especially when they involve hate speech that can incite violence. He argued that removing these videos would only serve to suppress the truth and prevent the public from understanding the full extent of the rhetoric that unfolded during the procession. His decision to stand firm on this issue highlights the growing tension between the criminalisation of journalism and the need to combat hate speech in public discourse.

This episode raises important questions about the role of law enforcement and social media platforms in the fight against hate speech. While the police are tasked with taking action against hate speech, the suppression of journalism in the process could send a chilling message to those documenting and exposing hate. Purohit’s stance also draws attention to the increasingly polarised nature of media reporting in India and the potential risks faced by journalists who report on sensitive or controversial topics.

Broader Implications: Law enforcement, journalism, and free speech

The case involving the Ram Navami rally organisers and the removal of Purohit’s videos highlights the ongoing struggles between ensuring public safety and protecting journalistic freedoms. It also raises questions about the broader impact of these actions on the media landscape in India. As journalists increasingly face pressure to remove content that challenges prevailing narratives or exposes hate speech, the role of media in documenting and holding those in power accountable becomes ever more important.

At the same time, the police’s delayed action in addressing the hate speech at the Ram Navami rally — despite the presence of law enforcement officers during the event — points to a larger issue regarding the failure to curb hate speech in a timely manner. This incident serves as a reminder of the urgent need for law enforcement to take a proactive approach to tackling hate speech and promoting accountability in cases where harmful rhetoric incites violence or division.

Related:

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Telangana BJP MLA Raja Singh booked for threat remarks against police during Ram Navami rally: ‘I’ll hit you with the same baton’, he has several, previous FIRS on hate speech

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Another case filed against T Raja Singh as he calls for fighting war against religious conversion

The post Mumbai Police file FIR against Ram Navami rally organisers over hate speech, target journalist Kunal Purohit’s videos separately appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The violence resulted in the tragic deaths of three individuals, including a father-son duo, who were found brutally stabbed in their home, and a young protester who succumbed to bullet wounds inflicted during clashes with the police. None of the deceased – Ijaz Ahmed, a student, and a father and son of one Das family, Haragovinda and Chandan – were actively instigating violence or part of any political outfit, as their friends and neighbours claimed, and yet they were killed. The escalation of violence saw public outrage and large-scale disruptions, with protesters blocking roads, attacking police vehicles, and intensifying confrontations with security personnel. Despite the assurances from West Bengal’s Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee that the law would not be implemented in the state, the unrest continued to spread, further exacerbating the already sensitive political situation.

In response to the deteriorating law-and-order situation, the Calcutta High Court intervened on April 12, 2025, following a petition filed by BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari. The court directed the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) to restore order in Murshidabad and other affected areas. The court’s intervention highlighted the inability of local authorities to handle the violent protests effectively, leading to heightened concerns over the implications of the Waqf Amendment Act and the potential long-term consequences of the violence on the region’s communal harmony. The Murshidabad incident, along with the subsequent unrest in various districts, underscores the complex intersection of religion, politics, and law in India, further fuelling a sense of uncertainty among the state’s population.

Calcutta High Court orders deployment of central forces in Murshidabad

In an urgent hearing convened on April 12, the Calcutta High Court directed the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district, following violent clashes during protests against the recently enacted Waqf Amendment Act. The unrest, which has left at least three people dead, prompted swift judicial intervention in response to a plea moved by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Suvendu Adhikari.

Chief Justice T.S. Sivagnanam constituted a special division bench comprising Justices Soumen Sen and Raja Basu Chowdhury to hear the matter. The petition, filed by Adhikari and lawyer Tarun Jyoti, sought the immediate deployment of central forces in view of the escalating violence and deteriorating law and order in the region.

During the hearing, the court was informed that the protests in Murshidabad — particularly in areas like Jangipur and Dhulian — had descended into chaos, with violent mobs clashing with the police, pelting stones, setting police vehicles on fire, and injuring several personnel. The violence also disrupted railway services, as protestors damaged infrastructure and blocked tracks, leading to the cancellation and diversion of multiple trains. A railway crossing gate between Dhulianganga and Nimtita was also vandalised.

Acknowledging the gravity of the situation, the bench criticised the inadequacy of the state government’s response, stating that the measures undertaken so far were insufficient to contain the violence. “Action had to be taken on a war footing to arrest the rioters,” the court observed, as per the Scroll. It added that had central forces been deployed earlier, the escalation of violence could potentially have been avoided.

The High Court made it unequivocally clear that constitutional courts could not remain passive observers in the face of such internal disturbances. “Constitutional courts cannot be a mute spectator and embroil itself in technical defences when the safety and security of the people are at danger,” the bench remarked, as quoted by Bar and Bench.

Accordingly, the court directed the deployment of CAPF in Murshidabad district, with instructions that the forces coordinate closely with the state’s civil administration to restore peace and normalcy. Significantly, the bench clarified that this direction was not limited solely to Murshidabad — should similar situations arise in other districts, the central forces must be promptly deployed there as well.

In addition, the High Court instructed both the West Bengal government and the Union government to file detailed reports outlining the steps taken to manage the situation. The matter has been posted for further hearing on April 17, 2025.

The protests stem from widespread discontent with the Waqf Amendment Act, 2024, which was passed by Parliament on April 4 and received Presidential assent on April 5, coming into effect on April 8. The law introduces sweeping changes to the original Waqf Act of 1995, including amendments to 44 sections. Among its controversial provisions are the inclusion of non-Muslims on Waqf boards, restrictions on property donations, and changes to the functioning of Waqf tribunals — measures that many critics argue significantly dilute the autonomy of Muslim religious endowments and increase governmental control.

Despite the state government’s assertion that the plea was politically motivated and that law enforcement agencies had already taken adequate measures — including the deployment of six companies of the Border Security Force (BSF) — the High Court found that the reality on the ground indicated otherwise. It noted the persistence of unrest in multiple districts, underlining the need for urgent and coordinated action.

The full order may be viewed here.

Incidentally, Murshidabad has more than 66 percent Muslim population, as per the 2011 census, and TMC bagged all three parliamentary seats in 2024, including Jangipur at the epicentre of the weekend’s violence. Of the district’s 22 assembly seats, TMC has 20; the party controls all 26 Panchayat Samitis and nearly all of the 250 Gram Panchayats. Out of eight Municipalities of the district, TMC has seven, and the one that is left out – Domkal – is run by a TMC-appointed administrator. With such a heavy police domination, representatives of the party in power in the state do have questions to answer.

The Congress, the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), and other parties have already approached the Supreme Court to challenge the constitutional validity of the amended legislation. Meanwhile, the situation in parts of West Bengal remains tense, with Murshidabad emerging as an epicentre of the protests and related violence.

Arrests mount amid continued tensions

The situation in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district remained tense but relatively calm on April 13 following days of violent protests against the controversial Waqf Amendment Act. According to PTI, the West Bengal Police confirmed that 12 more individuals were arrested overnight in connection with the unrest, raising the total number of arrests to 150. Officials stated that prohibitory orders were still in effect and internet services had been suspended in the affected areas.

Police officers, quoted anonymously, reported that areas like Suti, Dhulian, Samserganj, and Jangipur—previously at the epicentre of the unrest—were under close surveillance and had seen no fresh outbreaks of violence. “Raids continued through the night, and 12 more people were taken into custody,” said one officer, as per the Hindustan Times. “The situation is currently peaceful.”

The protests began on April 8 and intensified after Friday prayers on April 11. Even as Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had stated on April 10 that the amended Waqf Act would not be implemented in West Bengal, violence struck again in the state. “I know you are aggrieved because of the enactment of the Waqf Act,” said CM Banerjee, as per Times of India. “Have faith, nothing will happen in Bengal by which one can divide and rule.”

On April 11, violent protests erupted in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district following Friday prayers, primarily centred around opposition to the Waqf (Amendment) Act. Protesters argue that the Act has been imposed without sufficient consultation or consideration of the socio-economic priorities of the community, such as employment and healthcare. Tensions escalated when large gatherings defied prohibitory orders and blocked National Highway-12 from Dakbanglo More in Shamsherganj to Sajur More in Suti. Police reports indicate that the situation turned violent after stones were hurled at a police van, resulting in injuries to at least ten personnel. Security forces resorted to lathi charge and later used tear gas to control the situation. In some instances, officers were forced to take shelter in nearby mosques.

Fresh violence erupted in Dhulian under the Samserganj block on April 12. Police confirmed that one person suffered a bullet injury during the clash, though senior officials said they were still verifying the full details. The unrest also disrupted public infrastructure. Protesters damaged a railway crossing gate between Dhulianganga and Nimtita, forcing the cancellation and diversion of several trains, according to Eastern Railway officials.

In total, at least 18 police personnel were injured, and scores of civilians, including women and children, have been displaced. The district administration suspended internet services and imposed prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the BNSS, equivalent to Section 144 of the CrPC, to contain the situation.

In response, the state administration had deployed six companies of the Border Security Force (BSF).

Political fallout and government response

The political fallout has been swift. BJP leaders, including Suvendu Adhikari and state president Sukanta Majumdar, criticised the Trinamool Congress government for allegedly soft-pedalling on violence by “a section of minorities.” Majumdar asserted that a future BJP government would crush such “vandalism” within minutes and accused the current regime of appeasement politics.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee responded by stating that the Waqf (Amendment) Act would not be implemented in West Bengal, asserting that the state government would not allow any attempt to “divide and rule”. She urged for unity and calm, but her remarks did little to quieten the situation on the ground.

Opposition parties, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), were quick to capitalise on the unrest. Adhikari also alleged that over 400 Hindus were displaced and forced to flee to Malda district out of fear. He described the violence as “jihadist terror” and accused the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government of indulging in “appeasement politics”, further fuelling communal polarisation.

Current situation and outlook

The Murshidabad violence is a grim reminder of the fragility of communal harmony in politically polarised and socio-economically marginalised regions. The protests highlight growing discontent within sections of the Muslim community, who feel unheard in national policymaking. At the same time, the BJP’s sharp rhetoric and the high-pitched calls for action raise concerns about communal profiling and the danger of deepening divides.

As of April 13, 150 people have been arrested, and no fresh incidents have been reported. Police are conducting continuous raids, and security personnel are maintaining a tight vigil in the affected areas. However, the damage has already been done. Markets were looted, homes vandalised, and families displaced. Videos have emerged of victims recounting how mobs entered their homes and destroyed property, as residents now demand a permanent BSF presence in these vulnerable areas.

#WATCH | Kolkata, West Bengal | On Murshidabad violence, ADG Law and Order, Jawed Shamim says, “We have to ensure that we get the right persons only because one wrong arrest can lead to the case coming to cloud. We are trying to ensure that the case is dealt with the greatest… pic.twitter.com/aidTIm9cnQ

— ANI (@ANI) April 14, 2025

The State’s response has been reactive rather than proactive. The Chief Minister’s refusal to implement the law appears more a political manoeuvre than a principled stand. Meanwhile, the High Court’s intervention underscores a judicial acknowledgement of the failure of local law enforcement.

Ultimately, the incident points to a confluence of legislative opacity, administrative failure, and political opportunism, turning a policy dispute into a tragic episode of communal violence. It is also essential to highlight here that West Bengal will be seeing Lok Sabha elections in 2026, Murshidabad might not just be a law-and-order flashpoint but a symbol of a larger crisis in India’s secular fabric.

It is essential to note here that a different angle has also emerged regarding the violence in Murshidabad, with the locals of the area saying that there was a presence of unidentified young men during the violence who were not from the area. Several residents recounted that a group of boys, aged around 15 to 18, dressed in black hoodies and armed with rods and sticks, appeared just before the unrest broke out. “These were not our boys,” one person said, adding that both Hindu and Muslim youth from the locality had been working together to safeguard nearby temples. This observation has fuelled concerns that the violence may not have been entirely organic, but instead instigated by external elements with a vested interest in disrupting communal harmony. This lesser-reported aspect of the violence is now being brought to light by residents of the area. Questions are now being raised about who these young men were, who brought them into the area, and what their intentions were—an angle that demands serious attention amid the rush to communalise the incident.

“We didn’t see any of our local boys, some other unknown 15-18 year old boys who we didn’t recognise came with rods& sticks wearing black hoodies. Our local boys both Hindus and Muslims were guarding mandirs.” Listen to voices from #Murshidabad —the nasty Godi media won’t show… pic.twitter.com/7uU4UTmW43

— Sagarika Ghose (@sagarikaghose) April 14, 2025

A political fault-line exposed

The recent eruption of violence in Murshidabad, West Bengal, over the amended Waqf Act lays bare the volatile intersection of religion, law, and politics that continues to define India’s communal landscape. The April 11 unrest, which claimed three lives and left scores injured, has reignited political tensions ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. At the centre of the conflict is the controversial Waqf (Amendment) Act, passed by the Union government — a piece of legislation that critics, including West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, have denounced as a deliberate attempt to sow division and inflame religious sensitivities.

Banerjee, in a strongly worded statement, reaffirmed that Bengal would not implement the amended law. Urging for calm, she cautioned against “irreligious behaviour in the name of religion” and accused unnamed political actors of weaponising faith for electoral gain. Emphasising that the legislation was passed by the union — not the state — she distanced her government from the violence and warned of legal action against those spreading misinformation. Her message was unequivocal: the Waqf Amendment is not only unconstitutional but dangerously incendiary, and the Union government must be held accountable for its fallout.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), however, presented a starkly different narrative. State leaders alleged that Hindu families were being driven out of Murshidabad’s Dhulian area, citing “religious persecution” and accusing the TMC of “appeasement politics.” Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari claimed that over 400 Hindus had fled across the Ganga, while state BJP president Sukanta Majumdar criticised TMC MPs for remaining silent in the face of the crisis. Their rhetoric, framing the incident as the outcome of the TMC’s so-called minority appeasement, was in line with the BJP’s broader electoral messaging in Bengal.

Fact Check – #BJP #Bengal has put out a tweet with 9 pictures of violence, tagging them as incidents that happened in Bengal during #Hindu festival soon after #MurshidabadViolence .

One tweet with 9 old images. None of them are from Murshidabad, 7 of them are not from #Bengal… pic.twitter.com/4FdLO7zggq

— Tamal Saha (@Tamal0401) April 13, 2025

Amid this escalating blame game, both the Congress and the Left mounted a scathing critique of the TMC and BJP, accusing them of exploiting the unrest for political gain. Congress MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury accused the state administration of being “asleep at the wheel,” while the CPI(M) condemned the police for being “mute spectators” and demanded Army deployment.

Caught in the middle of these political crossfires are the people of Murshidabad — whose lives have been turned upside down. Even if claims of a mass exodus remain unverified, the devastation on the ground is undeniable. Homes have been vandalised, shops looted, property destroyed, and public trust shattered. Three people have died, civilians and police personnel have been injured, and daily life has come to a standstill in many parts of the district. Children have missed school, local businesses have suffered, and fear has spread across communities. As politicians argue over narratives, it is ordinary citizens who continue to pay the highest price.

The violence in Murshidabad is more than a law-and-order issue — it is a stark reminder of how religious identity continues to be manipulated in Bengal’s political theatre. As national and regional parties jostle to control the narrative, what gets lost is the constitutional promise of justice, accountability, and equal protection under the law — regardless of religion.

Detailed story on the previous incident of violence in Murshidabad may be read here.

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The post Protests over Waqf (Amendment) Act escalate into violence in West Bengal; Calcutta HC intervenes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A rustic clock crafted from reclaimed wood.Photo/Instagram

A passion beyond money

From a young age, Aziz was deeply fascinated by animals, plants, and the natural world. While others chased financial security, for him, money was never the priority — expressing himself through art was. In 2021, he took a bold step to reconnect with his inner self and envision a future rooted in creativity. That’s when he founded Stick and Bones, his official brand dedicated to transforming waste into meaningful art.

While juggling a corporate job, he spent five months in the profession before making a life-changing decision in 2024 — he quit. “Something didn’t feel right,” he recalls about his career choice.

“I committed to my passion full-time last year, turning it into a larger project. Now, I don’t just create décor from waste for the love of my craft — I also inspire countless young people who aspire to build careers in arts and crafts,” Aziz said.

The viral turning point

Despite his talent, Aziz’s work initially reached only a limited audience. He started sharing his art on Instagram, but his content was scarce, and his followers remained at 8,000.

The rustic table lamp that became Aziz’s first big hit started with a simple discarded piece of wood he found in his backyard. He chiselled it down, shaped it, and manually carved a plank of wood to serve as the base. Once the structure was ready, he carefully added lights, transforming what was once waste into a unique, functional piece of art.

“It was a surprise for everyone because no one knew that lamps could be made out of waste wood and something as basic as a wicker-wood hat, that too at home,” he recalled. This creation marked his breakthrough moment, proving that discarded materials could hold new life and purpose.

“I posted the making of it on Instagram. The reel went viral globally and brought me 40,000 followers overnight,” he added

This sudden surge in recognition changed everything. His work began inspiring young artists, encouraging them to explore sustainable art.

Defying criticism and carving his own path

As a master’s student of ichthyology, Aziz faced harsh criticism for his passion. Many warned him that he was straying off the right path and insisted that a stable nine-to-five job was the only way to secure his future.

“I still remember my parents doubting me and others laughing at what I did, telling me it was a useless dream. But I picked up the discarded animal bones and wood anyway and kept carving them with dedication, turning waste into intricate art,” he said.

But while the world questioned him, there was one person who never doubted his talent — his brother, Khaleel.

“I always believed in my brother and knew he would take things to a different level. Even though he’s my younger brother, I look up to him because he sees the world differently. He never follows trends or conventions — he simply does what he loves. Every piece of his art tells a story of its own, revealing what’s happening behind the curtain. What he is best known for is his ‘behind-the-scenes’ process, capturing the journey of creation as much as the final masterpiece,” Khaleel said.

Khaleel further added, “I’m proud that my brother earns his bread and butter through his passion. What makes it even more special is that he has kept his prices affordable, ensuring that everyone can access his art. More than just an artist — he is a storyteller, weaving narratives into every piece he creates.”

Recognition and government support

That one viral Instagram reel was just the beginning. Today, Aziz’s work has gained global recognition, inspiring many young people to turn waste into art. His unique approach has even caught the attention of the government, which has praised his innovative take on animal bone art.

Beyond simply working with waste, Aziz fuses his creations with Kashmir’s rich heritage, adding vibrant papier-mâché art to his bone carvings.

Exhibiting at Kashmir Arts Emporium

The former Director of Handicrafts and Handlooms, Mahmood Ahmad Shah, applauded Aziz’s creativity, stating:

“His art is truly amazing and unique in a way that sets it apart. While many have been reinventing art from waste materials, what makes his work different is how he seamlessly fuses heritage into each piece. We had the honour of exhibiting his work at Kashmir Arts Emporium in 2023. I believe that all art forms hold value, but when art is sustainable, it becomes even more significant, carrying both meaning and responsibility.”

A legacy in the making

From discarded bones and fallen trees to intricate wall decor and heritage-infused masterpieces, Aziz-ur-Rehman is not just creating art, he is redefining it. With passion, resilience, and an unshaken belief in his craft, he has transformed waste into wonder.

He started on his own, without tools or a proper workspace. He built a small shed in his backyard and began buying hand tools and power tools with his pocket money. Whatever he earned, he used to buy more tools and manage his expenses.

“I have sold more than 2,000 articles, both small and large,” he says, looking back at his journey. His workshop at his home in Srinagar, is where he puts in all his effort. Every piece he makes is not just art—it’s the result of hard work and dedication. And he’s just getting started!

(Edited by Megha Chowdhury and Leila Badyari for The Better India)

(This feature has already appeared in The Better India)

Courtesy: Kashmir Times

The post Kashmiri Artist Quits Corporate Job to Create Art from Discarded Animal Bones & Fallen Wood appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reportedly, the police had raided a nearby village on reports of alleged cultivation of marijuana cultivation. This escalated to tensions and an ensuing conflict between the people and police; the police retreated back facing resistance. There was seemingly a peace compromise between both parties. Juba village is an entry to the neighbouring villages.

Key findings of the report:

1. Desecrating the Church

Preparations were on, at the Juba Church, on March 22, 2025 for the next day’s Sunday Prayers and worship. Four young Adivasi women from Kondh tribal group, two young women, 20 and 18 years old and two minors aged 12 years were among those engaged in the task. According to the report this is when police, numbering around 15 personnel, barged into the Catholic Church around 1.30 pm before the young women could sense anything. The aggressive policemen broke the cleaning instruments, and desecrated the sacred space of the Church. 

Legal and constitutional violations: It is alleged that Police entered the Catholic Church premises without a warrant and desecrated the sacred space in violation of Article 25– Right to Freedom of Religion, which includes the right to manage religious affairs and violation of sec 298 of Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Samhita (BNSS), 2023 – Injuring or defiling a place of worship with intent to insult the religion. 

2. Assault, abuse, molestation of young women

The two young women belonging to the Kandh tribal group, were beaten with sticks within the Church and then dragged almost 300 meters away to a police bus, being beaten all the way. Seeing this, the two other minor girls ran for their life towards the presbytery. Crying inconsolably, and in shock, the girls asked for help from the Priests who were in their residence within the compound.

Another young woman cook, aged 38 belonging to the Sabar tribal group, who was in the Residence came out to the portico hearing the cries of the minor girls and was also beaten badly. Two male police caught hold of her neck and gave a strong blow to the face, tore the kurtis (upper clothes) of the woman pulling at the neck without any concern that they were outraging the modesty of the woman.

It is reported that even the children from an adjacent village, some of whom were in the arms of their mothers, were not spared. The children and women were taken in the bus to a distance and left there, forcing them to walk the long distance back. A couple of mobile phones were snatched from the women, and are yet to be returned to them.

Legal and constitutional violations: Beatings and molestation of tribal women occurred in and around the church compound in violation of sec 74 of BNSS – Assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty and violation of art 21 and POCSO Act, 20212 given that minors were involved and in violation of art 15 (3 &4) – Prohibits discrimination and calls for affirmative protection of women and tribal communities.

3. Brutal Assaults on the two Catholic Priests

After violating the sacred space of the Catholic Church, the police followed the young girls towards the Priests’ Residence. Hearing the cries of the children and women, two Catholic Priests had come out from their residence where they had been resting after attending a funeral service in the village. In a flash, a lady police officer attacked the priest with her cane.

Father JG (name has been withheld to protect identity, age 56 is a native of Pala/ Kottayam in Kerala. He has been working for the development of tribal and Dalit communities that inhabited in the hills for last 40 years.  Father DN (name has been withheld to protect identity, a native of Gajapati district was taken aback at the assault on him by the police. Both priests were dragged in two different directions; being beaten by the police all the way to the police buses some 300 to 400 meters away. The Priests were accused of being “Pakistanis” and converting the people.  Fr. DN, who was ordained a priest only three months ago and had joined as assistant priest in the Church, was to celebrate his birthday that day. Father DN was grievously injured with a fractured shoulder blade. At one time, he fainted & fell, but was dragged on to the bus.

While the priests were being beaten, the children and women forgot their own trauma and protested to the police on why they were beating the religious men. The police then thrashed the cook for speaking up for the priests. Meanwhile, a group of police personnel also entered the presbytery, drank the water; and reportedly took away 40,000 in currency notes from the priests’ residence.

The brutal attack, led by a lady police officer apparently filled with hate, was carried on without concern for human dignity or any sense of respect toward the tribal community, and the states of the priests as religious minorities.

Legal and constitutional violations: Unprovoked assault on unarmed priests within a religious compound in violations of arts 19 (1)(a) and (d)– Right to freedom of speech and movement as well as of the Indian Police Act, 1861, Section 23 – Duty of police to prevent offences and maintain decorum.

4. Wife and minor daughter were assaulted in midst of mourning

MM (name has been withheld to protect identity)  aged 62 had lost her husband the previous night, and had just returned from the burial ground around 10.00 am; and was mourning along with her family and relatives. At the police assault, her relatives and others ran away; while she and her minor daughter RM, aged 17 years, stayed back. Both of them were beaten with sticks; the police didn’t care that this family had just buried their beloved one, and were in mourning. The widowed mother and her minor daughter were dragged physically while being abused & beaten with the lathis carried by the police to the police bus.

Legal and constitutional violations: Beating and dragging of a grieving widow and her minor daughter in sec 5 of JJ Act, 2015– Punishment for cruelty to child and violation of art 39 (e+f) – Duty of the state to protect children and ensure their development.

5. Assaults on Vulnerable Christians

The team members were told the police forcibly entered and damaged the homes of the residents; approximately 20 motorcycles were destroyed, as TV sets, whole foods supplies including rice, paddy, chickens and eggs, were destroyed.

It was evident that the police were targeting Christians as they also broke and desecrated the status of Jesus and Mary. Destruction of homes, food supplies, desecration of religious icons.

Legal and constitutional violations: All these actions are violations of Article 14 and 21- Right to Life and Equality before the Law and equal protection of laws and SCST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, sec 3(1)(r), 3(1)(s), and 3(2)(vii) – Offences of insults and damage to property of Scheduled Tribes.

Our Observations:

Gajapati District is one of the lowest on the Human Development Index; in fact, ranked 27^th out of 30 districts.  Gajapati is recognised as only one among 30 districts as a minority concentrated district with 38% of Christians. Gajapati is also one of the very few districts that has above 50% tribal population. The violence hit Mohana block is one of the least developed blocks in the district and 2^nd largest block in Odisha with 37.11% female literacy rate and 93% people living in rural areas.

As per Census 2011 out of total population, 7% people live in urban areas while 93% live in the rural areas. The ST male and female literacy rates are 55.4% and 32.8% respectively

Gajapati district has the population belonging to both socially and religious ethnic minorities; at disadvantages at multiple levels. The district police and the general administration need to introspect itself of its policies/decisions vis addressing the issues of Adivasi, Dalit and religious minorities in the district in spirit of constitutional, secular and democratic values.

It is unfortunate that the incidence of this nature has taken place, where innocents suffer at the hands of the police.

1. There are no complaints so far lodged even if it is more than 20 days since brutalities against children and women from tribal communities, and violation of multiple laws
2. There is no information received by the priests on the complaints filed by the priest in Mohana police station as he has not been given any acknowledgement of the complaints. However, it is reported that complaints have also been made to the Superintendent of Police, Gajapati.
3. The grievously injured priest Fr. DN is in a state of shock and trauma along with the senior clergy. The fact that the finding tram could not interview him. There is palpable fear, insecurity and disbelief among the children, women and including the priest as the protectors have turned into perpetrators. This does not sound good for the administration.
4. This is the first time that the catholic priests are being targeted, beaten and paraded while showering lathis and abuses by the police in Odisha known history. This speaks for itself. The blatant violations of Articles 21, 25 and 29 of Indian constitution.
5. The team believes it is handiwork of some identified communally biased police personnel towards religious minorities, and / or with a casteist mind-set towards tribal groups, and with no sense of human rights and dignity for children and women; even not allowed to mourn the loss of the beloved family members with scant regards to Art 21 (Right to life & liberty, a basic dignity accorded to the dead person)
6. The team could not come across pro-active community and civil society to take note of the incidents of brutalities here and facilitate the victims’ survivors to address the grievances and seeking justice; could be ignorance or trust deficit of statutory bodies like N/OSCPCR, Women Commission, National/Odisha State Human Rights Commission/Scheduled Tribe Commission/National Commission for Minorities, New Delhi
7. Team did not get any report; or even from Media on the brutalities of incidences and attacks on the children and women.

Recommendations for the state administration

1. Identify & take stringent action against criminal elements among the police having communal and caste bias towards women, Adivasi’s and religious minorities. Immediate application of SC/ST (PoA) Act, POCSO Act, applicable sections of BNSS and Fundamental Rights enshrined in the constitution.
2. Activate community policing; recruiting police from diverse backgrounds; grounded them in laws on SC ST Prevention Act, POCSO, Women and Minority protection laws; as well inculcate the spirit of respect for all religious spaces; temples, churches and mosques
3. Train the police with constitutional and secular values & principles to respect marginalised and religious minority communities; respect for all religious traditions & beliefs. Implement Mandatory Human Rights Training for Law Enforcement under National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) protocols.
4. Focus on holistic development programmes and open legal cells to support citizen centric schemes for the region and encourage and facilitate civil society to work along the administration towards truth & reconciliation
5. The state administration should ensure that the police turned into vengeance; The police damaging the house, properties, livelihoods nor rob food supplies and livestock of the poor whose lifetime savings; thus losing trust and credibility among the citizens.
6. Needed interface between law enforcement agencies, district administration and civil/community leaders; whereby trust of the communities restored; development processes fastened
7. Media could play its role in augmenting as watchdog expected in democratic set ups bringing into light of the plight and brutalities.

Conclusion:

The aim of the report is to document and make it public in order to avoid the repeat of such incidents and bring about peace and harmony. The report based on the testimonies narrated by the victims’ survivors, whose names have been withheld.

Related:

Persecution of Christians: Women leaders appeal to President Murmu

Arunachal Christians gird up to face a challenge from Sangh and the government

Missing the Mark: Inviting PM Modi to a Christmas Reception Ignores the Plight of Persecuted Christians

The post From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

If we observe the glorification of Dr. BR Ambedkar by the RSS-BJP rulers on his birth anniversary, it appears that they, the sangh parivar are the most loyal followers of him, none other. According to Prime Minister Modi, Ambedkar was ‘architect of the Constitution of India’ and ‘Messiha of the Schedule Castes’.

The UP government has announced a grand celebration of ‘Ambedkar Jayanti’ beginning with a series of programmes from the morning of April 13 (2025), leading up to the main celebrations on April 14 at Lucknow which will be attended by the Hindutva icon, chief minister, Adityanath. These programmes “aim to acquaint the younger generation with Dr Ambedkar’s remarkable life, visionary leadership, and his unwavering commitment to justice, equality, and social reform”.

Dr. Ambedkar is receiving fullsome praise after his death. In life, the RSS and its bandwagon which included the VD Savarkar-led Hindu Mahasabha, never missed an opportunity to denigrate him, often resorted to the burning of his effigy! If Dr. Ambedkar were to appear now, in the India ruled by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) cadres, make no mistake, he would be either lynched or put in jail under terror laws for his trenchant opposition to Caste and the attendant denigration of Sudras, Women. Especially his sharp critique of Privileged Castes hegemony and Hindutva.

1. Ambedkar supported the burning of Manusmriti

The RSS wants Indian constitution to be replaced by the Manusmriti or Manu Code or laws of Manu which is known for its derogatory and inhuman references to Sudras, Untouchables and women. This is the very Book that Babasaheb burned.  The Constituent Assembly of India finalised the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained:

“But in our Constitution, there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”

By demanding promulgation of laws of Manu in an Independent India, the RSS was simply following its mentor, philosopher and guide VD Savarkar who declared that,

“Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worship-able after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by the crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law.”

It is to be noted here that a copy of Manusmriti was burnt as a protest in the presence of Dr. BR Ambedkar during historic Mahad agitation on December 25, 1927. He also called for burning Manusmriti on December 25 each year.

2. Ambedkar held ‘High’ (Privileged) Caste Hindus which control Hindutva politics responsible for the miserable life of Hindus and hatred for Muslims

He was crystal clear in his view, that,

“[The] high caste Hindus are bad as leaders. They have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster. This trait is formed by their acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life. Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and power, the surest and the most effective being the preparation of scriptures, inculcating upon the minds of the lower classes of Hindus the teaching that their duty in life is only to serve the higher classes. In keeping this monopoly in their own hands and excluding the lower classes from any share in it, the high caste Hindus have succeeded for a long time and beyond measure…

“This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the high caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have done to the lower-class Hindus. This trait of the high caste Hindus is the key to the understanding of their politics.”

[B.R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra, 1990), p. 123, first Published December 1940, Thackers Publishers, Bombay.]

3. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism

Ambedkar, in his historic speech in Nagpur on October 15, 1956, a day after he had embraced Buddhism, said,

“The movement to leave the Hindu religion was taken in hand by us in 1935, when a resolution was made in Yeola. Even though I was born in the Hindu religion, I will not die in the Hindu religion. This oath I made earlier; yesterday, I proved it true. I am happy; I am ecstatic! I have left hell — this is how I feel. I do not want any blind followers. Those who come into the Buddhist religion should come with an understanding; they should consciously accept that religion.”

If he tries to convert now we can imagine what terrible fate he will meet!

4. Ambedkar fought for equal rights for women

For the RSS Hindu women are inferior in every respect. The outfit, demands promulgation of Manusmriti as constitution of India which shockingly denigrates women as we will see in the following [few out of dozens]:

1. Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control.
2. Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence.
3. Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; (thinking), ‘(It is enough that) he is a man,’ they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly.
4. Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this (world).
5. (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a love of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct.
6. For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of) Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule.

Sharply to the contrary, Dr. Ambedkar believed in equality for women. He was clear that, “We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education…” He went on to stress that “I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved”. He advised Dalit women, “Never regard yourself as Untouchables, live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if your dress is full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help.”

Liquor was a bane in Dalit families and in order remedy it he asked women “do not feed in any case your spouse and sons if they are drunkards. Send your children to schools. Education is as necessary for females as it is for males. If you know how to read and write, there would be much progress. As you are, so your children will be.”

5. Ambedkar did not subscribe to the idea of Hindu nation and decried Hindutva

Dr. Ambedkar, a keen researcher of the communal politics in pre-independence India, while underlying the affinity and camaraderie between Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League on the issue of Two-Nation Theory wrote:

“Strange it may appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India—one the Muslim nation and the other Hindu nation.”

According to him, the idea of “Hindustan for Hindus…is not merely arrogant but is arrant nonsense”. He was emphatic in warning that,

“If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country… [It] is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.”

6. Ambedkar believed in Socialism

Jawaharlal Nehru introduced the Objective Resolution [OR] on December 13, 1946. Dr. Ambedkar’s turn to respond to OR came on 17 December 1946. He stated:

“If this resolution has a reality behind it and a sincerity, of which I have not the least doubt, coming as it does from the mover of the resolution [Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru], I should have expected some provision whereby it would have been possible for the state to make economic, social and political justice a reality and i should have from that point of view expected the resolution to state in most explicit terms that in order that there may be social and economic justice in the country, that there would be nationalisation of industry and nationalisation of land, I do not understand how it could be possible for any future government which believes in doing justice socially, economically and politically, unless its economy is a socialistic economy.”

7. Ambedkar’s antipathy towards ‘Hindutva ‘nationalists’ & ‘Patriots’

Dr Ambedkar, as early as 1931, said that whenever he demanded equality for lower Castes, marginalised sections and Depressed classes he would be called a communalist and anti-national. He was forthright in telling the ‘nationalists’ & ‘patriots’:

“India is a peculiar country, and her nationalists and patriots are a peculiar people. A patriot and a nationalist in India is one who sees with open eyes his fellowmen treated as being less than men. But his humanity does not rise in protest. He knows that men and women for no cause are denied their human rights. But it does not prick his civic sense to helpful action. He finds the whole class of people shut out from public employment. But it does not rouse his sense of justice and fair play. Hundreds of evil practices that injure man and society are perceived by him. But they do not sicken him with disgust. The patriot’s one cry is power and more power for him and for his class. I am glad I do not belong to that class of patriots. I belong to that class which takes its stand on democracy, and which seeks to destroy monopoly in a very shape and form. Our aim is to realise in practice our ideal of one man one value in all walks of life, political, economic and social.”

[Dr BR Ambedkar in the Plenary Session of Round Table Conference, London, 8^th Sitting, January 19, 1931.]

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Rediscovering Ambedkar to Fight Against Hindutva

Hindutva Forces Want to Appropriate Ambedkar but not Impart his Teachings

Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Scathing Attacks on Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra

The post On his 135th birth anniversary, we ask, would Ambedkar be allowed free speech in India today? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In an in-depth analysis of real estate in Bengaluru, Chennai, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Pune, the National Capital Region (NCR), and the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR), in a series of reports it has sent to Counterview as email alert, the consultant Anarock states that NCR and Bengaluru have recorded the highest jumps in housing prices—34% and 20%, respectively.

According to Anarock, average prices in the seven cities collectively have risen from INR 7,550 per sq. ft. at the end of Q1 2024 to INR 8,835 per sq. ft. by the end of Q1 2025. However, at the same time, the annual supply share of affordable homes has declined—from 40% in 2018 to 16% in 2024.

The reason, says Anarock, is that the target clientele of affordable homes, consisting of “blue-collar workers, lower-paid workforces, and those just starting out in their careers, were severely cash-strapped,” leading to a situation where “buying homes did not feature among their immediate priorities.”

According to data released by Anarock, in 2018, cities like Pune, Kolkata, Chennai, and NCR were witnessing a consistently “high supply of such homes, riding on stimuli such as lower GST rates and tax breaks.”

Defining affordable housing as units priced under INR 40 lakh, the consultant comments that, judging by their sagging sales and supply in India over the past few years, now “it is easy to forget that this segment was once the housing industry’s veritable poster child,” which Indian real estate developers took “very seriously, regularly engaging with their architects to design smaller units to contain prices and ensure sales continuity.”

Pointing out that this trend peaked when the Union government in 2015 made “concerted efforts” to promote affordable housing via the ‘Housing for All’ programme under the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana – PMAY (Urban), Anarock says the government at that time announced “many attractive incentives for buyers and developers of such housing.”

In fact, “the affordable housing story took on an appealingly patriotic ‘nation-building’ sheen, and even big-brand developers got into the fray…”

Noting that things changed during the pandemic when the demand for “larger and multi-functional homes with a comprehensive spread of lifestyle amenities” surged, Anarock says the demand shifted to houses that could effectively serve “as both residential facilities and offices… This trend continues even today, and essentially small-sized affordable housing plays no role in it.”

At the same time, it says, “at the developers’ end, constantly rising input costs—comprising land, labour, and construction materials (compounded by the low profit margins of affordable housing and the withdrawal of all relevant fiscal benefits)—caused their previous enthusiasm for affordable housing to dwindle. Instead, they turned their focus to what was and continues to sell well: bigger units with good lifestyle amenities.”

The result is that today, Bengaluru is “devoid of any supply in this segment. Hyderabad and Chennai are seeing only a minimal 2% supply share. The only cities with any sizeable activity in this segment are Kolkata and MMR. In both these cities, nearly 31% of the total upcoming supply is priced below INR 40 lakh. NCR has witnessed a drastic reduction in its share of affordable housing, falling from 62% in 2020 to only 11% in 2024.”

Ironically, despite the sharp downward trend in affordable housing, Anarock research suggests the real estate sector remained a dominant contributor in 2024 in fundraising via qualified institutional placements (QIPs), “both in terms of capital raised and the number of issues.” Notably, 2024 saw twice the number of QIP issues as the previous year. In fact, the sector “recorded the highest number of issues in a single year” in 2024.

However, Anarock regrets, “Skyrocketing residential prices, coupled with geopolitical headwinds, have slowed the Indian housing market’s bull-run in Q1 2025. Latest Anarock data finds that the year’s first quarter saw sales drop 28% across the top seven cities compared to the same period in 2024. Approximately 93,280 units were sold in Q1 2025 in the top seven cities, in sharp contrast to all-time high sales of over 1.30 lakh units in Q1 2024.”

Noting that approximately 93,280 units were sold in Q1 2025—a 26% decrease over Q1 2024—Anarock suggests the main reason for this was, “Average residential property prices across the top seven cities saw a significant jump in the last one year—ranging between 10–34% in Q1 2025 compared to Q1 2024.”

“This,” it insists, “was primarily due to steep new supply additions in the luxury and ultra-luxury segment, and overall strong demand. NCR and Bengaluru recorded the highest annual price jump of over 34% and 20%, respectively.”

In fact, Anarock asserts, private equity (PE) investments in the Indian real estate sector have shown signs of softening. Offering details in its report titled Anarock Capital Flux FY25 Annual Edition, it reveals that PE investment volumes in Indian real estate “have steadily declined over the past five years, dropping from USD 6.4 billion in FY21 to approximately USD 3.7 billion in FY25.”

This represents a 43% decrease from FY21 levels, primarily driven by reduced foreign investor activity amid heightened global macroeconomic uncertainty and geopolitical volatility,” Anarock underlines, adding that this is accompanied by a significant increase in “concentration of capital in fewer, larger transactions.”

Thus, says Anarock, in FY25, the top 10 deals accounted for 81% of total PE investment value, up from 69% in FY24. This spike is largely attributed to the mega Reliance–ADIA–KKR hybrid deal, which alone contributed to ~42% of FY25’s total value.

The “mega Reliance–ADIA–KKR hybrid deal” refers to a financing transaction in which Reliance Industries secured a blended capital infusion from two heavyweight global investors, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA) and Kohlberg Kravis Roberts (KKR), an American global private-equity and investment company.

Stating that “FY25 saw a significant deviation in funding structure, with hybrid deals surging to 42% of total PE capital—primarily due to the Reliance-ADIA-KKR transaction,” Anarock notes that “logistics and warehousing” have emerged “as the clear frontrunner in FY25, attracting 48% of PE funding, the highest in five years.”

As for the residential sector, Anarock says its average deal size dropped to USD 117 million (Q2–Q4 FY25) from USD 233 million (Q1 FY23–Q4 FY25). Offices also saw a “steep decline in investment”—USD 806 million in FY25 versus USD 2.2 billion in FY24.

However, retail “continues to thrive on strong consumer demand,” with mall operators like DLF, Nexus, and Phoenix expanding aggressively.

Courtesy: CounterView

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The image of Egyptian Islamist thinker Sayyid Qutb at a protest rally in Kozhikode, Kerala, may appear a trifle during political discord. But in reality, it holds great and troubling importance that deserves closer examination—especially in a country like India, where democratic values and peaceful coexistence are continuously under challenge.

The rally was meant to be a protest against the Waqf Amendment Bill. Most of the Muslim groups in India interpret this bill as the central government meddling in Muslim religious and charity funds. But when an image of Sayyid Qutb was flashed—carried aloft by protesters—the protest meant something different and was something more than what it was intended to be.

To understand why this was a big issue, you need to know who Qutb was, what he thought, and how his thoughts influenced some of the most violent factions in recent history.

Sayyid Qutb: The Radical Intellectual

Sayyid Qutb was an Egyptian writer, intellectual, and influential member of the Muslim Brotherhood of the 1950s and 60s. He began as a literary critic and secular nationalist, but Qutb changed his religion after he went to the United States and later to an Egyptian prison under Gamal Abdel Nasser’s regime.

While in prison, he wrote prolifically—his best-known works are Fi Zilal al-Qur’an (In the Shade of the Qur’an) and Ma’alim fi al-Tariq (Milestones). In Milestones, Qutb declared that modern Muslim societies had fallen into Jahiliyyah, a Qur’anic term that was originally used to describe a time of ignorance before Islam existed in Arabia. Qutb believed that governments and societies of the present day that did not conform to Shari’ah were in this state of ignorance and were therefore illegitimate.

He argued that only a few believers—the vanguard—should arise and topple these regimes in order to establish Islamic rule. While Qutb never directly promoted suicide bombing or attacks on civilians, his model of viewing modern secular states as illegitimate has been widely adopted by militant and terrorist groups, including Al-Qaeda and ISIS.

Even Qutb’s brother, Muhammad Qutb, travelled to Saudi Arabia with his thoughts and assisted in spreading them through schools and mosques. Osama bin Laden is said to have been influenced by these ideas.

Why Qutb’s Ideas Will Not Fit for India

India is not an Islamic state. India is a secular democracy and multicultural. Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, and others live in India. The Indian Constitution provides individuals the right to practice their religion, personal laws, and safeguards for minority rights.

Qutb sees the world very differently from this world. He does not think that you should co-exist or bargain with a secular democratic order; he desires to combat and re-shape it through revolutionary means.

Using his face in an Indian protest sends a chilling message: that to be Muslim in India is to be identified with a global Islamist idea and not with the Indian Constitution. This symbolism can be (and already has been) used by right-wing political elements to claim that Indian Muslims are shaped by foreign, extremist ideas.

It must be remembered that this is not just an optics issue. In the volatile communal environment of India, even a symbol can be inflammatory. The picture of Qutb was not just misread—it was fundamentally in conflict with the very message that the protest was attempting to convey: that Indian Muslims wish to defend their religious buildings within the framework of Indian democracy.

A Self-Defeating Symbol for a Legitimate Cause

Protests against Waqf Amendment Bill are political and legal. Muslim communities are within their rights to protest against government intervention in religious trusts. Waqf boards have been a feature of India’s legal landscape since British times and play significant religious and charitable roles.

When demonstrators hold the image of the man who was demonstrating against non-religious government, they weaken their case. The message changes from “defend our rights in the Indian system” to “reject the Indian system altogether.”

This causes confusion among allies, inspires enemies, and feeds into current Islamophobic discourses. It provides political fuel for those who blame the Muslim community for being separatist, even when the community is calling for constitutional rights.

Alienating the Broader Public One of the most significant tasks of a protest in a democracy is not merely to be heard by those who already agree with it, but to convince the undecided and to touch the emotions of the wider public. This requires a clear message and well-considered symbols.

By mentioning Qutb, even as an aside, the protest drove away non-Muslim Indians who otherwise could have lent their support. The average Indian citizen will not differentiate between Qutb’s political ideology and the legitimate call for religious freedom. What they will listen to is a protest which seems to identify itself with figures known worldwide for Islamist extremism.

Indian Muslims do not accept most of these beliefs. Indian Islamic history has overall been one of moderation, acceptance, and coexistence with other faiths—either through Sufi tradition, reform efforts, or efforts to interact with the constitution. Qutb does not represent the real life of Indian Muslims.

The Danger of Misplaced Solidarity

In a world where Muslims are being treated unfairly and exposed to war, it is no wonder that some protest movements draw inspiration from international Islamic leaders. Many are driven to mobilize in favour of Muslim causes worldwide, from Egypt to Palestine. But such acts of solidarity must be well-considered.

There exists a tremendous difference between displaying a Palestinian flag and displaying a photo of Sayyid Qutb. The flag represents the resistance of a nation against occupation; the photo represents an idea that has been used to justify brutal domination and violence.

India’s Muslim citizens need to recognize this difference. Solidarity does not equal symbols. Borrowing other people’s symbols, particularly those of nations with complicated histories, is a potential issue in India’s unique democratic and plural environment.

A Lesson in Political Messaging

What we witness from the Kozhikode protest is that messaging is important. Symbols are important. And context is most important of all.

The photo of Qutb was probably employed by some or a limited number of protesters and not the key protest organizers. But in today’s world of rapidly spreading images and political openings, a single image can represent an entire movement.

In Kerala, it served to divert the national discussion from the significant issues regarding the Waqf Bill to the sensational allegations of Islamist support. This is not a victory for the protesters. It is a distraction—and a destructive one.

Moving Forward: Responsible Protest and Clear Vision

 Indian Muslims are confronted with serious challenges: increasing marginalization, communal violence, and increasing state surveillance of their institutions. Their political action and protests have to be strategic, disciplined, and Constitution-based. Individuals such as B.R. Ambedkar, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan are better role models for demonstrations than Sayyid Qutb. These leaders were of the opinion that they should speak, learn, reform, and cooperate with the Indian state—instead of boycotting it.

There is power in moderation, and strength in clarity. As one Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ says:

خَيْرُ الْأُمُورِ أَوْسَطُهَا

“The best of affairs are those that are moderate.”

(Musnad Ahmad)

If Indian Muslim activists want their demands to be heard and respected, they must also speak a language that resonates with India’s constitutional and pluralistic values—not imported ideologies that sow division.

Courtesy: New Age Islam 

The post Why Sayyid Qutb’s Symbolism during a Waqf Protest Was dangerous and self-defeating appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Surprisingly, I vividly remember that the story of Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Gandhi, was narrated to us by a Brahmin teacher in my village. What struck me even more was the tone of his narration—it seemed to express a subtle sympathy for the killer of Bapu. Yet, that same teacher never took the time to tell us who Babasaheb Ambedkar was.

The entry of Dr. Ambedkar into my life came quite late. I cannot say exactly when I first heard his name, but my real engagement with his work began when I enrolled in a postgraduate programme in Political Science in Delhi.

Traditional Political Science syllabi gave very little space to Ambedkar’s ideas, although they readily imposed the political thoughts of Manu and Kautilya—both of whom were staunch upholders of the caste-based social order—on students. If someone wants to pursue research on Manu, they are free to do so. But I am still unable to understand the rationale behind compelling every student to study Manu at the undergraduate or postgraduate level in a course on Indian political thought.

It may be understandable that M. S. Golwalkar, one of the key ideologues of the Hindutva ideology, praised Manu as “Lord (Bhagwan)” and called him as “the greatest lawgiver of mankind.” However, the disproportionate space assigned to Manu in political science textbooks raises serious questions about the fragility of the secular character of India’s educational system. That Ambedkar—one of the staunchest critics of the caste-based social order and a vocal opponent of “Hindu Raj”—has remained neglected in the mainstream educational system and media should not come as a surprise to many.

My stay at Delhi’s two universities over a span of 11 years—two years at Jamia Millia Islamia and nine years at Jawaharlal Nehru University—brought me significantly closer to the thoughts and legacy of Babasaheb Ambedkar. In the classroom, our professors did make references to Ambedkar’s ideas, but I found myself unsatisfied with the way they interpreted and explained his work. I noticed that they had a vested interest in highlighting only certain aspects of Ambedkar while concealing others. The professors soon lost their influence over us when many of us realized that their discussions of Ambedkar inside the classroom and their actions outside were quite disconnected. For them, teaching Ambedkar, writing about him, publishing books, and getting projects in his name seemed more like career-building strategies. For many of us, however, Ambedkar was a ray of light—an inspiration to escape the darkness of an unequal social order. I began to look beyond the classroom and found that engaging with Ambedkarite activist-scholars at the university and those actively involved in Ambedkarite movements was far more fruitful than simply taking notes from careerist professors.

Since Ambedkar wrote in lucid prose, he was not particularly difficult to understand. Unlike many other politicians, he never neglected the importance of scholarship. He read, researched, and wrote until his last breath. The focus of his scholarship was not on fairy tales, nor was he interested in metaphysical or divine questions. As an organic intellectual, he wrote about the problems faced by the most marginalized sections of society—people whom the caste-based system did not even consider human, let alone treat as equals. Ambedkar’s writings, spread across thousands of pages, continue to serve as a torchlight for marginalized communities. Those who uphold the status quo are trying hard to appropriate Ambedkar, but they cannot bury the power and truth of his dozens of volumes of writings.

But unlike armchair scholars confined to the ivory towers of the establishment, Ambedkar believed that the process of thinking is intrinsically linked to action. In contrast to the so-called “objective” scholarship of the mainstream, his writings had a clear purpose and stood firmly with the downtrodden. He recognized that the cloak of “objectivity” and “neutrality” often serves to maintain the status quo and reinforces existing hegemonies. That is why he not only wrote but also acted. He agitated, and he penned. In Ambedkar’s philosophy, the process of thought and action-oriented programmes are inseparable. He was truly a “concerned” scholar and an organic politician.

In my understanding, Ambedkar belongs to the tradition of materialist-rationalist thoughts shaped by Buddhism, Kabir, and Jyotirao Phule. Consequently, he was deeply critical of metaphysical, idealist, Vedantic, and Brahminical frameworks for interpreting the world. Unlike Brahminical thinkers, Ambedkar did not shy away from confronting material reality. Nor did he resort to explaining concrete problems through metaphysical abstractions or the construction of myths. In contrast to the Brahminical scholarly tradition, he categorically rejected the notion of divinity and the role of supernatural beings.

Although he acknowledged the social significance of religion, his conception of it was radically different—his vision of religion excluded the presence of God. For Ambedkar, religion was not about ritual performance or appeasing a higher power; rather, it was a social space where marginalized communities could assert their dignity and forge collective solidarity.

In essence, Ambedkar deconstructed Brahminical myths and laid the groundwork for a new social order rooted in the ideals of equality, liberty, and fraternity. Throughout his life, he remained deeply uneasy with the idea of human beings surrendering—whether to divine forces or to fellow humans. For him, both the worship of gods and the veneration of heroic figures were equally unacceptable.

Ambedkar was a staunch advocate of equality in the political, social, and economic domains. Continuing the legacy of Buddha, Kabir, and Phule, he offered a scathing critique of the caste-based social order. As an iconoclast, he denounced the religion into which he was born and criticized the Hindu social order and its religious texts for perpetuating caste-based discrimination.

Since most of us are raised within a Brahminical social milieu, we are trained from childhood to perceive the caste hierarchy as “natural” and the prevailing social system as one that fosters “harmony” and “equilibrium.” From structural-functionalist scholars to most upper-caste leaders and intellectuals, there has long been a tendency to normalize and defend the caste order. However, the emergence of Dr. Ambedkar on the broader political stage began to challenge this entrenched narrative. His powerful call for the annihilation of the caste system resonated with millions who had long been treated as pariahs by the upper castes.

Ambedkar’s enduring contribution lies in his ability, much like a skilled doctor, to diagnose the deep-seated stagnation of Indian society. He prescribed a clear remedy: without the annihilation of caste, the achievement of political, social, and economic equality, and justice for women and minorities, the nation cannot truly progress.

While it is true that the mainstream Indian Left—whose leadership has largely been dominated by Brahmins and other upper castes—ignored Dr. Ambedkar and excluded Dalit leadership until the Ambedkarite movement brought him into public consciousness, this should not be used to validate the Hindutva narrative that portrays Ambedkar as an “enemy” of Marxism or socialism. Marxism and socialism are not monolithic ideologies; they are interpreted and shaped by prevailing parties or dominant leaders, and thus, no single definition is universally accepted. What matters is that Ambedkar engaged with Marxism on his own terms, expressing both agreement and disagreement with its dominant interpretations during his time.

Given that Marxism is a materialist philosophy that advocates for the removal of class-based inequality and the establishment of material equality, Ambedkar’s own work resonates strongly with Marxist principles. His efforts to organize the working class, his emphasis on eradicating economic inequality, and his commitment to a materialist, scientific, and rational worldview align him closely with Marxist ideals and practice.

However, Dr. Ambedkar differed from the dominant Marxist interpretation on the questions of class, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the use of violence. Unlike mainstream Marxist thinkers, Ambedkar’s understanding of class emphasized the social identities of labourers and rejected the notion of the working class as a homogenous entity. His key contribution lay in highlighting the lack of solidarity among workers, despite their shared exploitation.

While Marxists called for unity among labourers, Ambedkar insisted that unity could not be achieved without first addressing the internal divisions created by caste. Upper-caste comrades were often eager to bring about revolution, overlooking the fundamental reality that caste—structured around graded inequality—stood in the way of genuine worker solidarity. Ambedkar argued that caste must first be annihilated to lay the foundation for a truly classless society. This view diverged sharply from that of upper-caste Marxists, who often saw the caste question as a distraction or even a threat to working-class unity. The mainstream Left’s continued failure to enact meaningful social transformation should prompt a serious re-examination of Ambedkar’s nuanced perspective on class and caste.

No doubt Ambedkar was a great scholar, a brilliant lawyer, and an influential Parliamentarian. The construction of his image as a legal scholar holding the Constitution of India has created the impression that Ambedkar only believed in legal and constitutional methods, and therefore, had no ideological connection with Marxists, who are often associated with violent means. To support such a claim, Ambedkar’s famous speech titled “Buddha or Karl Marx” is frequently cited.

It is true that Ambedkar acknowledged that both Buddhism and Marxism opposed private property. However, according to him, Buddhism diverged from Marxism on the question of violence. Ambedkar emphasized that Buddhism, unlike Marxism, rejected violence. That said, his critique of Marxism in this regard must be situated within the historical context of his time. It is a matter of historical record that some communist leaders, backed by the brute force of the state, resorted to violence in their attempt to establish a “class-less” society.

Supporters of such violent methods might argue that radical social change and reordering of class relations cannot be accomplished through purely constitutional and legal means, and that violence by the oppressed is not a violation but an act of liberation. While Ambedkar may have agreed with the goal of achieving a class-less society, he preferred to pursue a different strategy—one that did not involve violence. This belief was deeply held and unwavering, despite criticism from the Left, who at times dismissed Ambedkar as “at best a radical bourgeois leader.”

Ambedkar and his critics held different perspectives on these issues. However, the failures of various communist regimes—though not of Marxism as a philosophy—have led even some of his critics to reconsider his principled critique of violence. Importantly, Ambedkar’s rejection of violence does not imply a lack of belief in peaceful yet radical movements. His famous call to “educate, organise, and agitate” reflects a commitment to constitutional and legal methods, but not a confinement to them.

Consider the historic Mahad Conference of 1927, where Ambedkar led thousands of untouchables to assert their right to access a public tank that had been denied to them by caste-based restrictions. During this agitation, upper-caste aggressors attacked Ambedkar and his followers, yet he stood his ground. His editorials in Bahishkrit Bharat are a testament to his unwavering message urging Dalits not to accept caste discrimination and to rise in rebellion. In one editorial dated May 20, 1927, Ambedkar clearly stated that no one would grant Dalits their rights out of charity—they had to be prepared to fight for them. Is this not strong evidence that Ambedkar was far more than merely a legal scholar? His call to struggle against discrimination and exploitation, and his insistence on securing a life of dignity, align him with mass movements—and place him ideologically close to the Left.

However, one of my biggest attractions to Babasaheb Ambedkar is his theory of minority rights, which is inherently linked to the broader concept of social justice. In light of the rise of right-wing forces in India and elsewhere, Ambedkar’s ideas have become even more relevant today. As previously mentioned, Ambedkar was a staunch opponent of any dictatorial or authoritarian regime. He understood well that the suppression of liberty is often justified in the name of lofty goals, and he consistently cautioned marginalized communities not to fall prey to such narratives.

With the advent of democracy and the introduction of universal suffrage, Ambedkar recognized the transformative potential of the right to vote for bringing about social change. However, he did not believe that formal political equality alone was sufficient to ensure justice and equality in society. He argued that social reform, economic equality, and robust safeguards for minority rights were essential complements to political democracy. In other words, while equal voting rights represent a significant achievement, they are only truly effective when accompanied by social and economic justice, along with institutional protections for minorities.

Ambedkar frequently cautioned that democracy as an institution can only survive when social and economic equality is achieved. While he did not believe in using violent methods to bring about radical change, he also disagreed with liberals who believed that formal equality and a market-driven economic order would eventually lead to a just society. In various writings and speeches, Ambedkar highlighted the threat that class-based inequality poses to the sustainability of democracy.

Today, economic inequality in India has increased significantly compared to Ambedkar’s time. The ongoing crisis of Indian democracy and rising societal instability can largely be attributed to this widening economic gap. If Ambedkar were alive today, his foremost agenda would likely include launching mass movements for full employment, equitable access to quality public education, and comprehensive healthcare for all. He would also have been at the forefront of resisting reactionary and conservative forces that disguise themselves as nationalist. He would have strongly opposed the conflation of religion and politics, and any attempts to align the Indian state with the majority religion. No one denounced Hindu nationalism as forcefully as Ambedkar, who called it “the greatest calamity for this country.” Undoubtedly, he would have aligned himself with the Left.

Ambedkar’s democratic theory and his idea of social justice are closely linked with his concept of minority rights. He opposed authoritarianism and dictatorial regimes because he believed that one person, one party, one caste group, or one class cannot be entrusted with safeguarding the interests of all. He was acutely aware of the fact that ruling castes often attempt to serve their own interests under the guise of “nationalism,” dismissing the legitimate concerns of marginalised communities as “communalism.”

Perhaps he was among the first to expose the trope of nationalism versus communalism as a tool to silence the voices of the oppressed. His critique of nationalism does not imply support for communal politics. Rather, Ambedkar demonstrated how the category of nationalism has been co-opted by sections of the upper castes to present their own interests as “national interests”, while branding those who question this dominance as “communal.”

Ambedkar has also been unfairly accused of being a supporter of British imperialism. However, the historical reality is that he was not against India’s freedom. While the upper castes considered the mere transfer of power from British rulers to Indian elites as the attainment of Swaraj, Ambedkar pressed nationalist leaders to explicitly define the rights and safeguards that minorities would receive in post-Independence India. These upper-caste leaders often appeared “radical” in their political critique of British rule but remained deeply conservative and status quoist when issues concerning Dalits, Adivasis, lower castes, and religious minorities were raised.

Ambedkar’s critique of Indian nationalism stemmed from a commitment to social justice. Throughout the freedom struggle, he consistently raised the issue of caste-based inequality and worked to amplify the voices of the marginalised. He firmly believed that caste-based social order was a significant obstacle to fostering fraternity among Indians. Without addressing the caste question, he argued, the process of nation-building could not be complete.

In contrast, upper-caste leaders and their allies in the Hindutva camp often promoted an ascriptive theory of nationalism, asserting that the idea of the Indian nation has existed for thousands of years. In tracing the nation back to ancient times, Hindu right-wing ideologues positioned the Hindu community as the authentic nation and cast minorities and non-Hindus as outsiders. Since the minorities were not considered fully part of the Hindu nation, their patriotism was constantly questioned. As a display of loyalty, the Hindu right demanded that minorities abandon their distinct identities and assimilate into the dominant culture in order to receive validation as true patriots. Ambedkar was acutely aware of the dangers posed by religious and communal interpretations of nationalism and citizenship. That is why, he opposed strongly communal majority. That is why he strongly opposed attempts by upper-caste Hindus to forge a communal majority.

For Ambedkar, the antidote to the politics of communal majoritarianism—which posed a serious threat during his time and continues to endanger India’s social fabric—was the establishment of mechanisms to check authoritarian tendencies and institutionalize safeguards for minorities. One of the greatest threats to democracy, in his view, was the concentration of power. In other words, Ambedkar was a strong opponent of absolute power and an ardent advocate of power-sharing among communities.

As a true democrat, Ambedkar was disheartened by the suppression of opposition voices during Nehru’s regime. While numerous books celebrate Nehru’s democratic credentials and openness to dissent, little attention is paid to the fact that he dismissed the first democratically elected communist government in Kerala, played a key role in the centralization of power, and presided over a Parliament that lacked an official Leader of the Opposition until 1967—during the peak of the Congress system. Ambedkar himself noted that he was not granted his ministry of choice in Nehru’s cabinet, even as some ministers were assigned multiple portfolios. Today, under BJP rule, the marginalization of opposition voices and the stifling of dissent has intensified manifold. That is why Ambedkar’s unwavering commitment to defending dissent and opposition remains profoundly relevant in today’s political climate. Ambedkar’s critique of hero-worship also offers a powerful lens through which to understand the rise of populist right-wing leaders. We still await a critical analysis of Narendra Modi’s rise through the lens of Ambedkar’s political thought.

Ambedkar was deeply pained to witness the Congress Party using its own Dalit leaders to silence him whenever he raised his voice. Today, the BJP has perfected the art of delegitimizing authentic Dalit leadership by grooming its own representatives through the ideological apparatus of the Hindutva laboratory. Consequently, while Dalits are now nearly proportionally represented in legislative bodies, most of these leaders—elected through joint electorates and reliant on their party’s backing—tend to remain silent or toe the party line on critical issues affecting their communities.

It is important to remember that Ambedkar strongly demanded a separate electorate for the Depressed Classes during the Round Table Conference, a demand that the British Government ultimately granted. However, he was compelled to give it up following Gandhi’s fast. He observed that authentic Dalit voices often struggle to garner support from both mainstream political parties and caste Hindu voters, resulting in their continued marginalization.

It is unfortunate that most mainstream scholars of India’s electoral system rarely acknowledge the structural inequality inherent in the first-past-the-post system. There is little advocacy for proportionate and effective minority representation, a demand that Dr. Ambedkar passionately championed. While many European countries have embraced proportional representation for minorities, Indian intellectuals often take pride in pointing out the shortcomings of other nations rather than engaging in introspection and learning from successful democratic models to advocate for reform at home.

While Ambedkar contributed significantly to the shaping of democracy, the safeguards for the interests and rights of minorities were especially close to his heart. It is important to note that the term minority, for Ambedkar, was not confined to religious minorities alone. He defined minorities broadly to include socially discriminated groups. According to Ambedkar, the category of minority applies not only to religious communities such as Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, and Parsis, but also to Dalits and Adivasis.

Several political scientists have later classified minorities into types such as religious, linguistic, caste-based, and tribal (Adivasi) minorities. Ambedkar believed that the true measure of a successful democracy lies in how well it protects the interests and rights of its minorities. He was acutely aware that, in a democratic polity, governments are formed based on majority support—meaning that minorities are often excluded from power. To address this structural inequality, Ambedkar warned against the creation of a communal majority.

Today, the danger Babasaheb foresaw has become increasingly apparent. The deliberate strategy of stoking communal tensions and demonizing the Muslim minority as the “other” in Indian society is designed to unite the majority community through a shared religious identity and thereby forge a communal majority. From Ambedkar’s perspective, the formation of a communal majority is anathema to democracy, as it inevitably leads to the suppression of minority rights.

Keeping in view these dangers, Ambedkar clearly stated that a government formed through majority rule should not be regarded as holy or sacrosanct. Speaking at the Annual Session of the All-India Scheduled Castes Federation held in Bombay on May 6, 1945, Ambedkar said, “Majority Rule is untenable in theory and unjustifiable in practice. A majority community may be conceded a relative majority of representation but it can never claim an absolute majority.”

In simple terms, Ambedkar argued that while the formation of a government may occur through majority support, it must never overlook the necessity of respecting the consent of the minority. For this reason, Ambedkar opposed the enactment of any law that lacked the approval of minority communities, warning that such disregard could provoke rebellion. Law after law directly affecting minorities—especially the Muslim minority—is being enacted by the Modi-led BJP Government without seeking their consent. In fact, the recent enactment of the Waqf Amendment Bill (2025) is widely seen as a majoritarian assault on minority rights.

On multiple occasions, Ambedkar demanded both proportionate and effective representation for minorities. It is important to note that while proportionate representation is necessary, it is not sufficient. The term effective is crucial in Ambedkar’s framework for safeguarding minority rights. Once the principle of effective representation is acknowledged, it essentially grants the minority a form of veto power. This veto power serves as an assurance that minorities need not fear majority rule, as no law would be passed and no policy formulated without their equal participation and consent.

In other words, the success of democracy lies in ensuring that minorities feel confident, secure, and prosperous. Ambedkar, the Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee, sought to give the country a strong and just constitution, and he did his utmost to safeguard the interests of weaker sections within it. However, Ambedkar was also aware that, without the active participation of minorities and other marginalized groups in policymaking, even a good law would not ensure justice. To emphasize his point, Ambedkar argued that if marginalized communities are included in decision-making processes, they can interpret even a bad law to deliver justice. But if they are excluded from executing policies, even the best of laws will fail to serve their interests.

One of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s greatest achievements was securing constitutional, institutional, and legal protection for the policy of social justice and reservations—thus removing it from the whims of any individual, whether in the executive or the judiciary. Ambedkar understood that justice could not be achieved without addressing gender inequality and legally granting Hindu women equal rights. This is why he pushed hard for the passage of the Hindu Code Bill in its undiluted form.

No one understood better than Ambedkar the suffering of Hindu women during the post-Buddhist era, particularly under the social codes of Manu, which stripped them of their rights and severely restricted their mobility. As a feminist, Ambedkar recognized that the caste system was perpetuated by controlling the sexuality of Hindu women and prohibiting inter-caste marriages. He aimed to eliminate these social evils and liberate women through the Hindu Code Bill. Unfortunately, the Hindu Right—both within the Congress party and outside it—conspired against him. When he found himself isolated, Ambedkar was forced to resign. To this day, Ambedkar’s mission to liberate Hindu women remains unfulfilled.

As is evident today, the philosophy and goals of Dr. Ambedkar are more relevant than ever before. However, the struggle for emancipation from the caste-based social order can only succeed if broader solidarity is forged. I find that Ambedkar’s thoughts and programs align more closely with Leftist agendas. When I use the term “Left,” I refer to the broader Marxist and socialist philosophy. While I acknowledge that Ambedkar did not agree with every aspect of mainstream Marxist and socialist interpretations, that does not mean Ambedkar—and by extension, Ambedkarites—are not natural allies of the Left. Here, the term “Left” does not refer to any specific political party. Nor am I ignoring the reality that leadership within mainstream Left parties in India has historically been dominated by upper castes, who often neglected caste issues and hesitated to elevate Dalit leaders to top positions. Nevertheless, the historical failures of certain Left organizations should not become a permanent obstacle to an alliance between Ambedkarite and Leftist forces.

That is why, for me, my Ambedkar is a Leftist Ambedkar.

Dr. Abhay Kumar holds a PhD in Modern History from the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. His forthcoming book explores Muslim Personal Law. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com

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Directed by Govind Nihalani and based on Bhisham Sahni’s haunting novel, Tamas dared to hold a mirror to the nation’s soul. Not just to remind us of the agony that the Partition caused us, but to expose the political machinery that breeds communal hatred – systematically, with precision, with horrifying ease.

As a young adult, when I sat before the small screen, I remember how I flinched, not once, but many times, throughout. The movie – then in the form of a mini-series – made me numb. It was so intense. Scene after scene took me far into the dark days, much before my time – beyond its frames.

Tamas wasn’t a cinematic spectacle. It was truth stripped to the bone. I can see them even today, clear and dark. A pig carcass thrown into a place of worship. A whisper becoming a riot. Neighbours morphing into enemies overnight. Women killing themselves to avoid dishonour at the hands of rioters.

This was four years before the demolition of the Babri Masjid. The movie did not predict it. Nor did it predict the Gujarat pogroms; rather, it laid bare the anatomy of such events long before they happened. Each of the series started with this warning : “Those who forget their history are condemned to repeat it.”

It was as if the future was being acted out on film, but no one was listening. We simply looked away.

Today, Empuraan, a cinematic spectacle, has the country watching and debating it. It is a hard-hitting movie that drags truth and trauma to the surface. It revisits India’s recent history of hate and division, conspiracies and treachery, and blurs the distinction between fiction and unsettling facts. However, unlike Tamas, which grieved, warned, and peeled the layers of hatred, Empuraan trembles with the thrill of revenge. It blows into the fire not to extinguish it but to fan it, challenge it and eventually burn and bury the symbols of hate in retribution, gory and violent.

The distinction matters.

Because the fire that is burning is not one that can be doused by fire.

Over the past years, dominant Hindutva voices have publicly advocated for a Hindu Rashtra. Boycotts and harassment of minorities happen in broad daylight. Hate speeches that incite violence have gone unchallenged. The bulldozer, once a symbol of development, is now a mascot of retribution.

Attacks by self-styled vigilantes rise daily, while hate speeches against minorities have become so common that the media barely notices them anymore.

But what of us? The ordinary citizens? The neighbours, coworkers, and relatives?

What about the people at the dinner table, quietly consuming WhatsApp propaganda? What of the colleagues who once believed in secularism but now laugh at the abuse of the other? What about the polite silence from friends and relatives that accompanies every slogan, slur, and destroyed home?

What of the urban educated, who rationalise lynchings but rage over “vote bank politics”?

What of our complicity?

Too many of us – educated, articulate, even progressive, once – have fallen into the trap of propaganda. Our quiet is no longer innocuous. It is consent. It is a collaboration.

And perhaps the most unsettling issue that Tamas wanted us to see all along was not just the horror of violence or the hysteria of mobs, nor was it only about the silent concurrence of the government, but about us: the ordinary people who turned away.

Tamas encountered legal and political challenges in the late 1980s. The government attempted to prevent the series from airing. Petitions were filed. Courts were approached. The administration dreaded the consequences. There was fear it would provoke unrest.

It didn’t.

There were no riots, only discomfort. It provoked something far more powerful: conscience.

That was a different India. One that still flinched.

Do we still flinch?

When we see mobs lynching in broad daylight – do we flinch? When classmates assault a schoolchild on religious grounds at the command of a teacher, do we flinch? When hate becomes humour and cruelty becomes normal content, do we still flinch?

Or have we all actually become one, as in the title of the movie Tamas, which in Sanskrit would mean darkness, ignorance, delusion, or inertia. Tamas is a state of being – one where truth is obscured, and actions are guided by fear, hatred, or confusion.

If Empuraan disturbed us, it should.

Not just for the conspiracies it hints at or the wounds it reopened, but for who we are: a culture that justifies and forgets.

It is now the time to watch Tamas again. Not for nostalgia. Not even for mourning.

But to turn the mirror inward.

Because hate is not yelled. It is whispered. It is nodded at. It is forwarded. It is lived quietly in homes like ours.

And in the end, the most dangerous place for a country to arrive at…

..is when it no longer flinches.

Sridhar Radhakrishnan is an environmental and social justice activist. He writes on democracy, ecology, agriculture, and civil society movements.

Courtesy: The Wire

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On the morning of April 11, a large posse of 10-13 officials from the ACB-EOW of the State Police in Raipur raided three premises connected with the veteran Adivasi leader and ex-MLA from Konta, Manish Kunjam, including his houses in the district headquarters of Sukma and in his native village of Ramaram. After rummaging through all these locations, and turning them inside out, the team did not find any incriminating material, it is reported. However, according to a statement issued by PUCL, Chhattisgarh states that the law enforcement authorities still confiscated two mobile phones and a daily diary of the former MLA. This was apparently part of an inquiry into the tendu patta scam and the premises of 7 managers of different primary minor forest produce (MFP) cooperative societies in Sukma were also raided.

Manish Kunjam, who was elected as member to the legislative assembly (MLA) from the Konta constituency from 1990 to 1998, is also seen to be s been a fearless and outspoken critic of the present and previous regimes, and has also led the movement against the government-sponsored militia Salwa Judum, which was eventually banned by the Supreme Court. Kunjam also led the movement against the proposed Tata Steel Plant in Lohandiguda, which forced the company to withdraw its plans; and has led many other popular movements for the right of Adivasis to their land and resources. After spending decades being associated with the CPI and leading the Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Mahasabha, he left it last year and has founded a new party, the Bastariya Raj Morcha, which won two crucial district panchayat seats in the recent Panchayat elections in Chhattisgarh. The support of the Bastariya Raj Morcha to the Congress Party candidate for the post of the President of the Zila Panchayat ensured that Sukma became the only district in Chhattisgarh, where the BJP was unable to appoint its candidate as the District Panchayat President.

On January 8, 2025, Manish Kunjam had sought an investigation into the distribution of tendu patta bonus in Sukma district, alleging that at Rs. 3.6 crores of tendu patta bonus had been embezzled by officials of the forest department.

As is well known, tendu patta collection is a crucial source of income for the Adivasis of Bastar, and thousands of families are engaged in it during the summer months. It is often referred to as “green gold” in tribal areas. The individual collectors sell the tendu patta to the government primary forest produce cooperative societies, which are supervised by the local Forest Department. In 2021, 15 such societies and in 2022, 10 such societies in Sukma bought tendu patta from roughly 90,000 individual tendu patta collectors. Consequently, Rs 6.54 crores was to be distributed in April – May 2024 as bonus to these collectors for the two years 2021 and 2022. Since not all the individual collectors had bank accounts, special permission was taken for distribution of Rs. 3.62 crores of this bonus in cash.

In his letter to the Collector of Sukma on 08.01.2025, Manish Kunjam had alleged that the amount that was to be distributed cash, Rs. 3.62 crores, has in fact been embezzled by the forest department officials and none of the individual collectors have received this bonus payment. The Divisional Forest Officer of Sukma, Ashok Patel, has already been suspended as a result of this enquiry and it is learned that many of the managers of the co-operative societies have confessed to paying off the DFO with this money. Thus, it is all the more incomprehensible why the Chhattisgarh Police will now raid the complainant, who is seeking investigation into this scam. It certainly appears that the raid this morning has less to do with investigating the tendu patta bonus scam, and more to do with harassment and persecution of Mr. Kunjam, who is well-known as a fearless and outspoken leader.

The confiscation of the mobile phones of Manish Kunjam, states the PUCL statement, is also a matter of grave concern, and is part of this growing trend of the police and related agencies seizing electronic devices at the smallest pretext, illegally violating the privacy of individuals and prying into all their messages and communications, and sometimes even implicating them falsely by adding incriminating material on these devices. There is no cogent explanation why the phones of Mr. Kunjam are of interest in this investigation, and in fact, their seizure appears to be the sole motive for this raid in the first place. These seizures are completely illegal, as no hash values were provided to Manish Kunjam, and thus, it cannot be ensured that the phones will not be tampered with by the police authorities. These seizures also violate the CBI guidelines of seizure of electronic devices which are required to be followed by all investigating agencies, following the interim order of the Supreme Court dated 14.12.2023 in Ram Ramaswamy vs. Union of India (WPC 138/2021).

Related:

Appeal to Political Parties, Visit Bastar, Initiate a Dialogue, Restore Fundamental Rights

Attack on Prof Sanjay Kumar Roundly Condemned

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