This CCG visit came in the wake of the Union Territory legislative assembly elections and Operation Sindoor which followed a terrorist attack at Pahalgam, and the havoc caused by the heavy rains, floods, landslides in Jammu division but also in Kashmir. These major significant incidents that followed one after the other have taken a huge psychological and economic toll on people and communities in both regions of Jammu-Kashmir. The visit also came at a time when the statehood promised by the Centre at an “appropriate time” still seemed a distant dream despite an elected government, albeit a non-Bhartiya Janata Party led one, in place and dyarchy continued to prevail in Jammu and Kashmir — the chief minister still did not enjoy full powers and the Lieutenant Governor controlled much of the administrative and law and order structure.

During its most recent visit, the CCG members met leaders of political parties (including former Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, current Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and Deputy Chief Minister Surinder Kumar Choudhary of the National Conference, Mohammad Yusuf Tarigami of the Communist Party of India (Marxist),Tariq Hamid Karra President of the J&K State Pradesh Congress Committee, G. A. Mir, Secretary General and Nizam Uddin Bhat, Congress MLA and chief whip from Bandipora, Kashmir’s foremost religious cleric and political leader Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Kashmiri Pandit leader Sanjay Ticku, civil society leaders, representatives of the Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry, student activists from the J&K Students’ Association and journalists.

In sum, the CCG after its end October 2025 visit found that the situation on the ground, especially in the Kashmir Valley is much farther from the truth than the one presented by the Government of India or its media in Delhi.

Sullen Silence, Building anti-India sentiment

From the Jammu-Kashmir Report of the CCG:

The overwhelming sense in Srinagar was that of sullen silence. During the meetings with all those that the CCG met from civil society, they realised that the alienation had deepened, resentment and anger against the Central Government had increased but it was also partly directed now against the popularly elected Omar Abdullah government.

Different sections of Kashmiri society seemed angry over different issues. The student community was upset over the new reservation policy (which the present government had inherited) as that had reduced the general category reservation in higher educational institutions. People were also upset over the issues of the introduction of electricity metres and the non-restoration of Statehood.

When members of the CCG asked whether installing electricity metres was not a good measure, a senior Kashmiri retorted, “Sure but at least give us electricity. We are paying high electricity bills without uninterrupted electricity supply. These meters were supposed to prevent interruptions. Why are we paying such high bills when we produce hydro power here and yet have long hours of power cuts.”

This anger against the Abdullah government at times, stated the CCG report, seemed misplaced. In the last six months the local government has faced the war that caused casualties in the border areas and destruction of nearly 850 houses in Poonch district alone. Then there were unprecedented natural calamities. The Chief Minister was seen in the media visiting every disaster hit area within hours, inspecting the damage caused, giving instructions to the local civil authorities for steps to be taken to rescue victims to safer places, and providing shelter and compensation and meeting victims.

This year’s natural calamity, a result of climate change and possibly a recurring feature in the near future, is much discussed in both the regions of the UT. The road widening projects, reckless cutting down of trees and blasting of mountainsides was blamed for the landslides, mudslides and roads being washed away in Jammu region. There are, however, no signs yet of this emerging public concern converting itself into sustained civil society movement pushing for government action for mitigation of climate change impact.

Crucially, there is a pervading fear of voicing any dissenting views or opinions by civil society members. Repression by the police on this front is real that does not spare public intellectuals, media persons and others.

Meanwhile, anti-India sentiment is spreading widely. Public sentiment that had largely turned away from Pakistan has shifted since Operation Sindoor, we were told. While militancy remains at a slow burn, a churning among youth seems to be motivating them to enter spaces of greater radicalisation, possibly supported by forces across the Line of Control.

“We have been silenced”, said a prominent doctor of Srinagar speaking to members of the CCG, “But the eerie silence does not mean all is hunky-dory.” The volcano of suppressed anger and frustration bordering on hatred could erupt any time, he felt as “all it needs is a trigger.”

A retired professor claimed that there was “no protection for Kashmiri identity today” and on top that there was a sense of economic disempowerment. Another prominent civil society member claimed, “We Kashmiris are rebuked and abused at every occasion. The national media plays dirty and projects all Kashmiris as villains.” He also objected to the concert of Bollywood singer Sonu Nigam, which was only attended “by security personnel and their families” as ordinary Kashmiris boycotted it. “He reportedly has problems with the call for prayer, Azaan. He was sponsored by a corporate TV channel close to the government and people saw it as cultural invasion. We have our own cultural traditions. We don’t need people like him.”

The dominant civil society view –states the CCG report–was that India was moving towards majoritarian rule under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). “We oppose the BJP because of what it is doing to the Constitution of India. We are dedicated to the Constitution because it gives us our rights as citizens of India. Our loyalty is to the Constitution and not to any political party,” a prominent civil society leader said.

Another public intellectual, a prominent academic, recalled that “Sheikh Abdullah agreed to join Nehru’s India but wondered quite often what might happen if Hindu majoritarianism came to power in India” suggesting that that scenario had come true. This was not the India, Sheikh Abdullah and the Kashmiris had joined, “As a Muslim in India today I am denigrated by those with a Hindu majoritarian mindset,” he claimed.

He went on to say, “nobody here talks of India’s need to engage with Pakistan. That is for the Indian state to figure out. Nor are we in a position to say what kind of dialogue should be held with those Kashmiris who are in jail. But we had an identity as Kashmiris. That was a protection against Pakistan’s designs on Kashmir. And now even that has been taken away.”

People were apprehensive about the constant anti-Pakistan statements by the senior ministers of the Modi Government and repeated visits of senior Army officers to the border areas.

Others told us that the lack of jobs, uncertainty about the future, general societal anger and alienation were producing two types of negative reactions in some of the youth: they are either turning to drugs or, increasingly, towards radicalisation. Both these trends worry the Kashmiris who feel that they are destructive for the Kashmiri society. However, they also feel helpless over how to address these negative trends.

A senior editor said, “This silence of the Kashmiri society is unsustainable. It has to explode and we cannot say anything about its timing. But when it does, it would be dangerous.”

A political leader sensing the mood at Ground Zero warned the CCG team, “Kuch bada hone wala hai (something ‘big’ is going to happen)”. One had heard the same apprehension in August. Was it a foreboding of the horrific terrorist attack of November 10 that took place after our Group returned and smothered 11 innocent lives? One does not know.

1. Overall political situation

From the CCG Report: A year after the National Conference led alliance won AN overwhelming majority in the 2024 Assembly elections and Omar Abdullah Government was sworn in, the government is struggling. The public is unhappy that the promises made to the electorate are not being fulfilled fast enough.

However, Omar Abdullah also presides over a powerless government. He is not able to take any major decisions, as most of the decision-making powers are with the Lieutenant Governor, including appointments of civil servants and police officers. All this is only adding to the people’s frustrations. People are resentful that hardly any Kashmiri Officers are posted as administrative heads at the districts and are effectively sidelined. The officers from outside the UT, they claim, neither understand the language nor the local situation, resulting in a gap in public connect.

The internal strain within the National Conference and disagreement between the Chief Minister and the party’s very popular Lok Sabha member from Budgam are played out publicly. This is having its negative fallout as both sides have hardened their respective stands over issues which has now turned into personal battle. As a result of this, there was public perception that National Conference would lose the by-election in Budgam constituency, which was vacated by Omar Abdullah. (The NC lost the election and PDP won it, giving the latter much needed boost).

There is speculation in a section of the public that the National Conference’s Budgam MP is being instigated to weaken the National Conference and eventually destabilize Omar Abdullah government. However, there seems TO BE no evidence to support such a claim.

The Rajya Sabha elections for the four J&K seats that took place just before CCG’s visit, showed how skilfully the BJP managed to get the four extra votes, above its number of MLAs, in the Legislative Assembly. These elections have also widened the fissures between the governing alliance partners – the National Conference and the Congress. Each side holds the other responsible for this.

Former CM, Mehbooba Mufti is slowly growing in strength politically. She is raising issues that are of people’s concerns, holding demonstrations on different issues that are agitating the public. Recently she had filed a PIL in J&K High Court regarding those held for several years without trial in jails in different parts of the country, demanding that they be shifted to local jails as most families were unable to visit them due to lack of financial resources. She was herself present in the court for the hearing. This has struck a positive chord with the public as this has been a major issue of concern among the Kashmiris since 2019.

This issue of young people in prisons as well AS political leaders who are imprisoned since 2019, was also raised by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq during his meeting with our group. He told us that many parents come to him pleading that something be done to have their sons released from jails.

The Mirwaiz also told us about the kind of intimidation and surveillance he faces. Sometimes the senior cleric is allowed to give Friday sermons and then suddenly prevented from going to Jama Masjid for weeks without any reason. He is asked to show written text of his Friday sermons the night before for scrutiny. He is also asked to show his appointments for conducting marriages and even the Nikah Namas to the police.

The government, however, did allow him to go to Delhi to depose before the Joint Parliamentary Committee on the Waqf Bill. During the visit he met people in Delhi and had hoped that some political process would be initiated. He is a strong advocate of dialogue between Delhi and Srinagar and also feels that the tensions between India-Pakistan can be addressed through dialogue as lack of diplomatic relations was having a negative impact on the ground. He told us he was willing to play his part in this process, as he had done earlier.

One of the promises that were fulfilled by the Abdullah government was the Darbar Move for six months to Jammu. On November 1, government offices shifted to Jammu. This was in response to the demands of the Jammu public to bring the government closer to them, as well as bring the Kashmiris and Jammuites closer and allow greater economic interaction between the small traders and businessmen of the two regions. However, this alone was unlikely to overcome the sentiments of the Hindus of Jammu. Since the Assembly elections polarization has increased in Jammu plains against Muslims of Kashmir Valley. There are isolated incidents of social boycott of Muslims in the outskirts of Jammu city and in rural pockets. For the first time Jammu city saw war come close to them during Op Sindoor. Many Hindus migrated from Jammu city during the short war to neighbouring Himachal or Delhi. Some have even bought properties there. One public intellectual said, “We in Jammu also feel like an occupied colony. We are nowhere in the scheme of things. Only Kashmir is talked about”. Anger and alienation against New Delhi seem to be building up AMONGST Jammu’s Hindus too.

2. Statehood denial and its implications

From the CCG Report: Resentment on the non- restoration of statehood continues to be massive and overwhelming. Our Group witnessed at first hand the anger, frustration and disillusionment on this issue during our interactions with members of civil society, trade and industry representatives, businessmen, educationists, media-persons and Kashmiri Pandit leaders among others. While statehood is a significant and serious issue in the Valley, our Group learned that the Jammu region also continues to nurse anger over the loss of statehood and many related issues impacting them post-2019.

A senior political leader indicated the “root-cause” of the statehood denial to J&K saying, “Elections happened but the results were not to the expectations of the BJP government at the Centre. They could not get a BJP-led or a BJP-dependent government in Srinagar. It has been a year since the popular protest mandate given to Omar Abdullah. But the Centre has not been able to digest it.”

At the CCG meeting with Farooq Abdullah, President of the ruling National Conference (NC), Chief Minister (CM) Omar Abdullah, Deputy CM Surinder Choudhary, Lok Sabha MP Gurvinder Singh ‘Shammi’ Oberoi and Political Advisor to CM Nasir Wani were present among others. The double whammy of denial of statehood and existential diarchy and its consequential impact came out in bold relief during the discussions.

Terming himself as “half a CM”, despite having an overwhelming public mandate (41 out of 47 seats in the Valley and absolute majority in the J&K UT Assembly), Omar Abdullah lamented that in the prevalent diarchy–a sharp democratic regress–the Lt Governor exercises meaningful and effective power while he and his elected government are helpless in meeting peoples’ needs, address their grievances and strive to fulfil their aspirations. The existential structure of governance, it is useful to recall, resembles the colonial-type diarchy of 1919-1920 under which the British denied political power to elected governments of states in India by implementing strict repressive measures.

A young professional speaking to the CCG, averred: Kashmir is a colony of the Viceroy; the elected government is seen as completely toothless. It is the civil bureaucracy that exercises vast untrammelled power on behalf of the LG. In such a scenario people gravitate towards civil servants for their needs and grievances in effect bypassing the Cabinet Ministers they elected.

In its first sitting in October 2024, the newly elected Assembly had passed a resolution for speedy restoration of statehood. But even after over a year there has been no progress. A degree of political engagement by the Centre of people across multi-dimensional vectors would have calmed matters somewhat. The need for restoration of statehood on an urgent basis was also conveyed to us during our meetings with Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Hurriyat leader and Kashmir Valley’s Chief Cleric, Tariq Hameed Karra, President J&K Congress and its Secretary General GA Mir and Chief Whip Nizamuddin Bhat, NC’s Lok Sabha MP Syed Ruhullah, CPI (M) leader MY Tarigami and others. It hardly merits emphasis that non-restoration of statehood means the Human Rights Commission, Consumer Commission and appellate authorities—that routinely operate in a state—cannot function in a UT, leading to denial of redressal mechanisms to people in J&K who are already indignant and feel disempowered and alienated.

During the several conversations that visiting members of the CCG had with cross sections of society, A deep sense of loss felt by people of Kashmir—of identity, sub-identity, dignity and honour—found repeated mention. Exasperation and estrangement emanating from the humiliating nullification of Article 370, Article 35A and bifurcation of J&K into two UTs still persist. These hurt sentiments, sections of political leadership and civil society told our group, have compounded distrust towards the Centre with the non-restoration of statehood fanning the bitterness and feeling of political neglect even more. Omar Abdullah was forthright and categorical: no political entity, not least leaders of non-BJP parties in the rest of India have any sympathy and concern for the people of J&K. As to the ruling dispensation—aside from not fulfilling the promise of restoration of statehood made repeatedly by the Prime Minister and the Home Minister over the last seven years—when did it last convene an All-Party meeting on the situation in J&K?

During discussions, a view was expressed that the J&K Reorganisation Act (2019) provided the BJP ideology an opportunity to leverage the UT status of J&K not only to impose repressive policies but also initiate attempts to cobble together a BJP-led government. In such a situation, restoration of statehood would have found greater traction at the Centre. But with the Assembly elections putting paid to such a prospect, chances of early restoration are remote. A leading politician also ascribed the delay to the huge disconnect between Kashmir and its understanding in the rest of India.

It would be useful to recall that in the Supreme Court’s verdict on Article 370 petitions, the Bench said it would not adjudicate on the issue (of demoting and bifurcating an existing state into two UTs) because the Solicitor General had assured it that statehood would be restored. Significantly, in a separate note attached to the SC’s 370 judgement, Justice Sanjiv Khanna (who later became the Chief Justice of India) had stated that the demotion of a state to two UTs was “unconstitutional and should be summarily reversed.” It is this assertion that has sought to reinforce the views of the many we met that the reversal must happen without further delay.

When some petitioners that included Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd) a member of our Group moved the Supreme Court again for fulfilment of the promise of restoration of statehood to J&K, the Court made oral observations that what happened in Pahalgam (April 22, 2025 terror attack) cannot be ignored. The alleged Red Fort terrorist attack of November10 (after our Group returned from Kashmir) may serve to further dissuade the Supreme Court. But it must render justice on the issue strictly on legal merits and not allow Pahalgam and now Red Fort terror attacks overshadow the urgent need for restoration of statehood to Jammu and Kashmir.

3. Reservations time-bomb

From the CCG Report: The youngsters of Kashmir are upset with the reservations policy in the UT and they are demanding ‘rationalisation’ of the policy – reservation according to a community’s share in the population. What seems to have upset them most is that the additional 10% reservation given to the Pahari community by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government at the Centre which cuts into the share of the general category.

Overall reservations in J&K have, therefore, gone up to nearly 60%, the highest in the country when the broad Constitutional limit is 50%.

The formal reservation structure in J&K is as follows: Open Merit 50%; Scheduled castes 8%; Scheduled Tribes 20% (used to be 10% but Paharis have been given 10% ST reservation as well); Socially and economically backward classes 22% (residents of backward areas 10%; residents of areas adjoining Line of Actual Control/international border 4%, other OBCs 8%); horizontal reservations 6% (Children of defence personnel 3%, children of paramilitary and police personnel 1%, candidates possessing outstanding proficiency in sports 2% 0; and economically weaker sections (EWS) 10%.

However, since the horizontal reservations (defence, police, paramilitary and sports quota) and the EWS quota are from the Open Merit category, the effective reservation in that Open Merit category goes down.

The J&K Students’ Association which has been spearheading the demand that reservations be rationalised argues, “Reservations should be based on population ratios. According to the 2011 census, 69% of the Jammu and Kashmir population falls under the general category, yet the opportunities for open merit have been shrinking.” Therefore nearly 70% of the population competes for less than 40% of the job opportunities because of the expanded reservation quotas.

The immediate provocation for the students’ demand for rationalisation of reservations is the 10% ST reservation given to the Pahari speaking people of Jammu. While they clarify that they have got nothing against the Pahari community, they are against ST status being given for the first time in India on linguistic basis to Pahari speakers. “It was an appeasement measure. The BJP hoped that the Pahari community would vote for it if it were given ST reservation but that did not happen in the assembly election,” a student leader said.

The student leaders said that the ST reservation was given to the Pahari community by an Act of Parliament. “However, we are making a demand on the state government to rationalise the reservation issues which are in their domain. For example, looking at the definition of creamy layer, regional distribution of reservations, making EWS reservations J&K specific, and re-examining whether Reservation for Backward Areas makes any sense or needs to be scrapped when all the areas of J&K are well connected through road and other infrastructure.”

CCG Report:

The students feel that an overwhelming majority of the reservations have gone to Jammu and “Kashmir is proportionately discriminated against.”  According to figures provided by the state’s minister for revenue in the UT assembly on October 27, in the last two years, of the reservation certificates issued Jammu residents received 99% of the SC, 87% of the ST, 57% of OBC, 88% of EWS, 32% of Resident of Backward Area (RBA), 85% of resident of Actual Line of Control and 100% of “other” category certificates.

Except in the case of RBA category, Jammu seems to have been the overwhelming beneficiary of reservation certificates issued in the last two years, underlining the deep regional imbalance that is emerging. This data is bound to reignite the debate on the new reservation policy and further fuel the anger of the students. The issue is already being agitated in the J&K High Court and the students have as yet put forward their demands peacefully without taking to the streets.

The J&K government did set up a three-member House Committee to look into the reservations issue and its report, accepted by the government, is now laying with the Lt. Governor’s office. The students are not happy with the Committee which apparently did not organise stakeholder consultations before finalising its report and has only members from the ST community. “So, how can we expect any justice from it?” asked a student leader. However, the details of the report are not as yet in the public domain and therefore its recommendations are purely in the domain of speculation as of now.

The students, meanwhile, demand that, among other things, the government rationalise EWS eligibility to reflect ground realities and make it less urban-centric, re-classify backward area designation, periodic review of the reservations policy every five years, eliminate ‘politically motivated’ and arbitrary inclusion in reservation lists, create a unified Backward Classes Commission for J&K, and protect the rights of the Open Merit (general) category.

However, Kashmiri students are not the only ones agitated about the reservations issue.

The 1947-48 Hindu refugees of Poonch districts now settled in Jammu are not included in the Pahari reservation although they are Pahari and Pahari-speaking. This group has a grievance that they have been arbitrarily excluded. Similarly, the Pahari-speakers of Ramban district have been excluded while reservation applies to the adjoining Poonch and Rajouri districts.

N.B.: The Gujjars who were angry and protested when Pahari reservation was announced have now calmed down as their 10% reservation is intact and not affected by the new reserved category. However, there is anger among them as the Indian Administrative Service and Kashmir Administrative Service Gujjar officers have allegedly been sidelined completely and are not in positions of decision making, not dissimilar to many Kashmiri officers. A Gujjar public intellectual said that one would not find any Gujjar even as SHO in the 10 districts of Jammu division. According to him, this is not just creating disquiet but also building up anger in the community. Gujjars point out that as Indian nationalists they have played a significant role in defending border areas. But are now sidelined. They feel alienated and this will have an impact on the security situation.

4. Media continues to be under threat

From the CCG Report: Contrary to expectations, despite the UT assembly elections of 2024, there has been no meaningful restoration of media autonomy. Ongoing censorship, surveillance and intimidation of media practitioners continues, restricting media freedom severely.

Although internet shutdown is now infrequent, harassment of journalists, revocation of press credentials and pressure to publish administration friendly narratives continue. Operation Sindoor placed severe restrictions on media reportage and most Kashmiri journalists were not able to report about the developments on the ground. Some were summoned by the police about their attempts to report. Reports that had been filed were pulled down under pressure because it went against the government’s narrative. Things, however, seem to have eased a bit in the last three months, journalists claim.

The head of Directorate of Information and Public Relations (DIPR) has been given additional charge in the Raj Bhavan (Lt. Governor’s residence) and he sits there. This, journalists claim, shifts the media control to the Lt. Governor’s office, which already has a media adviser, who has gained notoriety for capricious decisions about giving out government ads to selected news platforms and denying it to others. Media accreditation has been denied to prominent national publications like the Times of India, Economic Times, NDTV and The Hindu. The media accreditation of the Economic Times was inexplicably revoked.

Journalists are denied press passes even for covering the legislative assembly proceedings on the whims of the powers that be. Journalists in Kashmir complain that by not allowing them to cover public events organised by the government is akin to deliberately sabotaging their careers.

Meanwhile, the J&K administration has introduced a new verification process to identify “real” journalists by asking for submission of salary slips as well as detailed background information from those who want to be included in the list of “bona fide” media professionals.

In a directive issued on October 31, the District Information Officers have been instructed to collect the background information of the media personnel operating in their jurisdiction, request them to submit salary slips for the last six months and maintain a regularly updated “verified list” of accredited and bona fide media persons.

The justification for such a directive is the “repeated complaints” received about the misuse of media credentials, curbing impersonation, blackmail and extortion and circulation of defamatory content. Officials argue that the move was necessitated by the rise of social media platforms and locally trusted digital outlets. These, they claim have, blurred the lines between professionals and self-styled journalists.

Journalists have opposed the move calling it intrusive and a potential crackdown on press freedom.

The Lt. Governor, the journalists claim, keeps talking of tackling the over ground workers (OGWs) and the terrorist eco-system and apprehend that any one of them can be designated as part of that ecosystem and prosecuted. A journalist Irfan Mehraj has been in Rohini Jail in Delhi for over 1,00 days now they point out and each time he applies for bail, he finds the judge has changed and the hearing has to begin afresh.

5. Trade and business after Pahalgam

Tourism:

Post-Pahalgam terror, Kashmir was emptied of tourists overnight. The tragedy struck at the beginning of the promising tourist season in which thousands of Kashmiris are involved – Hoteliers and their staff members, taxi operators, houseboat owners, shopkeepers and scores of other businesses. The tourism industry was hit badly. As weeks stretched into months without any tourist traffic, thousands who depended on their livelihoods on tourism were left without work and prospects of no earnings, so necessary for the harsh winter months when tourist traffic is reduced.

During our visit several hoteliers also told us that many had to lay off some of their staff. During the Diwali vacation there was some tourist traffic which increased to about 30% but we also heard another hotelier saying the increase in tourist traffic was hardly 10-15%. Perhaps different categories of hotels were hit differently. However, the total loss to tourism industry is hard to estimate as no one has calculated the loss of revenue so far.

One of the other issues bothering the hoteliers of Kashmir (and also of Jammu), is the Union Territory’s new Land Policy. Most leases are expiring or have expired. But instead of renewing these, as happens in rest of India, the UT government as per the New Act decided to auction the land on which the hotels have been built.

Gulmarg has been a special focus for implementation of the policy. Although the land leases of hotels in Srinagar and Jammu too have expired, these are not the focus of government action. The current owners who have invested substantial amounts in constructing and running these hotels, are not given any preference in the auctions conducted. The hoteliers have been demanding that the same rules be applied to expired land leases in Delhi which is also a Union Territory, as well as the other states in the rest of India.

Horticulture:

From the CCG Report: This sector generates major revenue for Kashmir and Kashmiris. Almost every family in South Kashmir has a small or big orchard and earn something out of it. This sector of THE economy too suffered badly in 2025.

Just as the apples were being harvested, there were heavy rains in the Jammu region. This caused landslides with some stretches of Srinagar-Jammu Highway being washed away. For about 20-22 days, around 4,000 trucks laden with fruits were stranded on the highway. This transportation delay completely damaged the fruit. During that period the harvested apples remained in the orchards and could not be shipped out. Although Kashmir has now cold storage facilities for apples, it is not adequate to store all the harvested apples. Some of the fruit was also damaged when heavy rains came to Kashmir.

According to the President of the Pulwama Fruit Mandi, the orchardists have suffered losses of over Rs. 2000 crore this year. At the Pulwama fruit Mandi, every day during the harvest season, 50 trucks with an average capacity of 25-30 tons of fruits, are loaded. Each truck is worth around Rs 7 lakhs – amounting to a daily profit of Rs 3.5 crore. This activity goes on for about two and half months.

The Central Government and the J&K government did respond to the crisis by sending goods trains from Srinagar to ferry Apples to the Indian markets in Delhi and elsewhere to address the crisis but not before substantial losses had already incurred. Some smaller trucks also took the fruit via the Mughal Road to the Jammu Mandi. The Fruit growers want crop insurance for fruits as well. They also feel that the J&K Government does not give as much support as the Himachal government gives to the fruit growers there.

The launching of goods trains directly from Delhi and Punjab has, however, upset the Jammu traders and transporters, who transported goods including fruit, to the Jammu and Delhi markets. They fear that Jammu would suffer further economic loss because of this, as the entire transport sector – truck owners, loaders and others in Jammu Mandi would see job and income losses. A member of the Jammu Chamber of Commerce commented, “The government is not consulting traders here before implementing important decisions that will affect trade here.” He was very bitter about this.

Disclaimer: The CCG does not claim to do present a situation perfectly as it is virtually impossible to meet the representatives of all groups, communities, ethnicities and interests. Often the administration itself makes it impossible for the group to meet people, such as advising them not to meet us as happened this time when the CCG members wanted to visit Shopian to meet the apple traders in the local mandi (wholesale market). Earlier, the group members have been confined to their hotel premises by the police, locked up at the Srinagar airport lounge and one of its members even deported to Delhi. While with the advent of a democratically elected government the group expected that its movement would not be restricted, this time around the people we were supposed to meet were told not to meet the group.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The so-called ‘mutilation’ of the song — a line being peddled by the government of the day — was part of an official resolution of the Congress Party’s Working Committee (CWC) meeting in Calcutta on October 30, 1937. The CWC meeting had Jawaharlal Nehru chairing the session and almost all the big stalwarts which included Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Bhulabhai Desai, Jamnalal Bajaj, Acharya J.B. Kripalani (General Secretary), Pattabi Seetharamiah, Rajaji, Acharya Narendra Dev, Jayaprakash Narayan, and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in attendance.

The sense of the meeting:

Though Mahatma Gandhi was not a member of the CWC, he was a special invitee and was finalising the working of the resolution which was moved by Rajendra Prasad (later, the President of India) and seconded by Sardar Patel (the Home Minister in independent India). The resolution was unanimous: “The Working Committee have given careful consideration to the question that has been raised in regard to the Congress anthem ‘Vande Mataram’. This song has a historic background and has evoked deep enthusiasm and powerful sentiment in the course of our struggle for freedom. It has thus acquired a unique place in the national movement. The Committee recognize the validity of the objections raised by Muslim friends to certain parts of the song. While the Committee have taken note of such objections in so far as it has felt justified in doing so, it is unable to go any further in the matter. The Committee have, however, came to the conclusion that the first two stanzas of the song, which alone have been generally sung on Congress and other public occasions, should be the only stanzas adopted as the National Song for the purpose of the Congress and other public bodies and functions. These two stanzas are in no sense objectionable even from the standpoint of those who have raised objections, and they contain the essence of the song. The Committee recommend that wherever the ‘Vande Mataram’ song is sung at national gatherings, only these two stanzas should be sung, and the version and music prepared by Rabindranath Tagore should be followed. The Committee trust that this decision will remove all causes of complaint and will have the willing acceptance of all communities in the country.”

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has indirectly targeted this resolution of the CWC in which even Sardar Patel was a part of. But has the Prime Minister realised that he has attacked a spectrum of national leaders, whose remarks on the song are being used selectively to try and score points?

What was the purpose of debating this in Parliament? Was it to have a debate on the issue for the second time much after the one in the Constituent Assembly which sealed the issue? Composed by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Vande Mataram was first published in the literary journal, Bangadarshan, in 1875 and was sung at the 1896 session of the Congress by Tagore. All these exercises took place much before the partition of Bengal.

There is no doubt that the song became the spirit of all meetings of the national movement which also had substantial representation by Muslims also. It was in 1935, when the Government of India Act was enacted, that Indians got a chance to participate in the electoral exercise to get into Provincial Assemblies and the Central Legislative Assembly. The issue of participation in the elections held in 1937 had inner party repercussions. The Congress captured the Provincial Assemblies. Some were won by the Muslim League.

When the Congress entered the portals of power, it also had the duty to ensure a diverse culture and have Vande Mataram sung at government functions. The Calcutta session became the focal point to decide to have the edited version so that it would have a pan-India appeal. The song obviously had references to Hindu goddesses, but if one wanted to ensure the broader unity of religious groups, a basic understanding on its theme was essential. It was this pragmatic decision which made them contest elections in alliance and continue in the government for the next two years. In 1939, the Congress ministries resigned in eight provinces of British India.

Later, when the Constituent Assembly was convened and the interim parliament was doubling as the Constituent Assembly in 1947, it had 208 Congress members, 73 Muslim League members, and 15 others. It also had 93 members nominated from the princely States, giving it a total of 389 members. After Partition, and the departure of the Muslim League members from the Constituent Assembly, there were only 299 members — a majority of them from the Hindu fold. It will not be out of place to state that the entry of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was possible when he was elected from Bengal Assembly by the Muslim League-dominated Assembly. After Partition, he could not continue and it was Nehru who made the decision to make the Bombay Governor nominate Dr. Ambedkar to the Assembly.

Making a choice:

The Constituent Assembly also had ideas of having a national anthem for the country. Members were made to listen to three important songs that were in contention — Vande Mataram, Sare Jahan Se Achha and Jana Gana Mana. Though secular in its meaning and set to a marching tune, Sare Jahan Se Achha was not picked as the lyricist, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, had become an ardent Pakistan supporter. Even after the final draft of the Constitution was adopted in 1949 in the House headed by Dr. Rajendra Prasad and two days before the coming into force of the Constitution, in 1950, Vande Mataram was sung in the House by a group.

However, Members were in favour of Jana Gana Mana, passing a resolution that it would be the National Song. The Constitution, which has 395 Articles, never referred to any national song as part of the constitutional framework. It was only in 1976, by the 42nd amendment, under Mrs. Gandhi’s tenure, that a provision was introduced for a fundamental duty under Article 51A (which also had a clause obligating every citizen to abide by the Constitution and respect its ideas and institutions, the National Flag, and the National Anthem).

It was later, under the Prevention of Insults To National Honour Act, 1971, that disrespect to the National Anthem was made a penal offence. The Supreme Court of India, in Bijoe Emmanuel vs State of Kerala, upheld the constitutional rights to freedom of religion and expression provided that actions do not disrupt public order or show disrespect to national symbols.

Despite being a Hindu majority, the Constituent Assembly selected Jana Gana Mana as the national anthem and was of the opinion that Vande Mataram would be the national song under its adopted version. It is against this background that one has to view the sudden ebullition over Vande Mataram with the request made by those in the ruling party to Members of Parliament to consider whether they should add a new fundamental duty under Article 51A, to accord the same respect to Vande Mataram as Jana Gana Mana.

In 2017, Justice M.V. Muralidharan of the Madras High Court gave a direction to the Tamil Nadu School Education Department that schools must sing Vande Mataram at least once a week, and crooned in offices once a month. Noting that the song could also be played in other government and private establishments at least once in a month, the judge said that if people felt that it was too difficult to sing it in Bengali or in Sanskrit, steps could be taken to translate the song into Tamil.

The Delhi High Court asked the Government of India to treat Vande Mataram on a par with the National Anthem. What is curious is that it was the same Narendra Modi government that told the court that both the National Anthem and the National Song had their sanctity and deserve equal respect. However, it said that the subject matter of the proceedings could never be a subject matter of a writ. The Modi government defended its position in court against granting equal legal status to the National Song as the National Anthem by citing the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971, which specifically criminalises disrupting the anthem but lacks a parallel provision for the National Song, highlighting the legal distinction.

A deeper reading:

The new controversy being sought to be created now over the National Song, 75 years after it was settled down by the Constituent Assembly, makes one doubt the intentions of the the present government. Is there an agenda to replace the National Song by a simple resolution of Parliament akin to the similar exercise done to cancel the special status of Jammu and Kashmir?

The amount of importance and publicity being given now to a non-issue certainly makes one to believe that it could be the next move of the Narendra Modi government — which is to bring in a different National Anthem for the country without disturbing the Constitution of India and any law to the contrary.

(The author, K. Chandru is retired Judge, Madras High Court; this article was first written for and published in The Hindu on December 11, 2025 and is being reproduced here with permission from the author)

Related:

Those Not Chanting Vande Matram have no Right to Live in India’: BJP MLA Surendra Singh

Activists singing Vande Matram called ‘anti-national’, attacked in Bihar!

The Politics of Processions: How the Sanatan Ekta Padyatra amplified hate speech in plain sight

The post Vande Mataram: How the recent discussions in Parliament around the national song initiated by the ruling regime stem from motives that are questionable appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Bench was hearing a writ petition seeking quashing of an FIR that accused the petitioners of organising a Christian prayer meeting, distributing Bibles, and attempting to convert Dalits and poor persons. Alongside the conversion charges, the FIR also invoked Sections 352 and 351(3) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023. The Court not only cast serious doubt on the FIR, but also reproached the police for swiftly arresting all accused on the very day the FIR was lodged, despite no victim having come forward at that time.

No Victim, No Conversion: FIR has no legal backbone, says Court

The FIR, registered on 17 August 2025 by one Manoj Kumar Singh, alleged that the petitioners had organised a prayer meeting, preached Christian tenets through an LED screen, distributed Bibles, and attempted to convert Dalits and economically vulnerable persons.

However, the Bench—after a close reading of the FIR—observed that:

• No individual had come forward on 17 August 2025 to claim they were being converted.
• The FIR merely recorded that an LED screen and Bibles were present at the site.
• There was no reference to force, misrepresentation, coercion or allurement at the time of registration.

The judges emphasised that distribution of Bibles is not a crime, and preaching a religion is not criminalised anywhere in law. In its order, the Bench held unequivocally that:

“Learned AGA has failed to indicate and obviously would not be able to indicate that distribution of Bible is a crime. Further, even preaching of a religion has not been prescribed as a crime anywhere. Thus, the sine-qua-non to invocation of Section 3 of the Act, 2021 prima facie would be coming forward of a ‘person’ to allege that either he has been converted to any other religion or is being coerced or given some allurement to convert to some other religion which is patently missing at the time of lodging of the FIR.” (Para 15)

Crucially, the judges emphasised that Section 3 of the 2021 Act requires the presence of an actual ‘person’ who alleges coercion, force, undue influence, misrepresentation or allurement. This foundational requirement, they held, was “patently missing” on the date of the FIR.

Two-month silence from alleged victims raises red flags

The State attempted to rely on the supplementary statement of a purported victim recorded on October 25, 2025, claiming that he later mentioned being given an “allurement” to convert.

But the Court underlined two troubling facts:

1. His first statement on September 4, 2025 said nothing about conversion,
2. The allegation surfaced only after more than two months of the FIR.

The witness’s wife also recorded her statement only on 25 October 2025, mirroring the same unexplained delay.

The Court found this chronology deeply questionable, noting that the very offence alleged in the FIR “has only been supported after more than two months.”

“Interestingly, in the initial statement of Sri Ram Dev recorded on 04.09.2025 he has not indicated anything about any attempt being made to convert him or any allurement etc. having been given which has only come in the subsequent/supplementary statement recorded on 25.10.2025 wherein he has indicated about the allurement. Thus, it is apparent that the offence under the Act, 2021 as indicated in the FIR lodged on 17.08.2025 has only been supported after more than two months on 25.10.2025!” (Para 16)

“Interestingly, even the statement of wife of the witness Sri Ram Dev namely Smt. Nisha had been recorded on 25.10.2025 i.e. after a period of more than two months of the date of the alleged incident indicating the accused asking the petitioners to convert.” (Para 17)

HC: Police “bent themselves backward” to arrest petitioners without any basis

What particularly troubled the Bench was the immediate arrest of all petitioners on the same day the FIR was filed. At that time, there was:

• no victim complaint,
• no allegation of coercion,
• no evidence of conversion, and
• only a recovery of the Bible and an LED screen—neither of which is unlawful.

The judges remarked:

“Even more interesting is that fact that immediately on lodging of the FIR on 17.08.2025 the petitioner(s) have been arrested on the same date. As already indicated above, the statement of the alleged victim has been recorded more than two months later to indicate the alleged offence. Although an FIR is not expected to be an encyclopaedia containing all the facts of the entire evidence rather it is only meant to set the criminal law in motion yet considering that the Act, 2021 is a special Act as such at least the authorities should have applied their mind to the fact that on the date the said incident is committed i.e. 17.08.2025 there was nothing to indicate the commission of the said offence. Thus, it is prima facie apparent that the authorities have bent themselves backward in order to arrest the petitioner(s) even though it is not known as to how the complainant had got information about any offence as alleged in the FIR having come to his knowledge. These are all strange facts which need to be explained by the authorities more particularly when it is the life and liberty of the petitioner(s) which is involved.” (Para 18)

The Court reminded the State of the Supreme Court’s ruling in Rajendra Bihari Lal v. State of U.P. (2025), stressing that the 2021 Act is a special law requiring strict, not presumptive, compliance.

Court turns spotlight on complainant’s conduct; issues notice with tough questions

In a rare and telling move, the High Court has issued notice to the complainant—Manoj Kumar Singh—directing him to file a counter-affidavit answering pointed questions:

1. Where did you get information about the alleged offence?
2. How did you gather a group of people to accompany you?
3. If you barged into a private home, what offence did the petitioners commit by stopping you?
4. How do offences under Sections 352 and 351(3) BNS apply at all?
5. What is your criminal history, if any?

This line of inquiry signals the Court’s concern about possible vigilantism, motivated complaints, and misuse of the conversion law to target religious minorities.

A Clear Judicial Message: Anti-conversion laws cannot be used lightly

Importantly, the Bench issued notice to complainant Manoj Kumar Singh (respondent no. 4) and required him to file a detailed counter-affidavit responding to a series of sharp questions:

1. Source of information: From where did he learn of the alleged conversion activity?
2. Mobilisation of crowd: How did he gather a group of people to accompany him to the petitioners’ home?
3. Unlawful entry: If he forcibly “barged into” a third person’s residence with others, what offence were the petitioners committing by trying to stop him?
4. Applicability of BNS charges: How can Sections 352 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace) and 351(3) (criminal intimidation causing threat of death or grievous hurt) be justified against the accused in such circumstances?
5. Criminal history: The Court specifically asked for disclosure of the complainant’s criminal antecedents, if any.

This shift in judicial focus—from accused to complainant—signals the Court’s concern about possible misuse of the conversion law and potential vigilantism. By demanding explanations from both the State and the complainant, the High Court has effectively signalled that the criminal process cannot become a tool for harassment or intimidation in the name of controlling conversions.

Strict Interpretation of Section 3: Conversion requires a specific person alleging harm

The Court reaffirmed that for an offence under Section 3 of the 2021 Act, there must be:

• A person claiming, they were subjected to force, fraud, coercion, undue influence, or allurement;
• A complaint indicating actual or attempted conversion;
• Immediate and credible allegations, not delayed statements recorded months later.

The Court reiterated that:

• Preaching Christianity, installing an LED screen, or holding a prayer meeting does not amount to conversion.
• Distributing the Bible is not an offence.

In the absence of a named victim at the time of the FIR, the statutory ingredients were missing.

Order and next steps

The Court has granted:

• 4 weeks to the State to file its counter-affidavit,
• 2 weeks to the petitioners to file a rejoinder thereafter, and
• will hear the matter afresh after completion of pleadings.

Pending this, the Bench’s observations stand as a significant judicial caution against the weaponisation of conversion laws and arbitrary arrests, while also curbing attempts by private actors to take the law into their own hands.

The complete order may be read here:

Related:

Survey of Churches, anti conversion laws only empower radical mobs: Archbishop Peter Machado

Rajasthan: Civil Society demands arrests, rule of law and end to minority targeting under anti-conversion law

“Anti-conversion laws being weaponised”: CJP urges SC to curb misuse of anti-conversion statutes by states

The post Allahabad HC slams overzealous police action, says distributing Bibles or preaching Christianity is not an offence under UP conversion law appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Another factor is that his struggles and the demands he raised were very innovative. When demands were raised in a way that at a practical level it was relatively less burdensome and hence more likely for the governments and various authorities to accept them then the   chances of struggles becoming successful increased considerably. His innovativeness was also seen in the low-cost community kitchen which served healthy food to workers.

Beyond this, Baba Adhav will always be remembered with great respect because of his very deep commitment at a wider level to creating a society based on equality, justice and dignity to all sections of society with special emphasis on those sections who have suffered injustice and inequality at historic level. He could be very firm ideologically on these and related issues, not making any compromises.

Yet at a personal level, he could be very gentle and friendly, as I realised when I went to interview him and write about his work, spending some days in Pune, resulting in the publication of two booklets and several articles. He was also committed deeply to his family, led by his wife Sheetaltai, a trained nurse who, on a lighter note, once listed him as ‘non-earning husband’.

In fact, for some years Baba Adhav continued his practice as an ayurvedic doctor (indigenous medical system) but then gave it up to devote himself to the cause of workers. It was perhaps his base in indigenous medical system that enabled him to keep continuing to contribute in important ways to causes of justice even in his ninety plus years, and he could go on prolonged fasts even at this stage to press for various issues dear to him.

Unorganised workers form the bulk of India’s workforce, yet the majority of these workers face several serious problems including difficulties in accessing social security. Neglected by both the government and the bigger, more established, trade unions, many of these workers suffer from exploitation, health hazards and highly insecure working and living conditions. This dismal and dark situation is lighted only here and there by a few encouraging initiatives in various parts of India to mobilise these workers.

Some of the brightest and most sustained of these efforts which brought genuine relief and bigger hope to workers were led and inspired by Dr. Baba Adhav. His efforts to organise head-loaders (hamals) started way back in 1952 when he was only 22. It has been a tremendous achievement to sustain such an effort for almost 70 years, linking it time and again with wider national efforts so that the experience gained and models developed in his main work area in and Pune (Maharashtra) can reach a much wider number of workers.

Baba Adhav received The Times of India’s first Social Impact Award for Lifetime Contribution in 2011. As the newspaper reported, he got this award for “decades of selfless work to secure labour rights and social security for lakhs of people in the unorganised sector.” Earlier the ‘Week’ magazine, which named Baba Adhav the ‘man of the year’ in 2007, called him, tongue-in-check, ‘Coolie No. 1’ for all his labours to help head-loaders get their rights and dignity.

If such awards have come quite late in the life of Baba Adhav, jail terms came too early. In fact, Baba Adhav served as many as 53 jail terms in his six to seven decades of struggles, the last one being in 2008. To sustain all this work and to keep expanding it for over 70 years in the middle of all these jail terms and other harassments was a monumental achievement, which becomes all the more inspiring when it is kept in mind that Baba Adhav neither sought nor received funds from the government or from foreign donors for his numerous activities.

Unlike several other initiatives for workers, this one has been marked less by rhetoric and more by innovative efforts. It was difficult to get enough funds for providing social security to head-loaders, so Baba Adhav and his colleagues thought up the idea of a levy on all payments made to head-loaders which could be used to provide provident fund, gratuity, bonus, insurance and other benefits to workers who lift heavy loads.

While organising head-loaders, who would have thought that women who clean the grain also need to be protected and organised? But this effort included them too and held talks with merchants to improve their conditions.

Who would have thought that the few scattered people who collect used lubricating oil for re-refining can also be organised and protected from needless harassment? But this effort tried to include even such completely marginalised and neglected groups of workers. As a result of the dedicated, continuing and sustained efforts of Baba Adhav and his associates, many such small and big unions (called panchayats) embracing the marginalised and unorganised workers have been organised in Pune. Some of the unions also reach other towns and villages of Pune district, while some other unions – like head-loaders – reach some of the most remote districts of Maharashtra as well (or more specifically the agricultural produce marketing committees of these districts).

These unions have brought improvements in working, living and social conditions of workers. This is most visible in the case of older unions like those of head-loaders or hamals (head-loaders). Earnings have increased, over 400 houses have been built and others are on way. A school provides good quality, free education to children of hamals and other workers. An information technology instruction unit is being started for senior students. Hamals now get provident fund, gratuity and health insurance benefits, and now demand for pension is also picking up. Their union has made substantially successful efforts to implement an ILO resolution which limits the weight to be lifted by a head-loader to a maximum of 50 kgs. This has helped to reduce health hazards for workers, although other hazards continue for more specific loads like those of chillies and cement. As a result of many-sided improvements, children of hamals are now able to access college education and some of them are getting engineering education.

Even in the case of unions formed much later such as those of rag-pickers, already substantial gains have been achieved. Rag pickers have been protected from police harassment and exploitation by scrap traders. Child labour has been greatly reduced and many of them can now access education. Group life insurance cover has been provided. In addition, medical insurance cover is provided by Pune Municipal Corporation. SWACH Coop project has helped to link improved livelihoods for rag pickers with environment protection. National and International linkages have helped to provide wide reach to innovative ideas and work. The union here (KKPKP) also provides the secretariat for a wider Alliance of Waste Pickers.

Similarly, unions of domestic workers, vendors, rickshaw drivers and other unorganised sections have recorded important achievements. In the case of vendors, policy guidelines have been formulated by local authorities in addition to the 2007 national policy. These as well as the union’s support enable the vendors now to protect their livelihood rights more strongly than before, apart from resisting the illegal extortion made by the police and others. Even for those who are evicted, there is now a better chance for rehabilitation.

The Domestic Workers Union today wants reforms in the newly enacted legislation on the lines of the law for hamals. At the same time, it is trying to speed up registration (which is essential in order to benefit from the new law) and this could not have been speeded up without the union’s support. Auto rickshaw union wants recognition of this work as a public utility and social security by a Board for those who work for the utility. Various unions are supported mainly by membership fees. Angmehanti Kashtkari Sangarsh Samiti provides an over-arching platform for various unions and workers organisations.

Social Entrepreneurship

However, many of the economic gains could not have been sustained and protected but for the simultaneous setting up of several co-operative credit societies alongside the unions or panchayats, in order to enable head-loaders, rag-pickers, vendors and rickshaw-drivers to obtain credit at a low interest rate. It is this facility which enabled them to escape the clutches of moneylenders while at the same time also expanding their income-earning activities (such as by purchasing auto-rickshaws or expanding their retail vending business), constructing houses and educating their children.

Earlier most of the workers had to borrow from private moneylenders at a high interest rate of 5 to 10 percent per month. The high interest made it difficult to pay back the loan, or to invest profitably in any new entrepreneurial activity. Commercial banks did not encourage workers as customers or groups of customers with their small savings and needs.

On the other hand the setting up of their own cooperative credit societies with their own share capital enabled workers to obtain loans much more easily at a much lesser interest (compared to private moneylenders) while at the same time having a strong sense of ownership of the entire effort. This sense of ownership motivated them to contribute to the strength of the credit-ops by timely repayments of their loans.

At regular intervals new credit co-ops were started for head-loaders, vendors, auto-rickshaw drivers and rag-pickers. Keeping in view the high interest rates of moneylenders, the combined impact of these initiatives has been to save millions of rupees for weakest section families which could then be used for small-scale entrepreneurial activities as well as for housing and meeting education expenses. The fact that frustrating delays and bribes could be altogether avoided at the time of obtaining loans increased the possibility of using easily accessible money for entrepreneurial activities.

A visit to well-maintained co-operative credit societies revealed the pride union workers take in their own credit institutions. A huge, financially self-sustaining community kitchen has been another example of social entrepreneurship initiatives. Another successful initiative has been SWACH Coop., a wholly owned cooperative of self-employed waste-pickers and other urban poor. This has opened up new possibilities to some of the poorest people to obtain better livelihood opportunities which are linked to protection of environment in the form of more and better composting as well as greater opportunities for useful recycling of waste. As smartly dressed women drive waste-carrying vans and their pick-up vans are welcomed by citizens, this becomes an example of fighting poverty, providing dignity to the poorest while at the same protecting environment and creating a cleaner city.

Wider Role

As Baba Adhav used to say, “Our effort is to combine improvement of living conditions, working conditions and social conditions. Hamals have higher earnings, bonus, provident fund and insurance. They have houses, their own school and community centre. But in addition, we need social improvement, a sense of dignity and pride in their work, which is linked also to wider social change that can break the shackles of caste, hierarchy and narrow-minded discrimination in Indian society.”

Baba Adhav’s yearning for wider social change is inspired by the work of Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, Baba Ambedkar, Mahatma Gandhi, Chatrapati Shivaji and others greats of our history. Their teachings are spread among people with a special emphasis on contemporary needs and relevance. For example, the teachings of Chatrapati Shivaji here are linked to his concern for protection of environment and for communal harmony.

Nitin Pawar, who has been closely associated with Baba Adhav’s multi-faceted work says, “Although at the national level, it is Baba’s contributions to unorganised sector workers which have been most highlighted, it will be a great injustice to confine his work only to this aspect. He has striven for much wider mobilisations in many areas to end socio-economic injustice. Way back in 1972 at the time of a serious drought Baba worked tirelessly to end discrimination in access to water-sources in villages where-ever there was social discrimination. Then he fought a long battle for providing justice to nomadic and de-notified tribes, and another one on behalf of devadasis or women who were victims of social oppression., so that pension could be provided to them. When he stopped his private medical practice due to wider social involvement, he helped to create public-spirited hospitals. He was closely involved with Hamid Dalwai’s efforts for social reforms among Muslims as well as for reforms in the Bohra community. During emergency he valiantly resisted slum-demolition and he was promptly sent to jail for 14 months. Whether working as President of the PUCL or in other ways, Baba contributed to civil liberties in many ways. He helped to set up a National Integration Committee and fought and resisted sectarian forces at several fronts.”

In fact, Baba Adhav was much ahead of his times in taking up issues like displacement of farmers caused by dams and other projects. These efforts led to a rehabilitation policy in Maharashtra at an early stage.

Baba’s vision of social change has a special place for a wider role by women. Women dominate the membership of some of the unions like those of domestic workers, rag-pickers and, to a lesser extent, vendors.

A socialist, satyagrahi, and a satyashodhak (someone who yearns for truth to prevail) was how Baba Adhav liked to describe himself. He is all this and more, a symbol of hope for millions of workers and oppressed people. Even during his sunset years, he did not hesitate to join national level struggles and efforts for new laws for social security and universal pensions. His wife Sheela remained for long the biggest support for his many-sided activities and achievements. Baba Adhav will be remembered for long as one of the most respected social activists in India, with his great work combining mass mobilisation for justice with social entrepreneurship initiatives for many decades.

 (The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Planet in Peril, Man over Machine, When the Two Streams Met and Protecting Earth for Children.)

Related:

Baba Adhav the grassroots campaigner and leader of the socially oppressed passed away at 96

It is religion-based politics that refuses to root out caste: Baba Adhav in conversation with Teesta Setalvad

The post Baba Adhav is no more; his Life and Work remain an inspiration for those working for Justice and Equality appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The statement may be read here:

We, concerned Indian citizens and organisations, are alarmed to note that efforts are being made to promote biometric identity systems similar to Aadhaar in other countries.

Aadhaar is India’s unique identity number, linked with a person’s biometrics (fingerprints, iris and photograph as of now). The number was rolled out with fanfare from 2009 onwards. The use of this number, and of Aadhaar-based biometric authentication (ABBA), was promoted to the hilt by the Indian government in close collaboration with the IT industry. Aadhaar was supposed to be voluntary, but it quickly became clear that living without it would be very difficult for most. Today, it is as good as compulsory. Most social benefits are out of reach without Aadhaar.

Aadhaar was rolled out in an explicitly “evangelistic” mode from day one. In recent years, it has been projected as a grand success by its promoters. Their friends in high places (like Davos, the World Bank, and the B & M Gates Foundation) are on board. There is an attempt, partly successful already, to project Aadhaar as a model and “export” it to other countries.

For our part, we view Aadhaar as a failed and objectionable model that should not be replicated in other countries, certainly not in its Indian version.

Our main concerns are as follows:

1. Aadhaar involves the creation a centralized database that includes biometrics as well as demographic information (e., name, gender, date of birth and address). This could turn into a dangerous tool of social control, especially but not only in the hands of an authoritarian government.
2. The linkage of numerous databases with Aadhaar magnifies the danger of it becoming a tool for profiling, surveillance, exclusion and Centralised databases also pose data security risks by creating a single point of failure.
3. While the “core biometrics” (biometrics minus photograph) in the Aadhaar database are supposed to be secure, the rest is freely shared with authorised users of Aadhaar authentication, with minimal This is a major infringement of privacy.
4. The demographic details attached to Aadhaar numbers in the database are full of errors, partly due to hasty rollout. Yet severe restrictions have been placed on correcting this Meanwhile, people are expected to align other documents with this unreliable information. This is causing endless hassles to poor people. Many of them are excluded from some or all social benefits.
5. Biometric failures are another major source of social exclusion, especially for the elderly. Aadhaar was rolled out without any transparency about the reliability of biometric authentication.
6. A significant minority of people, mainly from marginalised groups (including disabled persons), do not have Aadhaar for some reason and no fault of their own. They are excluded from most social benefits.
7. If an Aadhaar number is lost, it can be very difficult to Poor people have been forced to make long and expensive trips to regional assistance centres for this purpose. Some never managed to retrieve it, and are now deprived of all social benefits.
8. The coercive “seeding” of Aadhaar with endless databases (ration cards, job cards, pension lists, bank accounts, voter lists, what not), associated with function creep, is a monumental waste of time for functionaries and Seeding sounds simple but it requires biometric or demographic verification. Both can be very cumbersome.
9. The rush for correction or update of Aadhaar details has led to humongous queues at many assistance centres, where people often wait in line for hours with no guarantee of remedy. There are no facilities for tracking of grievance redressal, continuity of assistance, or other People’s time and money are wasted to no end.
10. Far from rooting out corruption, Aadhaar’s centralised database has enhanced information asymmetries and reduced Integration of Aadhaar with the banking system has magnified exposure to new vulnerabilities such as identity fraud.
11. At every step, the Aadhaar project has been a law unto It began without any legal backing. Later, the Aadhaar Act was passed by bypassing the Upper House of Parliament. The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) often violates orders of the Supreme Court of India (e.g., protections for children and against use by private entities). It has enormous power and regularly issues rules that make life difficult for millions, without any serious feedback from affected people. A critical provision for parliamentary oversight of UIDAI was dropped in the final version of the Aadhaar Act.

Articles and reports amplifying these concerns are available at rethinkaadhaar.in

The promoters of Aadhaar were never able to justify this particular identity model or to explain what ills it is supposed to remedy. Instead, they relied on propaganda to push for it. Many countries have functional identity systems that are less coercive, invasive, exclusionary and unreliable than Aadhaar.

We urge the greatest caution from countries that are considering a replication of the Aadhaar model. We would be happy to facilitate field visits for anyone interested in understanding these problems in more detail.

(Endorsed by more than 50 organisations, aside from individual signatories – see attached list.)

Signatory Organisations 

1. All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA)
2. All India Lawyers Association for Justice {AILAJ)
3. All India Progressive Women’s Association (AIPWA)
4. All India Students’ Association (AISA)
5. Ambedkarijame Punadi (Andhra Pradesh)
6. Bahutva Karnataka
7. Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD)
8. Dalit Bahujan Front
9. Democratic Students’ Federation (DSF)
10. Gig and Platform Services Workers Union
11. Grakoos Union
12. Hamal Panchayat (trade union)
13. Human Rights Law Network (HRLN)
14. Internet Freedom Foundation
15. Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan (JJSS)
16. Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA)
17. Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha (JJM)
18. JNU Students Union
19. Karwan e Mohabbat
20. Khudai Khidmatgar India
21. LibTech India
22. Maadhyam (a civic engagement initiative)
23. Maharashtra Shramik Ustod & Vahtuk Kamgar Sanghatana (trade union)
24. Manjeera Dalitha Seva Samithi (Telangana)
25. Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS)
26. Moneylife Foundation
27. National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)
28. National Alliance for Justice, Accountability and Rights {NAJAR)
29. National Campaign Committee for Central Legislation on Construction Workers
30. National Campaign Committee for Unorganised Sector Workers (NCCUSW)
31. National Campaign Committee on Eradication of Bonded Labour {NCCEBL)
32. National Campaign for People’s Right to Information (NCPRI)
33. National Confederation of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR)
34. National Federation of Indian Women {NFIW)
35. National Platform for the Rights of the Disabled {NPRD)
36. New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI)
37. NREGA Sansharsh Morcha
38. NREGA Watch (Jharkhand)
39. Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity (PBKMS)
40. Pension Parishad
41. People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)
42. People’s Union for Democratic Rights {PUDR)
43. RANG Foundation
44. Rethink Aadhaar
45. Right to Food Campaign
46. Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA)Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT)
47. Samalochana Association (Andhra Pradesh)
48. Sangatin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan (SKMS) SO. Satark Nagrik Sangathan
49. Social Accountability Forum for Action and Research (SAFAR)
50. SR Sankaran Adivasi Sahaya Kendram (Andhra Pradesh)
51. United Forum for RTI Campaign (Andhra Pradesh)
52. United Milli Forum (Jharkhand)

Individual Signatories

1. Aakar Patel, Writer
2. Aban Raza, concerned citizen
3. Abha Bhaiya, India coordinator, One Billion Rising campaign
4. Aditi Mishra, Jawaharlal Nehru University
5. Adv Albertina, National Alliance of People’s Movements
6. Advocate Dr Shalu Nigam, Lawyer and researcher
7. Advocate Vertika Mani, Secretary, People’s Union for Civil Liberties
8. Akhila Phadnis, concerned citizen
9. Akshay S Dinesh, Action for Equity
10. Alok Laddha, Chennai Mathematical Institute
11. Alphonse Raj, concerned citizen
12. Amber Sinha, Tech Policy Press
13. Ambika Tandon, University of Cambridge
14. Anand Mazgaonkar, concerned citizen
15. Anand Patwardhan, Filmmaker
16. Anand Teltumbde, Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights, Mumbai
17. Anantha, concerned citizen
18. Anivar A Aravind, concerned citizen
19. Ankita Aggarwal, concerned citizen
20. Annie Raja, concerned citizen
21. Anjor, Dialogues on Democracy and Development
22. Anupam Pachauri, Indira Gandhi National Open University
23. Anuradha Talwar, Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity
24. Anurag Mehra, Retired IIT Faculty
25. Arun Khote, National Movement for Land, Labour & Justice
26. Arun Kumar, Retired Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
27. Aruna Rodrigues, concerned citizen
28. Aruna Roy, School for Democracy
29. Arundhati Dhuru, NAPM Convenor
30. Arundhati Roy, Writer
31. Ashish Ranjan, National Alliance of People’s Movements
32. Ashlesh Biradar, Brave New Web
33. Ashok Bharti, National Confederation of Dalit Organisations
34. Ashokan Nambiar, C MAHE, Manipal, Karnataka
35. Avantika Tewari, Jawaharlal Nehru University
36. Baghamabar Pattnaik, Anti-slavery India
37. Bela Bhatia, Lawyer and writer
38. Bezwada Wilson, National Convenor, Safai Karmchari Andolan
39. Bhanuj KappaI, Independent journalist
40. Bhanwar Meghwanshi, People’s Union for Civil Liberties
41. Bhargav Oza, National Alliance for Justice, Accountability, and Rights
42. Bhoomika Pandhare, concerned citizenBhupen Singh, University of Sussex
43. Bittu KR, Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression
44. Brinda Crishna, concerned citizen
45. Budhaditya Bhattacharya, concerned citizen
46. Chirashree Das Gupta, Jawaharlal Nehru University
47. Clifton D’Rosario, advocate
48. Colin Gonsalves, advocate
49. Danish Ali, concerned citizen
50. Dayamani Baria, concerned citizen
51. Deep Chandra Joshi, concerned citizen
52. Devi, All India Democratic Women’s Association
53. Dorothy Vallado, concerned citizen
54. Dr lndu Prakash Singh, Facilitator, CityMakers Mission International
55. Dr Sudhir Vombatkere, concerned citizen
56. Dr Sylvia Karpagam, Public health doctor
57. Dwiji Guru, National Alliance of People’s Movements
58. Edwin, OpenSpace
59. Firoz Ahmad, school teacher
60. Francis Bosco, National Federation of Unorganised and Migrant Workers
61. Gangaram Paikra, concerned citizen
62. Gautam Bhatia, Constitutional law scholar and Professor of Law
63. Gouranga Mahapatra, Jana Swasthya Abhiyan Odisha
64. Gowramma, Akila Bharath Janavadi Mahila Sangatane (Karnataka)
65. H M Sunasara, concerned citizen
66. Harish Dhawan, concerned citizen
67. Harsh Mander, Karwan e Mohabbat
68. Hemant Sareen, concerned citizen
69. Himmat Singh Ratnoo, Former Secretary MDU Teachers’ Association (MDUTA) Rohtak
70. Hindolee Datta, concerned citizen
71. Indira C, Public health researcher
72. Indira Unninayar, Advocate, Supreme Court and Delhi High Court
73. Jagdish Patel, concerned citizen
74. Jayati Ghosh, Economist
75. James Herenj, NREGA Watch Jharkhand
76. Jean Dreze, Development economist
77. John Dayal, Writer
78. John Simte, Lawyer
79. Justice P. Shah, Retired Judge and former Chairman of the Law Commission of India
80. JT D’souza, concerned citizen
81. A. Verghese, Green Kerala
82. Karen Gabriel, St Stephen’s College, Delhi
83. Karuna M, NREGA Sangharsh Morcha
84. Kalyani Menon Sen, Independent researcher
85. Kelvin, concerned citizen
86. Kiran Jonnalagadda, concerned citizen
87. Koninika Ray, National Federation of Indian Women
88. Krishnakant Chauhan, Activist
89. Laavanya Tamang, Independent researcher
90. Lawrence Liang, Legal academic
91. Laxmi Murthy, Journalist and researcher
92. Lubna Sarwath, Advocate
93. M S Sriram, Indian Institute of Management Bangalore
94. Balakrishnan, concerned citizen
95. Maimoona Mollah, Women’s rights activist
96. Martin Macwan, concerned citizen
97. Marthe Mautarelli, concerned citizen
98. Meera Sanghamitra, National Alliance of People’s Movements
99. Meghna Jayanth, concerned citizen
100. Meghna Yadav, Researcher
101. Mritiunjoy Mohanty, Indian Institute of Management Calcutta {retd)
102. Mukul Kesavan, Retired teacher
103. Nandini Sundar, University of Delhi
104. Nandita Narain, Associate Professor (Retd), Stephen’s College, Delhi University
105. Nandita Sengupta, Journalist, Times of India
106. Navsharan Singh, Researcher activist
107. Nayanjyoti, Lecturer in Development Studies, Delhi
108. NB Murthy, concerned citizen
109. Neeraj Hatekar, Researcher
110. Nikhil Dey, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan
111. Nishant S, Researcher
112. Nishi, concerned citizen
113. Nitish Kumar, Former JNUSU President
114. Nivedita Menon, Jawaharlal Nehru University
115. Om Damani, concerned citizen
116. Sainath, journalist
117. Padmini Ramesh, Johns Hopkins University
118. Paran Amitava, PhD Scholar, Jawaharlal Nehru University
119. Parth Sharma, Nivarana
120. Parthasarathi Paul, concerned citizen
121. Persis Ginwalla, concerned citizen
122. Praavita, Rethink Aadhaar
123. Pradeep E, concerned citizen
124. Pradyumna Behera, Independent researcher
125. Prafulla Samantara, President, Lok Shakti Abhiyan
126. Prakash Louis, Bihar migrant hub
127. Prasad Chacko, Social worker, Ahmedabad
128. Prasanna s, Advocate, Supreme Court of India
129. Praveer Peter, National Alliance of People’s Movements
130. Prof Ritu Dewan, Director (Retd), Mumbai School of Economics & Public Policy
131. Mohan Rao, concerned citizen
132. Purbayan C, Advocate
133. Pushpendra, Former Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
134. Rahul Basu, concerned citizen
135. Raj Shekhar, Right to Food Campaign
136. Rajaraman, Independent journalist and researcher
137. Rajesh Ramakrishnan, concerned citizen
138. Rajinder Chaudhary, Former Professor of Economics, MD University, Rohtak
139. Rama Teltumbde, concerned citizen
140. Raman Jit Singh Chima, Lawyer
141. Ramdas Rao, Member, People’s Union for Civil Liberties
142. Rammanohar Reddy, Editor
143. Reetika Khera, Development economist
144. Renuka Kad, concerned citizen
145. Ritash, RANG Foundation
146. Rohini Hensman, Writer and independent scholar
147. Rohith Jyothish, concerned citizen
148. Rosamma Thomas, concerned citizen
149. Q. Masood, ASEEM
150. Sakina Dhorajiwala, LibTech India
151. Sameet Panda, Right to Food Campaign
152. Sandeep Khurana, Retired professional
153. Sandeep Mertia, Stevens Institute of Technology
154. Sarah M, concerned citizen
155. Seema Mahi, concerned citizen
156. Shabnam Hashmi, Independent social activist
157. Shahjahan, concerned citizen
158. Shahvir Aga, concerned citizen
159. Shailja Tandon, concerned citizen
160. Shailly Gupta, concerned citizen
161. Shantha Sinha, Independent advocate of children’s rights
162. Sharanya, Indigenous People’s Land, Life and Knowledge Collective
163. Shishu Ranjan, All India Forum for Right to Education
164. Shiva Shankar, Retired academic
165. Shreekant Gupta, Professor (retired), University of Delhi
166. Shruti Narayan, Lawyer
167. Siddharth de Souza, concerned citizen
168. Siddhartha Das, Public health activist
169. Snehan Kekre, Technologist
170. Sookthi K, concerned citizen
171. Srikanth, CashlessConsumer
172. Srinivas Kodali, Independent researcher
173. Srujana Bej, Jindal Global Law School, P. Jindal Global University
174. Stella James, Independent legal consultant
175. Sucheta Dalal, Founder Trustee, Moneylife Foundation
176. Sudhir Gandotra, concerned citizen
177. Sunil Kaul, Right to Food and Information
178. Suresh Chandra Joshi, concerned citizen
179. Suruchi, concerned citizen
180. Swathi, Eddelu, Karnataka
181. Swati Desai, concerned citizen
182. Swati Narayan, National Law School of India University, Bengaluru
183. Syed Asif Ali Zaidi, Lawyer
184. TM Krishna, Musician and author
185. T. Ramakrishnan, concerned citizen
186. Tarangini Sriraman, King’s College, London
187. Timir Basu, Frontier Weekly
188. Trilochan S, concerned citizen
189. Uma Chakravarti, historian
190. Usha Ramanathan, Independent law researcher
191. V Rukmini Rao, Feminist activist
192. V Upadhyay, Retired professor
193. Vasavi Kiro, concerned citizen
194. Vasundhar, concerned citizen
195. Veena Shatrugna, Independent researcher
196. Vickram Crishna, Independent researcher
197. Vimala s., concerned citizen
198. Vipul Paikra, Independent researcher
199. Vivek K, concerned citizen
200. Winona D’Souza, Lawyer, Mumbai

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The post Beware of Aadhaar: A warning on India’s biometric identity model on International Human Rights Day appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Yet, the film’s real significance lies not in its artistic value but in its ideological purpose. It continues a project begun decades ago by P. N. Oak, a Maharashtrian Brahmin ideologue whose writings fused conspiracy, caste supremacy, and cultural chauvinism into a potent mythos. Oak’s “Tejo Mahalay” theory, though dismissed by every serious historian and by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), continues to shape popular nationalist imagination. Yet beneath the spectacle of “historical reclamation” lies a more insidious purpose—Oak’s narratives serve to consolidate Brahminical supremacy under the garb of cultural nationalism, while simultaneously erasing Rajput agency and demonising Muslims.

The Ideological Lineage: From Savarkar to Oak 

P. N. Oak (1917–2007) came from the same ideological and cultural milieu as V. D. Savarkar, M. S. Golwalkar, and K. B. Hedgewar—all Maharashtrian Brahmins who sought to define India as a Hindu Rashtra under Brahminical hegemony. Their nostalgia for the Peshwa era of the Maratha polity reflected a longing for a Brahmin-led theocratic order—one that combined scriptural orthodoxy with militant nationalism. In their eyes, the Peshwas represented a purified Hindu past: Sanskritic, hierarchical, and morally austere, unlike the syncretic world of the Rajputs and the cosmopolitanism of the Mughals.

For Oak, as for these ideologues, the Mughal empire epitomised “foreign domination,” while Rajput kingship—though Hindu—was morally suspect because of its historical engagement with the Mughals through diplomacy and marriage. The Rajputs’ cultural openness and martial honour did not fit into the Hindutva binary of invader versus resister. Thus, Oak’s project was twofold: to vilify Muslim rulers and to discipline Rajput history—absorbing it into a Brahmin-sanctioned Hindu narrative where Rajputs were useful only as foils or symbols.

“Tejo Mahalay”: The Appropriation of the Rajput Legacy

Oak’s most famous work, republished as The Taj Mahal: The True Story (1989) — claimed that Shah Jahan merely took over a pre-existing Rajput palace or temple, allegedly dedicated to Shiva and known as “Tejo Mahalay.” He even speculated that it had been built by the Chandelas of Bundelkhand or the Kachhwahas of Amber—two illustrious Rajput lineages. This claim was entirely devoid of evidence, but it was ideologically potent. It allowed Oak and later Hindutva propagandists to erase Muslim creativity while simultaneously appropriating Rajput heritage into the Brahminical fold.

In this retelling, Rajputs cease to be historical agents; they become tokens in a morality play staged by Brahminical nationalism. Their temples, forts, and palaces are recast as manifestations of an imagined “Vedic civilisation” over which Brahmins alone hold interpretive authority. Once their history has served its purpose—negating the Muslim contribution—it is re-absorbed into the greater “Hindu” past defined by Sanskritic ideology. Thus, Tejo Mahalay functions as a symbolic colonisation of Rajput legacy: the Rajput is stripped of agency, and the Brahmin is enthroned as interpreter and custodian of history.

“Mina Bazar”: Objectifying Rajput Women to vilify Mughals

Another recurring motif in Oak’s writings—and in later Hindutva propaganda—is the Mina Bazar, a courtly fair allegedly held during Mughal times where noblewomen and men interacted. Oak and his ideological successors portrayed this event as a site of immorality and licentiousness, an emblem of Mughal decadence. But within these retellings, Rajput noblewomen— who actively participated in courtly diplomacy—became the primary objects of moral commentary. They were presented as helpless “Hindu daughters” exploited by Muslim kings, their identities erased and their agency denied.

Yet, historical, and literary records reveal an entirely different picture. Rajput and Mughal cultures carried similar notions towards honour of women — including each other’s. One such episode, recounted in both Rajasthani oral traditions and Mughal chronicles, involves Raja Aniruddh Singh Hada of Bundi and Jahanara Begum, the daughter of Shah Jahan.

When Jahanara Begum once found her camp attacked by Marathas, she called Rao Aniruddh Singh Hada close to her elephant and told him:

“Asmat-e-Chaghtaiya wa Rajput yak ast”: The honour of a Chaghtai (Mughal) woman and that of a Rajput are one and the same.

She added, “If God gives us victory with this small army that would be good; otherwise rest assured about me, I shall sit down after doing my work.” Moved by this declaration of shared honour, Raja Hada and his Rajput soldiers fought valiantly and emerged victorious.

This exchange—whether apocryphal or literal—speaks to the deep respect and chivalric regard that often-defined Rajput-Mughal interactions, far removed from the predatory caricatures peddled by Hindutva storytellers. Oak and his successors rewrite a history of mutual cultural respect into one of sexual conquest.

In short, the Mina Bazar myth is anti-Rajput woman, a patriarchal narrative disguised as historical morality.

The Brahminical Core of Hindutva Historiography

Oak’s work exposes the Brahminical DNA of Hindutva historiography. His narratives consistently elevate the Brahmin as the intellectual and moral authority over India’s past, while marginalising both the Rajput’s martial honour and the Muslim’s cultural brilliance.

By glorifying the Peshwas and appropriating Rajput heritage, Oak reaffirmed a social hierarchy in which Brahmins claim ownership of sacred knowledge and interpretation, while warriors, artisans, and others exist merely as instruments. This is why the “Tejo Mahalay” theory cannot be dismissed as mere eccentricity—it represents a Brahminical takeover of historical memory, a deliberate attempt to collapse India’s plural past into a single, Sanskritic mythos.

In doing so, Oak’s revisionism advances two parallel exclusions:

1. It excludes Muslims from the civilisational narrative by branding their contributions “foreign.”
2. It subordinates Rajputs by converting their legacy into property of the Brahmin-defined “Hindu civilisation.”

The result is an ideological order where only the Brahmin remains autonomous; everyone else, living or historical, exists within his interpretive domain.

From Fringe Pseudo-history to State-sanctioned Narrative

For decades, Oak’s theories were dismissed as fringe conspiracy. Yet today, his ideas echo through court petitions, WhatsApp forwards, and government-linked cultural projects. His books are republished, his claims amplified by television debates and political speeches. The release of The Taj Story marks the cultural mainstreaming of this pseudohistory. By presenting Oak’s fiction through the medium of film, the Hindutva ecosystem gives it emotional force and legitimacy. The courtroom format of the movie—where the Taj Mahal is “put on trial”—turns propaganda into performance, inviting audiences to see pseudohistory as suppressed truth.

This is not about rediscovering history—it is about owning it. By turning monuments into religious battlegrounds, Hindutva ideologues redirect social frustration away from real inequities—caste injustice, unemployment, agrarian distress—and towards imagined enemies. The Rajput, whose history of honour and sovereignty once stood apart, is now re-cast as the obedient foot-soldier of this Brahminical nationalism.

Rajputs in the Crossfire of Myth and Politics

The irony is profound. The same ideological movement that glorifies “Hindu warriors” has historically shown disdain for Rajput political traditions. Savarkar and Golwalkar’s writings betray a deep discomfort with Rajput alliances with Mughals, and an implicit preference for Brahmin-led militarism like that of the Peshwas.

Oak’s narratives continue this trend: Rajputs are celebrated only as mythic ancestors, never as living agents. Their plural political ethos—the synthesis of valour, diplomacy, and cultural patronage—is erased. Their women become allegories of victimhood; their men, backdrops for Brahminical triumphalism.

This trend is exemplified by a recently viral X post  by Brahmin influencer Amit Schandillia, who appropriates the pre-16th century Jauhars of Rajput women to vilify the Muslim community. He deliberately frames these pre-16th century tragedies as ‘Hindu’ events and uses them to erase the long, convivial, and harmonious history shared between Rajputs and Muslims up to 1947.

In this way, the Hindutva appropriation of Rajput history mirrors its treatment of India itself: a civilisation reimagined as a homogenous Brahminical state, scrubbed of diversity and stripped of nuance.

Conclusion

P. N. Oak’s legacy is not one of historical revision but of ideological engineering. His “Tejo Mahalay” myth and “Mina Bazar” fantasy are not just anti-Muslim—they are anti-Rajput and fundamentally Brahminical. They recast the Rajput past into a mere accessory for Brahminical nationalism, while exploiting Rajput women’s image to moralise history through patriarchal codes.

Behind the spectacle of “Hindu pride” lies a deeper agenda: the re-assertion of Brahmin control over India’s collective memory. What appears as the reclamation of the Taj Mahal is, in truth, the conquest of the past by caste. Oak’s project—and the films and movements that follow from it—transform history from a field of inquiry into a battlefield of hierarchy.

To defend the integrity of India’s past, one must see through these saffron myths and recognise their caste logic. The struggle is not just over monuments but over meaning—between those who seek to understand history in its fullness, and those who wish to reduce it to the propaganda of a Brahminical state.

(The author is a mechanical engineer and an independent commentator on history and politics, with a particular focus on Rajasthan. His work explores the syncretic exchanges of India’s borderlands as well as contemporary debates on memory, identity and historiography)

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The post The Taj Story & Resurgence of a Myth, the ideological engineering of a Brahmanical narrative of pseudo-history appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Justice M.R. Mengdey, delivering a detailed judgment in Navdeep Mathur & Ors. v. State of Gujarat on December 4, 2025, has not only quashed all the impugned prohibitory orders, including a 2025 notification under Section 37 of the Gujarat Police Act, but also issued binding directions to the State: future prohibitory orders must be widely publicised through social media and other accessible platforms, as publication only in the official gazette is inadequate and inaccessible to the public. He held that the State had “clearly circumvented” legal protections designed to prevent exactly this kind of prolonged, opaque restriction on public assembly.

Section 144 cannot be a “standing order”: Court questions years of continuous restrictions

The petitioners, peaceful protestors against the Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019, argued that they were prosecuted for violating Section 144 — a provision they never knew had been imposed. The reason became clear once the Court examined the records: from 2016 to 2019, Ahmedabad Police issued one Section 144 order after another, often overlapping, ensuring the city was almost perpetually under prohibitory restrictions. The Court found this argument fully substantiated.

The Court found this deeply problematic:

• No material facts were recorded in the orders
• No emergent circumstances were demonstrated
• No prior inquiry, as required by law, was carried out
• No notice was issued to affected citizens except in supposed “emergencies”
• No attempt was made to use less restrictive measures

This, the Court said, reduced a temporary emergency provision into a standing administrative tool — precisely what Supreme Court precedents warn against.

The judgment shows a clear concern: Ahmedabad Police had normalised an emergency provision, issuing one order after another—sometimes even overlapping—and effectively creating a continuous bar on public assembly for years. As the Court held:

“The material available on record indicates that the Respondent authorities continued to issue Notifications under S.144 of the Code one after the other. Learned Advocate appearing for the Petitioner is right in contending that, on occasions, the subsequent Notification was issued even when the earlier notification was holding the field.” (Para 13)

Such a practice, the Court said, circumvented Section 144(4), which caps the duration of an order at two months unless extended by the State Government. Notably, the State never once invoked its power to extend any of these notifications; instead, the police simply kept reissuing fresh ones.

“No reasons, no facts, no transparency”: Judicial scrutiny exposes procedural vacuum

Justice Mengdey emphasised the principles laid down in Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, Gulam Abbas v. State of UP, and Acharya Jagdishwaranand. The law requires:

1. Material facts to be recorded
2. Reasoned satisfaction of the need for immediate action
3. Prior inquiry, unless a genuine emergency prevents it
4. Temporary, tightly-tailored restrictions

But the Court found that none of the Section 144 notifications examined contained reasons, factual foundations, or evidence of emergent circumstances.

“As per the settled legal position, these powers being amenable to the judicial review and scrutiny, exercise of it, requires to appear reasonable and therefore, the authorities exercising these powers are also required to give their reasons for the same. The Notifications questioned in the present petition do not bear any reasons given by the authorities for issuing the same. When, by exercise of powers under S.144 of the Code, the fundamental rights or constitutional rights of a class of citizens are being affected, the exercise needs to be transparent. The scheme of the provision of S.144 of the Code itself makes it clear that the authority exercising these powers is required to come to a conclusion that it is necessary to exercise these powers to prevent disturbance to public peace and tranquillity.” (Para 9)

“The impugned notifications do not mention any such material facts. The safeguards and procedure prescribed in the Section are not an empty formality. Their strict adherence is mandatory as the impugned notifications propose to impose restrictions upon the citizens affecting their fundamental rights.” (Para 9)

By affecting fundamental rights without a factual basis, the State had acted in “utter disregard of the safeguards” built into the law.

Failure to use other lawful measures: State cannot label every gathering a threat

A crucial aspect of the judgment is the Court’s reminder that dissent—peaceful protest—is a constitutionally protected exercise of democratic freedom. Section 144 may be imposed only when other methods fail and only as a last resort. Before invoking it, authorities must try less intrusive methods of maintaining public order. Yet the State could not produce evidence showing any such effort.

The Court made this explicit:

“Therefore, prior to resorting to exercise of powers under S.144 of the Code, it was incumbent upon the Respondent authorities to take recourse to the other measures available to them under the law for maintenance of peace and tranquillity and it was only when those measures were found to be insufficient, the powers in question could have been exercised. There is nothing on record to indicate that the Respondent authorities had even taken recourse to the other measures and it was only upon their failure that the powers in question were exercised.” (Para 12.1)

The repeated, blanket restrictions therefore failed the test of proportionality, necessity, and reasonableness.

Court also strikes down the 2025 Ahmedabad Police Commissioner’s order under Section 37 of the Gujarat Police Act

The judgment goes beyond the Section 144 regime. Petitioners pointed out that even after the practice of constant Section 144 orders was discontinued, the State simply switched to issuing equally broad prohibitions under Section 37 of the Gujarat Police Act.

The Court closely examined the Commissioner’s November 3, 2025 notification, which cited vague allegations of violent gatherings in “certain police station areas” but did not specify which areas, when the incidents occurred, or why the entire city needed to be restricted.

The Court concluded the State had:

• Provided no nexus between the facts alleged and the sweeping prohibition imposed
• Curtained legitimate protest across Ahmedabad
• Failed to target actual offenders, instead opting for a city-wide ban that punished peaceful citizens

The same violated principles set out in George Fernandes v. State of Maharashtra, which requires a proximate, rational connection between the threat perceived and the restrictions imposed. Blanket bans fail this test.

“These observations would apply to the facts of the case on hand as well as the authorities concerned have miserably failed in demonstrating any such rationale and proximate connection or nexus between the prohibition sought to be imposed with the necessity for prevention of public order.” (Para 20)

“The aforesaid discussion would make it clear that the powers have been exercised by the respondent authorities in utter disregard of the safeguards provided for exercise of the powers in question. Therefore, the exercise of powers by the authorities appears to be arbitrary in the present case. Therefore, the notification in question including the notification of the Police Commissioner dated 3^rd November 2025, are violative of the fundamental rights of the petitioners and therefore, are liable to be quashed and set aside.” (Para 21)

Adjudication despite expiry of orders

The State argued that all the notifications had “expired” and therefore no adjudication was necessary. The Court rejected this. Justice Mengdey emphasised that citizens were still facing prosecution for alleged violation of these notifications, and therefore the validity of the orders directly impacted their liberty.

“It is argued that the Notifications have lived their lives. However, there would be many including the Petitioners, who would be facing prosecution for violation of these Notifications. Therefore, even if the Notifications have lived their lives and are no more in force today, their validity is required to be considered, as, if the same is not done, the Petitioners and many others, would be facing prosecution for violation of the Notification which stands declared arbitrary. Therefore, these Notifications were required to undergo the judicial scrutiny even after their expiry.” (Para 23)

This ensures that criminal proceedings arising from unconstitutional notifications do not continue.

Publicity failure: Official gazette is not enough in the digital era

One of the most important directions in the judgment relates to transparency.

The State claimed that the orders were “widely publicised.” The Court disagreed, noting that the petitioners had demonstrated that the public had no meaningful way to know such orders were in force at all.

Justice Mengdey observed:

“In the present era, mere publication of such Notifications or orders in the official gazette would not be sufficient. Moreover, the public at large has no access to such official gazette. In the era, where several modes of mass communication, including social media platforms are available, it is incumbent upon the Respondent authorities to publish such Notifications / Orders by using such modes. While quashing and setting aside the Notifications impugned in the present petition as well as the Notification dated 3.11.2025 issued by the Commissioner of Police, Ahmedabad City being violative of fundamental rights of the citizens, the Respondent Authorities are hereby directed that, in future, while exercising such powers available under BNSS or Section 37 of the G.P.Act, due care shall be taken for adhering to the procedural aspects and the inherent safeguards required for exercising such powers and the Notifications / Orders issued under these provisions shall be given wide publicity on social media to make the public at large aware about it.” (Para 25)

The Court therefore directed:

• Mandatory publication of all Section 163 BNSS / Section 37 GP Act orders
• On social media, websites, and modern communication platforms
• In addition to regular modes
• To ensure actual public awareness and compliance

This is a major structural direction that significantly alters how prohibitory orders must be disseminated in Gujarat going forward.

A corrective moment for democratic policing

The judgment is a firm reminder that:

• Section 144 cannot be normalised
• Perpetual restrictions on peaceful assembly are unconstitutional
• The State must provide reasons, facts, inquiry, and evidence
• Blanket city-wide bans are disproportionate
• Citizens must be informed through accessible means
• Transparency and accountability are essential before curtailing democratic freedoms

The High Court’s intervention decisively pulls back an executive practice that had been allowed to operate unchecked for nearly a decade.

Conclusion: A decisive reaffirmation of democratic freedoms

By quashing the impugned notifications—both under Section 144/163 and Section 37—the High Court has sent a clear signal that public order powers cannot be used casually or mechanically to stifle dissent.

The ruling enhances procedural safeguards, demands transparency, and restores constitutional balance at a time when administrative reliance on prohibitory orders has become routine across many Indian cities.

The Gujarat High Court’s directions will now require every future invocation of Section 163 BNSS or Section 37 GP Act to satisfy:

• Reason-based scrutiny
• Evidence-based justification
• Prior exploration of lesser restrictive alternatives
• Wide public dissemination for awareness

A crucial precedent, the judgment stands as a robust defence of the right to protest and the constitutional promise that emergency powers must remain exceptional, temporary, and accountable—not a default policing mechanism.

The complete judgment may be read here:

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A Gandhian to the core, an uncompromising anti-liquor campaigner, a spellbinding orator and Principal of Mahatma Gandhi College, Thiruvananthapuram, Manmathan was a contemporary of Mannath Padmanabhan, the visionary founder of the Nair Service Society which went on to build an empire of educational and medical institutions.

I had the privilege of hearing him once at my alma mater, St. Thomas College, Kozhencherry. He was invited to speak on a subject that was electrifying campuses across the world at that time: students’ unrest. American universities were convulsed by protests against the Vietnam War.

From Berkeley to Columbia, students were questioning imperialism, racism and militarism. Europe, too, was aflame with agitation—Paris 1968 had already entered history as a revolt of ideas as much as of streets.

Prof Manmathan began by extolling the courage and moral seriousness of students in the West.

Then, with his trademark mix of irony and sting, he turned to Kerala. “There, students earn their living to fund their education. They have skin in the game. Here, parents pay the fees, feed the children, clothe them and even buy their bus passes. What stake do they have in the education system? Nothing,” he said.

Then came the coup de grâce: “They enjoy strikes because colleges close and they can sit at home.” For many students, strikes were less about revolution and more about recreation.

Many years later, that long-ago speech came back to me while watching a video clip of S. Gurumurthy, a chartered accountant-turned-ideologue of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Ideologically, Gurumurthy stands at the opposite pole from Prof Manmathan’s Gandhism. Yet, in an odd way, they converged on the same sociological truth.

Gurumurthy narrated an anecdote from a lecture he delivered at a prestigious American university. Listening to him, I was reminded of my own long-held view that institutions there recognise talent more readily than we do in India, where caste and community considerations often intrude.

The much-publicised case of Harvard inviting Lalu Prasad Yadav to speak on how his unconventional ideas rescued Indian Railways from financial free-fall comes to mind in this context.

Then came Gurumurthy’s experiment. He asked all the students in the audience to raise their hands if their education was fully funded by their parents.

Without exception, every Indian student raised a hand.

Then he asked who among them had taken bank loans to finance their education. Every American hand went up—black and white, men and women alike. That, he said, revealed who had real stakes in their education.

Listening to Gurumurthy, I was reminded instantly of Prof Manmathan’s cutting question: what real right did Indian students have to speak of “students’ unrest” when so many of them had no financial stake in their education or in the system that sustained it?

When Neighbouring Nations Rise — and India Doesn’t

Recently, The Economist carried an article that asked a troubling question: why are young men and women in India so curiously unmoved by political and social upheavals that would have set generations elsewhere on fire? The magazine contrasted India’s political quietism with the turbulence in its immediate neighbourhood.

Take Nepal. For years, the country had suffered under a political class steeped in corruption and cynicism. Public institutions withered while politicians bickered and bargained. When students took to the streets against corruption and misgovernance, it was not mere tokenism. Campuses became nerve centres of resistance. The agitations were sustained, creative and relentless.

The protests snowballed into a wider public movement. The government, cornered by the moral authority of the youth and the pressure of the streets, was finally forced to step down.

Young Nepalis discovered something transformative—that protest could actually produce political change. They were not merely shouting into the void.

Sri Lanka offers another powerful example. For decades, an oligarchy ruled the island nation, entrenching itself through corruption, nepotism and economic mismanagement. By 2022, the economy had collapsed, fuel and food were scarce, and ordinary citizens were pushed to the brink.

It was the youth who lit the spark. Students, professionals and ordinary citizens poured into the streets.

They occupied public buildings, camped outside official residences and refused to budge. The protests were largely peaceful but unwavering.

The President Gotabaya Rajapaksha was forced to flee the country. Power slipped from the hands of a seemingly invincible ruling elite. Today, Colombo has a new leadership, born out of the anger and aspirations of a mobilised citizenry.

In Bangladesh too—whether one approves of the outcome or not—the youth uprising changed the course of politics.

Students and young citizens protested against what they saw as high-handed governance and shrinking democratic space. The unrest grew in intensity and scale.

The Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was eventually forced to flee the country and seek asylum in India. That this happened at all is testimony to the disruptive power of youth-driven politics in our neighbourhood.

Crises Without Rebellion: India’s Strange Silence

India, meanwhile, has witnessed convulsions far more severe—yet without comparable mass upheaval.

Consider demonetisation. In one stroke, Prime Minister Narendra Modi invalidated high-value currency notes.

The stated objective was to strike at black money and counterfeit currency.

What followed was chaos. The informal economy collapsed overnight. Millions of workers lost their jobs. Small businesses shut shop. Daily-wage earners were reduced to penury.

People stood in serpentine queues outside banks and ATMs to withdraw their own money, only to be told that the cash had run out. Deaths occurred in queues from exhaustion, anxiety and despair.

And yet, there was no nationwide uprising. There was anger, yes; private misery, certainly; public rebellion, hardly.

Then came the pandemic. Without warning, Modi announced an all-India lockdown. The decision may have been justified as a public health emergency, but its execution was brutal in its insensitivity.

Tens of millions of migrant workers lost their jobs overnight.

With no income, no food and no certainty about when the lockdown would end, workers from Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh—dismissed casually as “laggard states”—began walking home from cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Nagpur.

They walked hundreds of kilometres under the scorching sun, with children on their shoulders and belongings on their heads. Many were lathi-charged for violating Covid norms.

Some died on the roads. The images were heart-rending. The suffering was biblical in scale. Yet again, there was no nationwide revolt. No sustained student movement. No paralysing civil disobedience.

At that time, someone remarked to me with chilling resignation: “We are like that. We won’t rebel. We won’t protest.”

There is a crude joke often made about Indians and sex—that they are obsessed with it in private but prudish in public. Perhaps something similar can be said about protest: we complain endlessly in private but submit meekly in public.

The Weight of Fatalism on a Nation’s Conscience

We are, at bottom, a deeply fatalistic people. Fatalism is the belief that everything is preordained, that human will counts for little, that destiny rules supreme. It is a worldview that teaches acceptance rather than resistance, endurance rather than struggle.

The great poet Ulloor S. Parameswara Iyer captured this worldview in his celebrated poem Premasangeetham. In one stanza, he surrenders completely to divine choreography:

“Salutations to You, the Giver of my life, Lord of Dance, Supreme Soul!

In this world-stage of humanity, I am but a small part of Your dance troupe.

What role I am to play is Yours to decide, O Lord;

My duty is to dance as You will, with devotion and grace.

Be it as a servant or a player upon the stage.

To portray joy or sorrow, I am here to fulfil Your purpose.

You, the unseen Director, guide my every step like the wind.”

This is fatalism at its most lyrical—and its most paralysing. Man becomes a puppet, God the unseen puppeteer. Responsibility dissolves into resignation.

This worldview is profoundly at odds with the doctrine I believe in. According to the Biblical vision, God created man in His own image.

Man is not a puppet but a moral agent. He is sovereign in the limited sphere granted to him. He can choose the right path or the wrong one. Even Adam and Eve had that choice. History is not just enacted upon humanity; it is shaped by human decisions.

Man has the power to transform his life. Let me illustrate with two small stories from my own life. My wife and I were fond of a boy who used to visit our home to play with our grandson. His father pressed clothes for a living.

My wife offered to support the boy’s education. But the father had other ideas. He wanted his son to fetch clothes, return the ironed garments and collect money. Education was seen as a distraction.

The boy was not encouraged to study. He inherited his father’s trade. Today he earns Rs 5 per piece of clothing he irons. Fate did not destroy his prospects; choices did.

In contrast, when I admitted my elder son to a school in Kayamkulam, one of my neighbours—a barber by profession—admitted his son to the same school. Our children travelled in the same school bus. That boy studied diligently, became an engineer, went to the Gulf and today is far richer than my son. Education transformed his life, just as its denial froze the other boy’s.

Last week, while delivering the Justice P. Subramonian Poti Memorial Lecture at the Kerala Club in New Delhi, Prof S. Sivakumar narrated another telling story.

A rich man was extremely liberal in helping his servants with money for festivals, marriages and childbirths. But he steadfastly refused to support the education of their children. His logic was chilling in its candour: if they got educated, they would no longer work as servants.

Is it any wonder, then, that a small shipload of Portuguese soldiers could capture power in Goa, then ruled by Muslims over a predominantly Hindu population? They were the first Europeans to establish a lasting presence in India. They ruled for over 500 years without facing sustained mass resistance.

How many Mughals came to India initially? A few hundred at most.

Yet they ruled India for nearly 700 years. Under Aurangzeb, the Mughal Empire reached its territorial zenith—larger than present-day India. In 1700, India accounted for 25 percent of the world’s GDP. Aurangzeb died peacefully of old age, not at the hands of a revolutionary mob.

Today, Modi’s supporters take pride in the fact that he has ruled for 11 years. In contrast, the British ruled India for about 200 years. The British population in India never exceeded one lakh. Yet they governed a subcontinent of hundreds of millions with astonishing ease.

When Mrs Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency, I was in Delhi. There was not even a whimper of protest initially.

Her police rounded up Opposition leaders with ruthless efficiency—Morarji Desai, Jayaprakash Narayan and countless others disappeared into jails.

Civil liberties were suspended. The press was muzzled. And the people accepted it, contrary to later claims of universal resistance.

Today, we encourage poor youth to indulge in rituals rather than reflection. They walk hundreds of kilometres to fetch holy water. Along the way they are fed with food, beverages, fruits and sweets. They also receive intoxicants. Meanwhile, the children of their leaders go abroad for higher studies.

From Opium to Algorithms: A New Age of Distraction

The colonial rulers used opium to keep the Chinese subdued. In India today, there is a new intoxicant: the mobile phone.

Nowhere in the world is the Internet so cheap. Tens of millions are addicted to their screens.

Yesterday, I saw an autorickshaw driver watching video clips on his mobile, neatly fixed at the centre of his steering handle. He seemed almost pleased when the traffic signal turned red—it gave him uninterrupted viewing time.

Algorithms work with perverse efficiency: if you watch nonsense, you are rewarded with an endless torrent of more nonsense.

Hands chained to mobile phones, symbolising digital addiction and how smartphones control modern life.

Smartphones have become the new chains—an addiction more potent than opium.

Grandparents, parents, children, grandchildren, servants, drivers, cleaners, workers—each is sealed inside a personalised digital cocoon, scrolling in splendid isolation.

How can people hypnotised by viral trivia be bothered about price rise, unemployment or the cynical manipulation of public sentiment?

The colonial rulers had opium; we have the smartphone—and it is far more lethal because we swallow it willingly.

Courtesy: The Aidem

The post Mobile as Opium: A Nation Sedated By Screens appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Though the movement was centred on Tamil speaking areas of the Madras Presidency and Pondicherry, it influenced deeply even downtrodden communities in Dharavi and Pune, Travancore Princely state and the migrant Tamil communities in Malaya, Singapore, Ceylon and Burma.

Privileging  ‘Self-Respect’  as the  birth right of human beings  as against the claim of B.G. Tilak’s Swaraj,  Periyar argued, that caste does not make for a healthy sense of the self, and to develop such a sense, one would have to practise self-respect, learn to value one‘s self. In fact, this had to precede all other values and objectives, including freedom and self-rule, in short even swaraj. Periyar defined self-respect in diverse ways, and depending on the context of his utterance and the historical moment in which that utterance was required, self-respect was aligned to socialism, Islam, to the Buddhist notion of samadharam. Periyar‘s use of the word ‘samadharma’, as a counter to Manudharma, and as an adjunct of socialism, which he argued had to do with the logic of just distribution, whereas ‘samadharma’ required a just and equal ethics which implicates all of us, the form of that ethical consensus that we forge with each other, that we shall hold and exercise rights and compassion in common.

Periyar’s criticism of Hinduism proceeded from his understanding of caste as a system and ideology: the Brahminical ideology that determined what the women and men of the Hindu faith ate, how they dressed, whom they married, their choice of a profession, their relationships with each other, their behaviour in public places, their political choices, their modes of worship, in short, a religious sensibility was manifest in the Hindu’s each and every actions. Hinduism was fundamental to the very organisation of caste society and had to be viewed not merely in terms of beliefs, faith and the succour it offered to the believer, but in terms of its material everyday existence. Periyar’s idea on brahminical patriarchy drew its sustenance from his rejection of the conventional ideal of chastity. Periyar argued that ‘child rearing’ could be taken up by the men as well. By making parenthood rather than motherhood the decisive factor in the nurture and care of human life, Periyar liberated the female body and thus granted the female person both will and subjectivity. He also attacked the fetishisation of female body and urged the women not to internalise notions of beauty and become mere ‘pegs’ on which one hangs jewellery.

The politics of the SR movement was defined as a critique of Congress nationalism and political Non-brahminism.  Self-respecters understood political Non-brahminism as a creed that rejected what it termed, the hierarchical privileges of the caste order, opposed brahminical pride and social power, endorsed the rights of untouchables to an equal, self-respecting and free existence, and which upheld women’s reproduction rights as well as their right to education and independence. Further, even when Periyar supported governments that appeared to him to be receptive to social justice ideals, he never allowed such support to interfere with his critical work in the civil and public realms. He was insistently critical of the electoral politics and legislative exercises, which to him, were inexorably given to instrumental reasoning and limited goals. He felt that being active in this sphere could prove corrupting – and so decided to keep away from it, and instead function as a permanent dissident and critical movement in society.

Interestingly, the SR movement also drew inspiration from the Russian Revolution, though it abhorred violence manifesting in any form. The  only English weekly the SR Movement has ever had was ‘revolt’ launched from Erode on November 7, 1928,which, in the words of the leader written for its first anniversary number was “that memorable  day in the history of the nations, the day of the… immortal Revolution in Russia..” One can see from the journals of the SR movement hundreds of articles on the achievements of Soviet Russia, some of which looked for the social markers of women’s progress civil society as well (It had great admiration for King Amanullah Khan of Afghanistan and Mustafa Kemal Pasha  of Turkey for  overturning the centuries old dress code for the women.)  Periyar had the Preamble and the first section of the ‘Communist Manifesto’ translated into Tamil and published it in ‘Kudi Arasu’ before leaving for a ‘global tour’, which was only a ploy to enter into Soviet territories. After returning to Erode by the end of 1932, he and S. Ramanathan, a veteran of the SR Movement translated into Tamil seven articles of Lenin on Religion to be published in ‘Kudi Arasu’. A few months later’ Kudi Arasu’ featured the first Tamil translation of Engels’s ‘The Principles of Communism’ by another Self Respecter and during 1937-38, a full-length biography of Karl Marx were published.

The SR movement forged close contact and comradely relationship with Babasaheb Dr B.R. Ambedkar. It was the SR journals that introduced Babasaheb to Tamil Nadu through its reports on the Mahad Satyagraha and Kalaram Temple entry movement and it mobilised all its strength to support of the Separate electorate demand. Similarly from 1935 onwards it supported Ambedkar’s decision to leave the Hindu fold not to die as a Hindu. Periyar however, was unhappy about Babasaheb’s decision to join the Constituent Assembly as he felt that the latter’s legilslative  labour would only  be harvested by the ‘North Indian Aryans’. In post Independent India, Periyar disagreed with Babasaheb’s solution to Kashmir problem and also his advocacy of aligning with the USA. But these political differences were overcome with Periyar’s support to Babbasaheb on other issues.

Periyar maintained that social inequalities derived from one’s birth would remain active under any economic system as a deterrent to any radical change in society and would even reproduce the economic disparities that were abolished. Pointing out that it was under the caste system that several people became wealthy and acquired a superior status, he insisted that even implementation of Communist doctrines in full force could not bring about any reform in a hierarchically organized caste society and that therefore the first and fundamental task of a Socialist in this country was to abolish the caste system. Periyar’s position was not agreeable to the ‘socialists’ (future Communists) in the SR movement like M. Singaravelu who insisted on ‘class struggle’ and broke away from Periyar to join the Congress Socialist Party in 1936. It was precisely during this period, Periyar was able to get a copy of’ the ‘Annihilation of Caste’, and translated into Tamil and serialised this in ‘Kudi Arasu’.

This ‘love and hate’ relationship between the Self Respect Movement and the Communists continued after 1947 ( between 1946-1947 there was a sharp ideological struggle between the Self Respecters and the Communists on the question of  understanding the real  nature of the ‘Independence’ of India granted by the British. However, the Dravidar Kazhagam (the reshaped Self Respect Movement) was the only party in the Tamil speaking areas of the erstwhile Madras Presidency that condemned the ban on the Communist Party of India imposed by the Nehru Government in 1949. It expressed it solidarity with the Communist Prisoners and organised state-wide meetings to condemn the killing of 22 Communist Prisoners in Salem Central Prison. The prisoners were protesting against the ill-treatment and frequent torture, inferior quality of food supplied to them, denial of the right to receive the visitors of their choice, reading materials and other rights given in the Jail Manual. During the first general election held in 1952 with adult franchise, Periyar supported the Communist candidates in specific constituencies while the Communists were expected to support a few candidates of Periyar’s choice. Though Periyar never believed in electoral politics, he decided to field one of his close comrades of that time, a Dalit for the reserved seat in a double member parliament constituency.  But the gentlemen’s agreement was flouted by the Communists who fielded their own candidate in that constituency. Infuriated, Periyar spared no efforts to ensure the victory of his candidate Of late, in Tamil Nadu, the Communists and the Self Respecters (members of the DK) who have until now been viewing each other with disdain until two decades ago, have, through the re-discovery of Periyar by the former realised the value of a political reaffirmation of the fundamentals of the Self-Respect Movement; this is crucial in the state given the current context of the brutal march of ‘Hindutva Hegemons’.  Both movements now face a historical challenge, in theory and practice, to be able to convincingly –and through action — club the anti-caste struggle with the class struggle.

The range of concerns and the commitments of the Self Respecters could be seen in the pages of the Self-Respect journals which published a wide variety of articles ranging from scholarly critiques of Ramayana, Mahabharatha, Bhagwad Gita and the Puranas to the translations of anti-clerical articles from the West, essays of Voltaire, Rousseu, Thoams Paine and Ingersol on the one hand and the writings of Dr R.P.Paranjape, J.Krishnamurthi and M.Singaravel on the other. These journals also featured atheist writings of Bertrand Russell and Bhagat Singh. Some of the stories of Boccacio were also translated and published along with one or two articles by Rahul Sankrityayan and Meghnath Saha. All these were intended to cultivate a rationalist outlook and critical thinking amongst the Self Respecters and also the general public.

Periyar’s  genius, for example, is his profound knowledge of Indian Philosophical systems which can be observed in his  article ‘Materialism or Pragrridivad’,  written from what he called ‘the perspective of Nirvana’ remains to be  explored  by those interested in understanding  Periyar and his anti-caste movement.

Despite  Periyar’s radicalism with  which  he selflessly spent nearly  75 years of his long  life, it is yet to gain a solid anti-caste space in the civil society  while the ‘real-politik’ of the political parties that claim his  legacy has  led  them to get immersed in the logic of  Westminster system  resulting in the   emergence of powerful intermediate castes whose ‘caste pride’ entails in the  increasing number of  atrocities on  Dalits.  While Tamil Nadu has done better than the rest of the country as many indicators show,  in interpersonal caste relationships  however , it is  becoming   intolerant  and violent  whenever the norms of castes are challenged. This has led the new generation of Dalit Intellectuals who have begun rejecting the entire trajectory of the Self-Respect movement.  We also witness a blatant slanders and distortion of Periyar’s thoughts and mission resorted to by some of these, even at the risk of losing a powerful ally in their struggle for equality, fraternity and dignity.

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Periyar the icon of social justice and humanism

Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism

The post The Tamil Nadu Challenge: The Self-Respect Movement and Periyar E.V. Ramasami appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“Social revolution also means caring and sharing and a demonstrative programme,” said Adhav when he spoke of this initiative launched after inspiration from Mahatma Gandhi (launched on Gandhi Jayanti, October 2, 1974). From one such eatery launched in 1974, forty years later, in 2014 it had expanded to 12 such in Pune provided tasty bhakaris prepared by women from working class families to close to 12,000 workers!

Widely revered as a prominent progressive leader in the socialist movement in Maharashtra who had fought against the caste system and for the rights of labourers, head-loaders, waste-pickers, and street vendors, Baba Adhav has also participated in the freedom movement, Samyukta Maharashtra movement, anti-Emergency protests, one village one water source movement (against caste system), and protests for the removal of Manu’s statue. He had also helmed a cycle rally from Pune to Delhi to seek social security for unorganised labourers.

In remembrance, Leader of Opposition (LOP), Rahul Gandhi said, “Baba Adhav was the strong pillar of social justice. He dedicated his entire life fighting for the rights of the marginalised, the exploited labourers. The flame of struggle ignited by Adhav in Pune became a torch for social justice movements across the country.”

Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee president Harshwardhan Sapkal wrote on X, “Carrying the torch of the truth-seeking tradition in his hand, Dr Baba Adhav, who fought against injustice in society and fought for the rights of the underprivileged throughout his life, passed away today. The progressive movement of Maharashtra has lost a major guide today. Heartfelt tribute to this fighting personality!”

As a recall of his prescience and work, we at Sabrangindia bring to you this conversation with this inspirational leader, Baba Adhav, conducted with co-editor, Teesta Setalvad in October 2014.

The interview and transcript of the Interview may be read/heard here.

It is religion-based politics that refuses to root out caste: Baba Adhav in conversation with Teesta Setalvad

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