SabrangIndia

Kerala MP protests RSS’ attempt to “infuse Christmas” with sectarian song

sabrang — Thu, 18 Dec 2025 12:18:10 +0000

A deeply disturbing request reportedly submitted by a right-wing employees’ union in the Kerala Circle the Bharatiya Postal Administrative Offices Employees Union, affiliated to the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) and BPEF] seeking permission to render an ideological song identified with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS Ganageetham) during the official Christmas celebrations scheduled to be organised on December 18, 2025 at the Kerala Circle office has been strongly protested by Rajya Sabha MP from the CPI-M, John Brittas in a letter to Union Minister of Communications and Development of North Eastern Region, Shri Jyotiraditya M. Scindia. Copies have been sent to the Secretary, Department of Posts, New Delhi and the Chief Postmaster General, Kerala Circle, Thiruvananthapuram.

Writing to make this communication public, John Brittas, on “X” says,

“Government offices are not ideological platforms. Introducing “RSS Ganageetham” into an official Christmas celebration violates constitutional secularism and insults minority faiths. It was a deliberate attempt to appropriate or overshadow a religious celebration with an unrelated ideological agenda. “Patriotism” does not flow from allegiance to any ideological organisation, but from fidelity to the Constitution of India. Wrote yesterday to the Union Communications Minister seeking immediate intervention. Now, instead of rejecting an unreasonable ideological demand, the Postal Department has cancelled the Christmas celebration itself – effectively punishing employees for speaking up. In trying to appease the aggressor while silencing the aggrieved, the administration has chosen the path of “comforting the strong and disciplining the vulnerable.” The question is unavoidable: who has this decision truly served – the BMS affiliated union, or employees who only sought to observe Christmas celebration with dignity?”

Government offices are not ideological platforms. Introducing “RSS Ganageetham” into an official Christmas celebration violates constitutional secularism and insults minority faiths. It was a deliberate attempt to appropriate or overshadow a religious celebration with an… pic.twitter.com/LJRRZxqd0T

— John Brittas (@JohnBrittas) December 18, 2025

In this letter to the Union Minister, J, Scindia, posted on social media, Brittas writes,

“I write to draw your good self’s urgent attention to a deeply disturbing request reportedly submitted by a right-wing employees’ union in the Kerala Circle the Bharatiya Postal Administrative Offices Employees Union, affiliated to the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) and BPEF] seeking permission to render an ideological song identified with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS Ganageetham) during the official Christmas celebrations scheduled to be organised on December 18, 2025 at the Circle office.

“At the outset, I wish to emphasise that Christmas is a sacred religious festival for the Christian community, observed in India not merely as a cultural occasion but as an expression of faith, inclusiveness, and goodwill. To seek to introduce, within such a religious celebration organised in a government office, a song explicitly associated with a partisan ideological organisation is not only inappropriate, but also profoundly insensitive and against the constitutional principles. It represents an avoidable intrusion of sectarian politics into a space meant for harmony, respect, and collective celebration.

“The contents of the union’s letter, including its repeated invocation of “patriotism” as a justification, are particularly troubling. Patriotism does not flow from allegiance to any ideological organisation, but from fidelity to the Constitution of India, its secular character, and its guarantee of equality and dignity to all citizens. To equate patriotism with the symbols or songs of a particular ideological formation is to narrow and distort the very idea of the nation.

“It is equally pertinent to note that government offices are constitutionally bound to remain ideologically neutral. Introducing RSS-associated content into a function, especially one linked to a minority religious festival, violates the long-established conventions of civil-service neutrality and risks conveying an impression of official endorsement of a particular ideology.

“Kerala has a proud history of religious coexistence and mutual respect. Christmas celebrations in government institutions in the State have traditionally been inclusive, voluntary, and secular in spirit, reflecting India’s composite culture rather than privileging or inserting any ideological narrative. The present request, if acceded to, would mark a dangerous departure from that tradition. More importantly, such an act would be perceived as an insult to the faith of Minority communities and as a deliberate attempt to appropriate or overshadow a religious celebration with an unrelated ideological agenda.

The full text of the letter may be read here:

MPRS/12/1733/2025

17.12.2025

Shri Jyotiraditya M. Scindia

Hon’ble Minister of Communications and Development of North Eastern Region

Government of India

Respected Shri Jyotiraditya M. Scindia Ji,

Sub: Kerala Postal Circle – Protest against attempt to impose sectarian ideology during

Christmas celebrations – Objection to the proposal to render ideologically affiliated song during official Christmas celebrations – RSS Ganageetham – reg:

I write to draw your good self’s urgent attention to a deeply disturbing request reportedly submitted by a right-wing employees’ union in the Kerala Circle the Bharatiya Postal Administrative Offices Employees Union, affiliated to the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) and BPEF] seeking permission to render an ideological song identified with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS Ganageetham) during the official Christmas celebrations scheduled to be organised on December 18, 2025 at the Circle office.

At the outset, I wish to emphasise that Christmas is a sacred religious festival for the Christian community, observed in India not merely as a cultural occasion but as an expression of faith, inclusiveness, and goodwill. To seek to introduce, within such a religious celebration organised in a government office, a song explicitly associated with a partisan ideological organisation is not only inappropriate, but also profoundly insensitive and against the constitutional principles. It represents an avoidable intrusion of sectarian politics into a space meant for harmony, respect, and collective celebration.

The contents of the union’s letter, including its repeated invocation of “patriotism” as a justification, are particularly troubling. Patriotism does not flow from allegiance to any ideological organisation, but from fidelity to the Constitution of India, its secular character, and its guarantee of equality and dignity to all citizens. To equate patriotism with the symbols or songs of a particular ideological formation is to narrow and distort the very idea of the nation.

It is equally pertinent to note that government offices are constitutionally bound to remain ideologically neutral. Introducing RSS-associated content into a function, especially one linked to a minority religious festival, violates the long-established conventions of civil-service neutrality and risks conveying an impression of official endorsement of a particular ideology.

Kerala has a proud history of religious coexistence and mutual respect. Christmas celebrations in government institutions in the State have traditionally been inclusive, voluntary, and secular in spirit, reflecting India’s composite culture rather than privileging or inserting any ideological narrative. The present request, if acceded to, would mark a dangerous departure from that tradition. More importantly, such an act would be perceived as an insult to the faith of Minority communities and as a deliberate attempt to appropriate or overshadow a religious celebration with an unrelated ideological agenda.

I therefore earnestly request your good self to intervene forthwith and issue urgent explicit directions to the Department of Posts, Kerala Circle, not to accede to the request reportedly made by the Bharatiya Postal Administrative Offices Employees Union to render RSS Ganageetham during the official Christmas function in Kerala Circle scheduled for tomorrow.

Thanking you.

Yours faithfully,

John Brittas

Copy to:

The Secretary, Department of Posts, New Delhi
The Chief Postmaster General, Kerala Circle, Thiruvananthapuram

RSS: The Flag, the Funds and The Missing Transparency

Court stays proceedings against RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat over alleged derogatory remarks targeting Muslim women

The post Kerala MP protests RSS’ attempt to “infuse Christmas” with sectarian song appeared first on SabrangIndia.

India’s Long Slide on Freedom: Reading the Human Freedom Index 2025

sabrang — Thu, 18 Dec 2025 11:02:26 +0000

The Human Freedom Index 2025 , published in the third week of December does not arrive as a shock; it arrives as confirmation. Once again, India has registered a decline, extending a trajectory that has been visible across multiple editions of the index over the past decade. What is striking is not the single-year slip, but the cumulative erosion that the numbers now document with uncomfortable clarity.

Compiled by the Cato Institute and the Fraser Institute in collaboration with partner organisations, the Human Freedom Index 2025 evaluates personal and economic freedom across 165 countries and territories. Released in mid-December 2025, the report places Switzerland, Denmark and New Zealand at the top of the global rankings. India stands at 110th — well below the median and far removed from the cohort of liberal democracies with which it is often rhetorically compared.

This represents a marginal but telling decline from the 2024 index, where India was ranked 109th. Read in isolation, a one-place drop might appear inconsequential. Read against the longer historical record, it is anything but. In 2014, India was placed around 87th on the same index. Over roughly a decade, the country has slid more than twenty places, moving steadily downwards rather than fluctuating around a stable band.

The architecture of the index is consistent across years, which makes comparisons meaningful. Human freedom is assessed through two broad pillars: personal freedom and economic freedom. Personal freedom encompasses civil liberties such as freedom of expression, media freedom, religious freedom, freedom of association and assembly, freedom of movement, and the extent to which the rule of law protects individuals from violence, arbitrary arrest and state abuse. Economic freedom covers property rights, regulatory burden, government size, taxation and expenditure, and openness to trade, investment and competitive markets.

India’s current position reflects persistent weaknesses across both pillars. On personal freedom, successive editions of the index have recorded declining or stagnant scores on civil liberties, space for dissent and rule-of-law indicators. These are not episodic dips but part of a sustained pattern visible across multiple years. On economic freedom, while there have been isolated improvements in ease-of-doing-business narratives, the index continues to flag regulatory complexity, uneven enforcement of contracts and property rights, and the heavy footprint of the state as structural constraints.

The contrast with India’s own past performance is instructive. A decade ago, India occupied a position closer to the global middle, ahead of many peers at comparable income levels. Since then, other countries have improved or held their ground while India has slipped, suggesting relative decline rather than universal stagnation. The 2025 ranking simply marks the latest point on that downward curve.

Stripped of rhetoric and confined strictly to what the index records, the message is stark. The Human Freedom Index 2025 tells us that India is ranked 110th out of 165 countries; that this represents a further decline from 2024; and that the country’s standing is significantly worse than it was in the mid-2010s. The numbers do not diagnose causes or prescribe remedies. They do, however, establish a trend — and that trend, year after year, points in one direction.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

The post India’s Long Slide on Freedom: Reading the Human Freedom Index 2025 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Appeal to Parliamentarians against repeal of MNREGA: Dr Manoj Jha & activists

sabrang — Thu, 18 Dec 2025 08:22:26 +0000

“Defend a law born of democratic consensus and moral clarity. Let us stand by the principle that every hand deserves work and every worker deserves dignity.” Dr Jha

Even as the Lok Sabha debated the intent of the present Modi regime to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 with the Viksu Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Graming Bill, 2075) late past midnight yesterday, December 17, the urgent issue is agitating Parliamentarians and activists/academics alike.

Dr Manoj Jha, academic activist associated with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and also a member of the Rajya Sabha has, in an Open Letter to other Rajya Sabha members appealed to the fellow parliamentarians against the intended repealment. Meanwhile, senior activists and academics including Jean Drèze and Prabhat Patnaik have warned of nationwide protests against the ill-intended move.

In his Open Letter to fellow parliamentarians dated December 18, 2025 (MPRS/BHRID/2025/7-80) Dr Jha reminds us of the history and context of this historic law guaranteeing rural work, passed in 2005, 55 years after the enactment of the Constitution.

Reminding us that any failures in the existing MNREGA arise from failures or drawbacks in implementation not the statute itself, Dr Jha writes how MGNREGA was enacted in 2005 with the support of all major political parties. The House then acknowledged a shared constitutional obligation that the right to work with dignity is integral to our democracy. Article 41 of the Constitution directs the State to secure the right to work and to provide public assistance in cases of unemployment and undeserved want, MGNREGA translated this directive into a justiciable legal guarantee. The proposed bill dismantles that guarantee.

Dr Jha made his letter public on X.

Appeal to fellow members in Parliament to save MGNREGA, which was not merely a government programme but a moral commitment made by the Indian Republic to its poorest citizens. It embodies the constitutional promise of dignity, livelihood, and social justice.
Jai Hind pic.twitter.com/qOjRGHugcY

— Manoj Kumar Jha (@manojkjhadu) December 18, 2025

Meanwhile announcing that protests against the move to end MGNREGA will start this week, civil society groups said Modi govt cannot use a “mere parliamentary majority to end a rural livelihood programme that resulted from extensive consultations across the board and forging of a national consensus that included BJP. “Founding members of MGNREGA, intellectuals and advocacy groups associated with the scheme came together to slam the “VB-G RAM G” bill, arguing that provisions in the proposed legislation will mark the end of job guarantee and hurt the socially vulnerable groups that depend on it for sustenance. NREGA Sangharsh Morcha, comprising economists Jean Drèze, who was part of the Sonia Gandhi-headed NAC that played a key role in drafting the job scheme, Prabhat Patnaik and Jayati Ghosh, Annie Raja, Yogendra Yadav, B Venkat of All India Agricultural Workers Union, Mukesh Nirvasit, several NGOs and activists, addressed a press conference to express their concerns, while warning they will this week start nationwide protests against the abolition of MGNREGA. They said the shifting of financial burden to states has made the new programme uncertain as the states are cash-strapped.

Patnaik said mere parliamentary majority cannot undo the national consensus that resulted in the enactment of MGNREGA, and the Modi govt needs to bring an “alternative consensus” to repeal MGNREGA. The new Bill takes away the “right-based approach” and makes the scheme a “gift” from the govt, Ghosh said. “We have seen the pattern …Right to food is a right, but now we have ration bags coming with the PM’s photo on it,” she said. Drèze said, “The Union govt would now have full power to decide when and where to implement the scheme, while the obligation is on the states. It is like saying I give a work guarantee, but don’t guarantee that the guarantee will be in place.”

The entire text of Parliamentarian (Rajya Sabha) DR Manoj Jha’s letter may be read below:

“Date: 18.12.2025

Dear Colleagues,

Many of us will recall the first page of our school textbooks, which carried Gandhi’s tulisman. He urged us to remember the face of the poorest and weakest person we have seen, and to ask whether the action we are about to take would be of any use to that person whether it would restore to them control over their own life. He believed that if our action met that test, all doubts would dissolve. That talisman was meant to guide every decision in public life. I write you today with that principle in mind.

On December 15, 2025, the government introduced a Bill to repeal the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and replace it with the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, 2075, While the Lok Sabha has held discussion till late night yesterday, I urge you to oppose this move in our house.

This appeal is not partisan, MGNREGA was enacted in 2005 with the support of all major political parties. The House then acknowledged a shared constitutional obligation that the right to work with dignity is integral to our democracy. Article 41 of the Constitution directs the State to secure the right to work and to provide public assistance in cases of unemployment and undeserved want, MGNREGA translated this directive into a justiciable legal guarantee. The proposed bill dismantles that guarantee.

The government claims that the new framework will provide 125 days of work instead of 100. This claim is misleading. Unlike MGNREGA, which was demand-driven, the new hill makes employment dependent on central allocations and administrative discretion. Its coverage in no longer universal but limited to arcus notified by the Central Government. At a time when even MGNREGA workers received only 50-55 days of work annually due to inadequate funding, the promise of additional days without assured resources lacks credibility. Further, the proposed cost-sharing arrangement-requiring states to bear 40 per cent of the expenditure-will place an unsustainable burden on many states, leading to exclusion and contraction.

MGNREGA has its shortcomings, but they arise from failures of implementation, not from the law itself. Over two decades, it has provided crucial support during periods of distress, enhanced women’s participation in the workforce, and upheld the principle of work as a right, not a favour. It could and should have been strengthened. Repealing it without consultation or consensus is not reform, it is a retreat from constitutional responsibility.

I appeal to you, as fellow legislators, to defend a law born of democratic consensus and moral clarity. Let us stand by the principle that every hand deserves work and every worker deserves dignity.

The poorest citizens of our country are watching our choices.

With regards,

Prof. Manoj Kumar Jha”

Labour rights, health of workers hit in the name of “reform”: PUCL Maharashtra

Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment

The post Appeal to Parliamentarians against repeal of MNREGA: Dr Manoj Jha & activists appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Labour Rights Endangered: Four labour codes passed without worker or state governments’ consultation or consent

sabrang — Thu, 18 Dec 2025 07:38:17 +0000

The Peoples’ Commission on Public Sector and Services, comprising of well-known academics and former government servants apart from public intellectuals has –in a strong public statement issued yesterday — called for the immediate revocation of the recently, unilaterally enacted Four Labour Codes and demanded that existing labour laws be brought fully in alignment with the letter and spirit of the Directive Principles of the Constitution and the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to which India is a signatory.

Besides the platform has stated that India needs and must ratify C87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise), C98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention), and C190 (on violence and harassment of workers, especially women, in the world of work). Finally, before making any changes in existing labour laws, the Centre hold meaningful discussions with the States and the workers. It is important that the idea of federalism is in no way diluted.

The PCPSPS, includes eminent academics, jurists, erstwhile administrators, trade unionists and social activists. PCPSPS intends to have in-depth consultations with all stakeholders and people concerned with the process of policy making and those against the government’s decision to monetise, disinvest and privatise public assets/enterprises and produce several sectoral reports before coming out with a final report. Here is the first interim report of commission – Privatisation: An Affront to the Indian Constitution. Among the members are EAS Sharma, former secretary in the government of India, Thomas Isaac, former finance minister of Kerala, Prabhat Patnaik, well known left economist and professor emeritus, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) among others.

The Union Labour Ministry has introduced new Labour Codes, codifying 29 existing labour laws with modifications into four codes, namely, the Code on Wages, the Code on Social Security, the Industrial Relations Code, and the Occupational Safety, Health & Working Conditions Code.

The PCPSPS states that evidently, the Central government has neither taken the workers’ associations nor the States into confidence fully before imposing the new set of codes, resulting in nationwide protests from workers. It is significant that the BJP’s own workers’ wing, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), has opposed these codes. Though the subject, “labour”, is in the Concurrent List, the States were not consulted, and one State, namely Kerala, has announced that it will not implement the codes.

The government should take note of the fact that Article 39 enjoins upon the State as follows:

Article 39

“……………..

(d) that there is equal pay for equal work for both men and women;

(e) that the health and strength of workers, men and women, and

the tender age of children are not abused and that citizens are not forced

by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength”

The newly proposed Labour Codes fail to comply with the above.

The labour laws that are in force have been enacted by the government from time to time to align State policy in tune with the intent underlying the Directive Principles. In a capitalist economy, the promoters and managers of businesses, whether organised or unorganised, aim to maximise their profits at the cost of the welfare of the workers, women workers in particular. Especially in the case of the unorganised sector, it is public knowledge that not only male workers’ rights are suppressed, but also women workers and children are subject to harassment, exploitation, and abuse. It is to safeguard the interests of all such workers that successive governments at the Centre and the States have introduced different labour laws. The newly proposed Labour Codes turn this idea upside down and modify the labour laws fundamentally to make it easy for the promoters and managers of businesses to maximise their profits without hindrance, at the cost of the workers.

India is a founder member of the ILO and has been a signatory to several ILO conventions that have stipulated norms relating to workers’ rights and welfare. The ILO has recognised the pitfalls of globalisation as an instrument of development and its likely adverse impact on workers’ individual and collective rights.

While the government should align the labour laws with the ILO norms, the newly introduced Labour Codes deviate from the ILO norms in several respects, which we have discussed in the following paragraphs.

Before we do that, we wish to point out that, though India is a founder member of the ILO, it has not signed the ILO Conventions C87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise), C98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention), and C190 (on violence and harassment of workers, especially women, in the world of work).

C190 has direct relevance for India. No doubt, the country has implemented some protective laws such as the POSH Act to prevent harassment of women and laws like the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act. Ratification of C190 would require significant legal alignment.

In order to align the labour laws in line with the Directive Principles and also harmonise them with the ILO Conventions C87, C98, and C190, the government should ratify these Conventions immediately and amend the laws accordingly.

Even in the case of those ILO Conventions which India has ratified, there are significant deviations from the norms set out in them vis-à-vis the new Labour Codes, as discussed below.

The Code on Wages

While the ILO has emphasised the importance of prior consultation with the workers in the matter of determining and periodically revising their wages so as to ensure that they remain fair and in line with living standards, the new code in India lacks a robust institutional arrangement for its realisation. The annual conventions which were held every year with employee organisations, employers, and the government have been discontinued since 2015.

In effect, the codes may result in a wage structure that fails to maintain decent living conditions for workers. While the ILO insists on a living wage and decent wage, the codes talk about minimum wage only.

The Code on Social Security

The ILO standards mandate adherence to the principle of equity and proportionality in social protection. The latest Indian code, which gives the Central Government extensive autonomy in establishing and managing social security schemes, may not ensure this, as it does not provide for prior consultation either with the States or the workers in determining norms underlying the social security schemes. This violates predictability and consistency from the point of view of the States and the workers.

Code on Industrial Relations

The ILO’s Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention guarantees that every worker has a say in determining terms and conditions of employment and promoting an equitable and democratic work environment, and it emphasises the importance of the right to strike as a cornerstone of the freedom of association.

The 8-hour workday attained through struggles and sacrifices has been diluted by providing 8–12 hours work flexibility.

The Wage Code and IR Code have surreptitiously brought in privatisation by including a clause which says that government shareholding in the public sector can be below 50%.

Those whose work is supervisory in nature are not covered by the codes. Those who earn a salary above Rs 18,000 per month are also excluded. The Supreme Court, in a judgment on a pilots’ strike, ruled that they are also workers even if they earn a lakh as salary, as they are not part of the management. This has been ignored in the new codes.

The latest Indian code makes it difficult for the workers to exercise the right to strike. In addition, it makes hiring and firing procedures simpler, which cuts at the root of the ILO standards that support stable employment conditions. The code jeopardises the job security of workers and deters workers from attempting to form a union.

Code on Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions

The ILO’s Occupational Safety and Health Convention mandates not only the stipulation of rigorous norms of occupational safety, health, and working conditions of workers, but also the putting in place of a strong regulatory institutional arrangement to enforce those norms.

The ghastly Bhopal gas tragedy remains a standing testimony to the inadequacy of norms that exist in India to ensure the safety of industrial workers and the communities that live in the vicinity of hazardous industrial units. Though the Centre has introduced several changes in the provisions of the Factories Act consequent to that accident, there has not been much improvement in the occupational safety of workers. The reason for this is the strong and unholy nexus that exists between political parties and private businesses. As elections are getting more and more expensive as a result of the deteriorating ethical standards of political parties, they turn to big businesses to fund them in exchange for political support to the latter in diluting the laws and regulations that exist to enforce environmental and safety norms for businesses. In addition, political parties, often more loyal to their corporate cohorts than the people who elect them, compromise the integrity of enforcement of laws and regulations by appointing business-friendly regulators.

As a result, the ILO-stipulated norms of occupational safety and health standards are rarely realised in India, and the latest code unilaterally imposed by the Centre further aggravates the situation.

As already stated, the whole exercise of “codifying and simplifying” the existing labour laws is aimed more at making it easy for private businesses to maximise their profits without having to allow workers to exercise their fundamental rights, without having to hold prior consultation with them on matters relating to their wages, their safety, their welfare, and most importantly, allowing them the right to form unions and bargain collectively with the promoters of businesses.

The latest codes confer excessive authority on the Centre in determining the minimum wages for different classes of workers, the norms for their safety and welfare, etc., and thus run counter to the spirit of federalism that is a part of the basic structure of the Constitution.

The codes, in our view, will accentuate the existing inequities in society, and therefore run counter to the values that underlie the Directive Principles of the Constitution.

It is important to take note of the fact that the majority of workers in India belong to the informal sector, information on which, as it stands today, is thoroughly inadequate, even though they contribute significantly to the nation’s income. What is urgently called for is to take them into reckoning and adapt the existing labour laws so as to enhance their social security and welfare.

In view of the above, the PCPSP demands that:

The new Labour Codes be revoked forthwith.
The existing labour laws be brought fully in alignment with the letter and spirit of the Directive Principles of the Constitution.
The existing labour laws be brought fully in line with the ILO Conventions to which India is a signatory.
India ratify C87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise), C98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention), and C190 (on violence and harassment of workers, especially women, in the world of work).
Before making any changes in the labour laws, the Centre hold meaningful discussions with the States and the workers. It is important that the idea of federalism is in no way diluted.

Labour rights, health of workers hit in the name of “reform”: PUCL Maharashtra

Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment

The post Labour Rights Endangered: Four labour codes passed without worker or state governments’ consultation or consent appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Cross Bat Conversation: Air, antiques and force majeure

sabrang — Thu, 18 Dec 2025 06:27:53 +0000

A Satire, by Chandru Chawla

In this explosive new episode of Cross Bat, the ever-balanced Balancedeep Sabchangasi (BS), famed for mixing politics with Bollywood nostalgia and cricket metaphors, interviews the incomparable Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala. This Colaba based antique restorer is The Quintessential Model Citizen. He brings his sharp Parsi wit to India’s Air Quality crisis. While BS juggles policy and pop songs, Cyrus dismisses the smog as force majeure. He argues that citizens should stop complaining until the AQI hits a respectable 1000, proposing instead that we adopt innovative self-help ideas for personal breathing^.

Balancedeep Sabchangasi (BS): Adjusting his pocket square and peering into the camera with that signature blend of gravity and “good-bloke” charm

“Good evening, tonight on Cross Bat, we are tackling the literal elephant in the room, or rather, the smog in the stadium. As the legendary Sunil Gavaskar would say, you have to play the ball late when the conditions are overcast, but today, the ‘overcast’ is a toxic cocktail of PM2.5. Is this a policy failure, or are we just caught on a sticky wicket? Joining me is a man who sees through the haze with the precision of a Parsi antique dealer. He is none other than Mr Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala. Cyrus, you’re a resident of Colaba and The Model Citizen. Tell me, as someone who restores vintage teak, how do you see this national breathlessness? Is the government out for a duck?”

Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala: Seated with an air of old-world dignity, hands folded over a silver topped cane

“My dear Balancedeep, or May I call you BS? Your penchant for mixing cricket metaphors with atmospheric tragedy is truly a piece of ‘kick-ass creativity’. However, you are barking up the wrong vintage rosewood tree. This so-called pollution is clearly force majeure, an Act of God, or a divine intervention to ensure we don’t see the potholes in our Amrit Kaal too clearly. Why do you seek a culprit where there is only atmospheric seasoning?”

BS: Nodding vigorously, leaning forward

“A fair point, Cyrus, a very fair point. On the one hand, the environmental activists are screaming for a policy overhaul, demanding immediate action to protect public health, but on the other hand, the economy must keep its strike rate up, right? We can’t just retire hurt. As the evergreen Kishore Kumar sang, ‘Zindagi ek safar hai suhana,’ but right now, the Safar is through a thick, choking smog. Surely, when the sun disappears at noon, the administration needs to step up to the crease and deliver some air quality reforms?”

Cyrus: Letting out a delightful, old-world chuckle

“Bah! We Indians have become far too pampered, seeking ‘dignity’ and ‘equal opportunity’ at the cost of traditional endurance. I will request the higher echelons of our nation that the government should only act when the AQI hits a solid, respectable 1000 in every square inch of the nation. Until then, any intervention would lower the dignity of self-respecting, law-abiding citizens. We must allow the fumes to trickle up to the penthouses, let the elite breathe what the masses have perfected! It is the only equitable form of wealth redistribution.”

BS: Smirking, sensing a viral moment

“Trickle-up pollution! That’s a sharp delivery. It certainly shifts the blame. But Cyrus, the hospitals are full. Children are coughing. Even the singers, and you know I love my nostalgia, can’t hit the high notes due to the particulate matter. The opposition alleges a complete breakdown of governance, a failure to protect the basic right to breathe. Isn’t this an indictment of democratic checks and balances? Or is this just the unavoidable price of Ache Din?”

Cyrus: His tone sharpening with strategic “naïve” edge

“Moral imperatives are for those who haven’t studied the ‘simplicity’ of our current era. If a citizen can’t survive a little soot, how will they survive the relentless shifts in our national narrative? Do you know that the only time governmental agencies are strengthened and mobilised with great speed is when dissent surfaces, not when citizens choke. We must look closer at our system. The very mechanisms praised for acting swiftly, like the ED, CBI, and IT department, are strangely silent on arresting the smog itself. This implies that the air quality is not deemed a threat to ‘national interest’ or ‘legitimate dissent.’ Frankly, I’m more concerned about the erosion of my antique lacquer than the erosion of public health standards, simply because the former is considered a private asset and the latter is a public burden.”

BS: Leaning back, playing the referee

“Now, Cyrus. You are making a political comment disguised as an atmospheric one. The government maintains, quite rightly, that these agencies are tackling serious corruption across the board. They are playing a long innings. But let’s look at the Common Minimum Program for the Lungs. You suggest ‘innovative methods’ for citizens. Like what? A reverse sweep against the smog?”

Cyrus: “Exactly! It is the hallmark of the Model Citizen to find self-help solutions. In my workshop, I am currently fashioning discarded coconut husks and old gamchas, those sturdy rags of the masses, into personal, disposable filtration masks. I call them the Gamcha Pradushan Kavach. Why wait for a normally functioning Parliament to pass a Clean Air Act when the business of legislation is being conducted with such haste and without the usual procedural scrutiny? We can and we must simply chisel our own way to oxygen! We must embrace the ‘wealth creation’ of the spirit. If you can’t breathe, simply recall the official pronouncements that assure us of unparalleled growth. The rhetorical force should be sufficient to clear the lungs.”

BS: Chuckling

“The Gamcha Pradushan Kavach! I can see the patent application now. It is certainly a local solution. But isn’t that a bit opaque and perhaps unfair? Not everyone has the local materials or the inclination to tinker with gamchas.”

Cyrus: “My dear BS, the criteria for survival should be as simple as the criteria for citizenship. You may recollect my criteria of establishing that you are an Indian citizen? Can you deploy coloured spit with accuracy when eating paan? Or can you live near a garbage pile to prove your residency? If so, you are a citizen. No need for an elaborate SIR exercise. And if one is satisfying both criteria, one is already biologically fortified against the haze. It is a masterpiece of irony that the very structures that demand allegiance are unable to provide breathable air. Perhaps we should take a page from the proponents of ‘polyelectory’ or the right to vote under multiple identities. If one can vote multiple times under sundry aliases, surely one can purchase multiple lungs under assorted pseudonyms to navigate the poor air quality.”

BS: Laughing, looking at the camera

“Polyelectory for the lungs! You heard the genius of Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala here first. He manages to find the humour, and the profound lessons, in the grim reality of our public discourse. As I always say, the truth lies somewhere between a bouncer and a yorker. We need the industry to grow, but we also need to, well, exist. ‘Kuch toh log kahenge,’ Cyrus, but will they be able to say it without coughing?”

Cyrus: BS, you must remember, that the sharpest truths are delivered with a pen dipped in wit, not a nebuliser. My satire is merely a mirror, albeit a slightly warped and polished antique one. It reflects the gradual chipping away of India’s foundational values: its diversity, equal opportunity, dignity, and its capacity to nurture independent thought. Now, if you’ll excuse me, I must return to my workshop. I have a pressing matter concerning the preservation of vintage documents. I fear that the very principles of fair play are being eroded, much like the lacquer on my finest teak. My most prized possession is my grandfather’s voter slip, preserved with great care. But not many people have preserved such heirlooms. And they may struggle to wade off the alleged Vote Chori attempts. They may need help. So, ta-ta for now!”

BS: Smiling broadly, waving to the viewers

“A classic innings from Cyrus! Stay tuned, because after the break, we’ll be discussing if the new tax on digital wallets is a ‘demonetisation delivery’ or just a mid-wicket muddle. This is Cross Bat, where we keep the field spread and the music loud!”

(A regular contributor to SabrangIndia, the writer is a conscientious citizen and a man of science and letters)

A Satirical Imperative Request (SIR) to the CEC of India

Cyrus Seeks a Right to Multiple Voter Ids

A Satirical Plea, Dripping with Envy, to President Xi Jinping of China

The post The Cross Bat Conversation: Air, antiques and force majeure appeared first on SabrangIndia.

When Power Forgets Consent: How a public act by the Bihar Chief Minister derailed a doctor’s career

sabrang — Wed, 17 Dec 2025 13:00:21 +0000

The controversy triggered by Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s act of forcibly removing the hijab of a Muslim woman doctor during a government function has intensified, with the affected doctor, Dr Nusrat Parveen, now reportedly deciding not to join the Bihar government service she was selected for.

According to Enewsroom and television media reports, Dr Parveen was scheduled to assume charge as an AYUSH doctor on December 20, but has chosen to step away following the incident. Her brother told a media channel that the decision was taken due to the severe mental distress she has been under since the public humiliation. “We are trying to convince her. If someone else committed the mistake, why should she be forced to sacrifice her career?” he said.

The Hindustan Gazette reported that Dr Parveen and her family have declined to speak publicly, but sources close to them confirmed that the incident has had a profound emotional impact on her.

What happened at the appointment ceremony

The incident occurred on Monday, December 17, at ‘Samvad’, the Chief Minister’s secretariat, during the distribution of appointment letters to over 1,000 AYUSH doctors. When Dr Parveen approached the stage wearing a hijab partially covering her face, Nitish Kumar was heard asking, “What is this?” On being told it was a hijab, he asked her to remove it—and then pulled it down himself, as seen in a viral video.

Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Chaudhary was visibly seen tugging at Kumar’s sleeve in an apparent attempt to stop him. Dr Parveen appeared visibly uncomfortable as laughter erupted from sections of the audience. She was subsequently handed the appointment letter again and ushered off the stage.

Media barred as fallout grows

In the aftermath, media entry was restricted at Nitish Kumar’s programme in Gaya on Wednesday, where he attended a two-day workshop organised by the Bihar Institute of Public Administration and Rural Development (BIPARD). The event was not live-streamed on the JD(U)’s official platforms, a notable departure from standard practice.

Media had also been barred a day earlier during the energy department’s appointment letter distribution programme, signalling an apparent attempt to contain public scrutiny amid rising outrage.

UP Minister’s defence sparks fresh controversy

The controversy further escalated after Uttar Pradesh Fisheries Minister Sanjay Nishad defended Nitish Kumar, stating that touching the hijab should not be made into an issue. His remarks drew sharp condemnation when he said, “What would have happened if he had touched somewhere else?”—a statement widely criticised as misogynistic and sexually suggestive.

Following backlash, Nishad released a video clarification claiming the Chief Minister’s intention was merely to ensure a clear photograph. He described his language as common rural expression from Purvanchal and denied any intent to insult women or Muslims, though he later said he withdrew his words if anyone felt hurt.

FIRs filed, political condemnation mounts

Police complaints have since been filed in Lucknow and Hyderabad, according to ANI and The Hindustan Gazette. Samajwadi Party spokesperson Sumaiya Rana, daughter of poet Munawwar Rana, lodged an FIR against both Nitish Kumar and Sanjay Nishad, calling the incident and the subsequent remarks a dangerous precedent. “This is harassment by someone holding a constitutional post,” Rana said, adding that such conduct emboldens others in positions of power.

SP MP Ikra Hasan condemned the act, stating that pulling a woman’s clothing or hijab is “wrong and dangerous” and sends a deeply disturbing message to society. “This is not about religion. Making a woman uncomfortable by touching her clothing is harassment,” she said.

According to the report of India Today, Congress demanded Nitish Kumar’s resignation, while the Rashtriya Janata Dal mocked the Chief Minister on social media, questioning his mental state and ideological shift.

Omar Abdullah: ‘Public humiliation cannot be justified’

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah strongly criticised Nitish Kumar, calling the incident “unacceptable” and reflective of a regressive mindset. Speaking to reporters in Srinagar, he said such actions echoed earlier instances of public humiliation of Muslim women.

“If the Chief Minister did not wish to hand over the appointment letter, he could have stepped aside. But humiliating a woman in public is completely wrong,” Omar said, as reported by Greater Kashmir, adding that the incident has exposed the erosion of the secular image Nitish Kumar once projected.

Women’s groups cite constitutional violations

Women’s rights groups and Muslim organisations have strongly condemned the incident. The National Federation of Girl Islamic Organisation (GIO) described the act as a “blatant violation of personal dignity and religious freedom,” demanding a public apology from the Chief Minister.

Hyderabad-based women’s rights activist Khalida Praveen, who filed a complaint against Kumar, stated that forcibly removing a Muslim woman’s veil violates Article 21 (right to dignity and privacy) and Article 25 (freedom of religion) of the Constitution, besides constituting an offence under criminal law.

Why the act raises criminal liability, not just political questions

It must be stressed that the Chief Minister’s conduct cannot be reduced to a moment of poor judgment or political controversy alone. The non-consensual act of physically pulling down a woman’s hijab in public, particularly by a person in authority, may attract criminal liability under laws meant to protect a woman’s dignity and bodily autonomy.

Under Section 74 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, assault or use of criminal force against a woman with intent to outrage, or with knowledge that such act is likely to outrage, her modesty is a punishable offence. Courts have clarified that “modesty” is not limited to sexual intent but includes acts that humiliate, violate privacy, or strip a woman of dignity, especially in public spaces.

The absence of consent and the clear power imbalance between a Chief Minister and a newly appointed woman doctor further aggravate the seriousness of the act. Consent cannot be presumed in a setting where a woman is placed under public scrutiny by the State itself, and visible discomfort, as captured on video, strengthens the argument that the act was inherently humiliating and foreseeable in its impact.

Beyond criminal law, the incident also implicates constitutional protections under Article 21, which guarantees dignity, privacy, and personal autonomy, and Article 25, which protects the freedom to practise religion. Legal complaints filed in multiple states argue that forcibly removing a Muslim woman’s hijab amounts to both gendered humiliation and interference with religious expression, making the incident not merely inappropriate—but potentially unlawful.

A chilling message from a constitutional office

As Dr Nusrat Parveen contemplates abandoning a government career she earned on merit, the incident has triggered a wider national debate on power, consent, gender, and religious freedom in state-controlled spaces.

What occurred on a public stage was not merely an individual lapse, but a reminder of how women—particularly from minority communities—remain vulnerable to humiliation even within the framework of the State itself.

Resignation in Protest: MP woman judge quits over elevation of senior she accused of harassment and discrimination

Extremists assaulted Muslim woman; hijab stripped of in broad daylight in Bengaluru and Muzaffarnagar

Three incidents of violence against Dalits since March 26, two against minors, one against elderly woman

The post When Power Forgets Consent: How a public act by the Bihar Chief Minister derailed a doctor’s career appeared first on SabrangIndia.

West Bengal Draft Electoral List: Over 58 lakh names deleted under SIR exercise, urban seats & Hindi speakers see higher voter deletions

sabrang — Wed, 17 Dec 2025 11:38:27 +0000

On December 16, the State Electoral Officer (SEO) for West Bengal published the draft electoral rolls which interestingly showed that the state’s electorate had shrunk from 7.66 crore to 7.08, with a substantial 58 lakh names struck off the voters’ list on grounds ranging from death and permanent migration to duplication and enumeration forms not being submitted.

With these deletions, West Bengal’s electoral rolls now have the names of 7,08,16,631 voters, as against 7,66,37,529 earlier, The Hindu reported. All voters (citizens) can search for their names on the voter roll on the Election Commission of India’s portal eci.gov.in or the website of the West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer at ceowestbengal.wb.gov.in. Besides, physical copies of the draft rolls will also be available with booth-level officers, who have been asked to remain present at polling stations on the day of publication. The press note issued by the CEO West Bengal may be read below.

Download PDF

The Election Commission has stressed, in a press release issues yesterday, December 16, that deletion from the draft roll is provisional, and that citizens can object to their names being removed from the list. Voters (citizens) still have until January 15, 2026 for the Claims and Objections Period and then (December 16, 2025-February 7, 2026) for the Notice & Verification period. The question is does the State CEO or the ECI have such a robust infrastructure in place to service/handle Claims or Objections of a potential (over) 58 lakh deletions in the state?

West Bengal is expected to head for Assembly elections in the first half of 2026.

Digital copies have also been shared with representatives of the state’s eight recognised political parties. The Election Commission also stated that the list of deleted names includes names that appeared in the January 2025 rolls but do not feature in the draft rolls prepared after the revision exercise, which ran from November 4 to December 11, PTI reported. Last week, data released by the office of the chief electoral officer showed that over 24.1 lakh voters were marked as dead, 19.8 lakh as permanently shifted and 12.2 lakh as missing or untraceable at their registered addresses.

Besides, an additional 1.38 lakh voters were identified as having duplicate entries, 1.8 lakh were classified as “ghost” voters, and more than 57,000 names were removed under other discrepancies detected during enumeration.

In fact, it is Muslim-dominated Assembly seats have recorded marginal or negligible deletions. In both Murshidabad and Malda districts, where Muslims comprise 66.3% and 51.6% of the population as per the 2011 Census, only 4.84% and 6.31% of the electorate have been struck off the electoral rolls. In none of the Assembly seats in these districts have the deletion figures crossed 10%

The Draft Voter’s list released on December 16 debunks Home Minister Amit Shah’s favourite “Bengal is overrun by infiltrators” script has just been blown to pieces by the Election Commission’s own SIR data for the 2025 rolls. Minority‑dominated border blocks show some of the lowest documentation gaps, while the worst “no‑mapping” and deletions are among Matua refugees, migrant workers and urban renters – not Muslims sneaking across the border. So the SIR quietly certifies what Bengal has been saying all along: this is not an infiltration crisis, it’s a BJP propaganda project built on refugees’ pain and workers’ precarity.

Preliminary Analysis debunks hysteria over “infiltration”

A preliminary analysis of the draft rolls –which are provisional in nature and subject to change following the next phase of claims and objections — reveals that Assembly seats with a sizable number of Hindi speakers are among the top 10 constituencies that saw the most deletions, ranging from 15%-36% of the electorate. In contrast, several Muslim-dominated constituencies saw a marginal number of deletions. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s constituency Bhabanipur and Mayor Firhad Hakim’s seat Kolkata Port among 10 seats with most deletions.

The Indian Express has analysed and reported that among the 10 seats with the maximum deletions are Jorasanko (36.66% of the electorate removed), Chowringhee (35.45%), Kolkata Port (26.09%), which is the constituency of TMC leader and Kolkata Mayor Firhad Hakim, and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s constituency Bhabanipur (21.55%). These constituencies in Kolkata have a significant Hindi-speaking population and though the TMC won all in the 2021 Assembly polls and led in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP has been attempting to expand its base there. Assembly constituencies in and around Kolkata have also seen a large number of deletions, with the Kolkata North and Kolkata South districts registering the most deletions at 25.92% and 23.82%, respectively.

Incidentally, constituencies where the BJP is a strong political force have also seen high deletion rates. These include Howrah Uttar (26.89% deletion); Asansol Dakshin (13.68%) and Asansol Uttar (14.71%) in Paschim Bardhaman district; and Barrackpore (19.01%) in North 24 Parganas district. Of these seats, though the BJP has an MLA only in Asansol Dakshin, it is just behind the TMC in the rest and has a robust organisational footprint in those constituencies. Constituencies dominated by the electorally influential Matua community, a key BJP voter base, also recorded significant deletions in the first phase. These include Kasba (17.95%) and Sonarpur Dakshin (11.29%) in South 24 Parganas district and Bongaon Uttar (9.71%) in North 24 Parganas.

Least deletions

In Murshidabad, constituencies such as Domkal (3.4%), Rejinagar (5.04%), and Shamsherganj (6.86%) did not see high deletion rates, while the number was low in a Muslim-dominated constituency such as Manikchowk in Malda (6.08%). Even before the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise began, people had started queueing up outside local bodies and Block offices for identity documents and other papers.

In Uttar Dinajpur, with a 49.92% Muslim population as per the 2011 Census, minority-dominated seats such as Chopra (7.44%), Goalpokhar (7.03%), Islampur (8.17%), and Chakulia (8.55%) have not seen high deletions. This pattern also holds in Muslim-dominated constituencies such as Hassan (4.95%) and Nanur (5.24%) in Birbhum district.

Besides West Bengal, the special intensive revision of electoral rolls is underway in 11 other states and Union Territories.

Scroll.in reported that in Bihar, where the revision was completed ahead of the Assembly polls in November, at least 47 lakh voters were excluded from the final electoral roll published on September 30.

‘Designed to Exclude’: The ongoing enumeration phase of the SIR

SIR exercise leaves trail of suicide across states as BLOs buckle under pressure and citizens panic over citizenship

The post West Bengal Draft Electoral List: Over 58 lakh names deleted under SIR exercise, urban seats & Hindi speakers see higher voter deletions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Bombay High Court allows Gautam Navlakha to return to Delhi, relaxes restrictive bail condition in Bhima Koregaon Case

sabrang — Wed, 17 Dec 2025 11:01:58 +0000

The Bombay High Court on Wednesday, December 17, relaxed the bail conditions imposed on human rights activist and Elgar Parishad–Bhima Koregaon case accused Gautam Navlakha, permitting him to relocate from Mumbai to his permanent residence in Delhi. The relief was granted by a division bench of Justices Bharati Dangre and Shyam C. Chandak, which acknowledged the personal, financial, and social hardship Navlakha has faced since his release on bail.

According to reports by LiveLaw, Navlakha had approached the High Court challenging a condition of his bail that restricted him to the territorial jurisdiction of Mumbai without prior permission of the special NIA court. He argued that continuing to reside in Mumbai—away from his family, home, and support system in Delhi—had become financially unsustainable, especially as the trial in the case has yet to commence, as reported by The Hindu.

When the matter was taken up, Additional Solicitor General Anil Singh, appearing for the National Investigation Agency (NIA), placed before the court a set of conditions that could be imposed if Navlakha were allowed to shift to Delhi. According to LiveLaw, these included depositing his passport, not leaving Delhi without the special court’s permission, reporting to the local police station every Saturday, and appearing before the special NIA court in Mumbai whenever directed. The bench accepted these conditions on record and indicated that a formal order permitting the relocation would be passed.

Brief about the previous proceedings

Senior advocate Yug Chaudhary, representing Navlakha, emphasised that the 73-year-old activist has been living in rented accommodation in Mumbai for nearly two years since being granted bail in 2023. As per Bar and Bench, Chaudhary told the court that Navlakha is a long-time resident of Delhi, owns a house there, and had lived there with his partner prior to his arrest. He also pointed out the difficulties Navlakha and his partner faced in securing accommodation in Mumbai due to the pendency of the case. With the trial nowhere in sight, Chaudhary warned that forcing Navlakha to remain in Mumbai could push him into financial ruin.

The defence assured the court that Navlakha would strictly comply with all conditions and attend proceedings whenever required. While suggesting that certain appearances could be made through video conferencing from the NIA office in Delhi, the bench made it clear—according to LiveLaw—that it was not inclined to allow participation in the trial from Delhi. However, it expressed openness to permitting him to stay in the capital until the trial formally begins.

The NIA opposed the plea, arguing that granting such relief could set an undesirable precedent, since several other accused in the case are also not residents of Mumbai and may seek similar permissions. Despite this, the bench noted that there had been no allegation or instance of Navlakha attempting to abscond or misuse his liberty. On December 15, the judges had observed that Navlakha appeared to feel “completely uprooted” from his social circle, friends, and family, and emphasised that he was a free person while on bail.

As reported by The Hindu, the court observed that forcing an accused to remain away from his home indefinitely, especially when the trial has not begun, raises concerns of fairness. “The applicant feels that he is forced to stay in Mumbai when his house is in Delhi. He has assured that he will come back to Mumbai when the trial begins,” the bench noted, adding that Navlakha’s conduct while on bail had been unblemished.

Navlakha had earlier approached the High Court after a special NIA court rejected his request on June 19 to relocate to Delhi. Under his existing bail conditions, he was required to remain within Mumbai’s jurisdiction, making any relocation subject to court approval

Background of the case

Navlakha is among 16 individuals arrested in connection with the violence that broke out on January 1, 2018, at Bhima Koregaon village near Pune, during commemorations marking the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon. The violence followed the Elgar Parishad conclave held a day earlier at Pune’s Shaniwar Wada. The prosecution alleges that speeches and activities linked to the conclave incited violence and promoted Maoist ideology. Navlakha, a long-time civil liberties advocate, has been accused of acting as a co-conspirator and of propagating Maoist ideology under the directions of leaders of the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist)—allegations he has consistently denied.

Detailed reports may be read here, here, here and here.

Why is this significant?

With the High Court now relaxing the restrictive bail condition, the order should be seen as a reaffirmation that bail conditions must not be so onerous as to become punitive, particularly when trials are indefinitely delayed. The order underscores the principle that conditions of bail must balance the interests of investigation and trial with the accused’s right to dignity, livelihood, and family life, especially in cases where incarceration has already been prolonged and the commencement of trial remains uncertain. The court’s emphasis on Navlakha’s age, financial precarity, clean conduct while on bail, and absence of flight risk reflects a growing judicial recognition that bail jurisprudence cannot be reduced to mechanical territorial restrictions. Instead, it must account for proportionality and the lived realities of undertrial accused, particularly in long-running UAPA prosecutions where delays have become endemic.

Unjust detention: Gautam Navlakha’s bail victory highlights insufficient evidence

Bhima Koregaon accused Gautam Navlakha granted bail by the Bombay HC

Take accused Gautam Navlakha to hospital immediately, SC directs NIA

Taloja Jail denies new spectacles to visually challenged Gautam Navlakha!

The post Bombay High Court allows Gautam Navlakha to return to Delhi, relaxes restrictive bail condition in Bhima Koregaon Case appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Kerala’s LDF govt to defy Centre’s diktat, to screen all films as per schedule at IFFK

sabrang — Wed, 17 Dec 2025 10:58:54 +0000

Thiruvananthapuram: Defying the Centre’s demand for a clearance from the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) to screen films at the ongoing International Film Festival of Kerala (IFFK), the state government has given the nod to Kerala State Chalachitra Academy to screen all the films.

Academy chairman Resul Pookutty confirmed that the films will be screened as per schedule. “We are going ahead with all the film screenings as scheduled. We will fight this out. We want the IFFK and its spirit to be saved,” Pookutty told Onmanorama.

For the first time in the history of the prestigious film festival, the Central government had insisted on MEA sanction to screen a select bunch of films at IFFK. The pending censorship exemption for 19 films has prompted cancellations and schedule revisions, sparking protests.

On Tuesday, December 16, four films were given exemption, but clearance for 15 films was put on hold. Academy officials said the films for which clearance is being withheld include old classics, restored versions, Palestinian movies, Sri Lankan films, and previous winners at the IFFK.

In the first instance, on December 16, Marian Alexander Baby, the general secretary of the state’s ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) told the media that The Union Information and Broadcasting Ministry has denied the 2025 International Film Festival of Kerala permission to screen 19 films. The list includes films about Palestine. The event in Thiruvananthapuram began on December 12 and will conclude on December 19.

According to rules it is reported that, films without a censorship certificate require an exemption from I&B to be screened at film festivals. The procedure outlined is that festival organisers submit applications with a synopsis and get an exemption certificate. IFFK organisers said they submitted applications with film summaries 10 days prior to the start of the festival. Pookutty had earlier told Onmanorama that he had reached out to Minister for External Affairs S Jaishankar to find a solution.

Four films given exemption after an initial ban: Beef, Eagles of Republic, Heart of the Wolf, once upon a time in Gaza. Palestine 36, an Arabic and English language movie, was the inaugural film of the event. On December 12, at the inauguration ceremony, Kerala’s Cultural Affairs Minister Saji Cherian had spoken about the state’s support for the Palestinian cause. Palestinian Ambassador to India Abdallah M Abu Shawesh was a guest at the event.

At the inauguration of the festival on December 12, while paying tribute to director Shaji N Karun, who was associated with the festival until his death in April 2025, Cherian also said that the festival was a platform that “resists fascism and autocracy while celebrating freedom of speech and creative expression”. Reported Scroll.in.

Films to be screened without censorship exemption

A Poet: Unconcealed Poetry
All That’s Left of You
Bamako
Battleship Potemkin
Clash
Palestine 36
Red Rain
Riverstone
The Hour of The Furnaces
Tunnels: Sun In the Dark (Địa Đạo: Mặt Trời Trong Bóng Tối)
Yes
Flames
Timbuktu
Wajib
Santosh

Background

Among the other films that were denied permission are A Poet: Unconcealed Poetry, Bamako, director Sergei Eisenstein’s 1925 classic Battleship Potemkin, Spanish film Beef, Clash, Eagles of The Republic, Heart of The Wolf, Red Rain, Riverstone, The Hour of The Furnaces, Tunnels: Sun In The Dark (Địa Đạo: Mặt Trời Trong Bóng Tối), Flames, Timbuktu, Wajib and Santosh.

Battleship Potemkin and director Abderrahmane Sissako’s 2006 docudrama Bamako have been widely shown at film festivals in India. Sissako was honoured by the IFFK with a Lifetime Achievement Award this year. MA Baby, General Secretary of the ruling CPI-M said that the film Beef had been denied permission “ostensibly because of its name, even though it has nothing to do with food choices”. The former minister said that the permissions being denied to screen the films was an “absurd and lunatic attempt to derail IFFK” and the “latest example of the neo-fascist tendencies of the extreme authoritarian rule” under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat.The RSS is the parent organisation of the BJP. “Artists, filmmakers and all democratic-minded citizens must raise their voices against this disgraceful move,” he said.

The Democratic Youth Federation of India, the youth organisation affiliated to the CPI(M), held a protest at one of the main venues of the film festival.

Meanwhile Veteran filmmaker and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee, Adoor Gopalakrishnan, commenting on the attempted censorship of 19 films at the IFFK, including Battleship Potemkin, Beef and some Palestinian film was scathing in his comment, “This shows the ignorance of those making these decisions. Battleship Potemkin is an important study on the grammar of cinema.

VIDEO | Kerala: Veteran filmmaker and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee Adoor Gopalakrishnan, commenting on the hold on the screening of 19 films at IFFK, including Battleship Potemkin, Beef, and some Palestinian films, says, “It shows the ignorance of those making these decisions.… pic.twitter.com/TOCQCiElS9

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) December 15, 2025

Kerala Minister for Cultural Affairs Saji Cherian has directed State Chalachitra Academy to screen all the films at IFFK @iffklive, including the remaining 15 films for which the Union I&B ministry has not yet provided censor exemption.

Kerala Minister for Cultural Affairs Saji Cherian has directed State Chalachitra Academy to screen all the films at IFFK @iffklive , including the remaining 15 films for which the Union I&B ministry has not yet provided censor exemption.

— S.R.Praveen (@myopiclenses) December 16, 2025

Kerala refuses to bow down before the whimsical rulings of Central Board of FilmCertification that denied exemption for 19 films including classic film of Battleship Potemkin in a bid to disrupt the film festival. CM declares that all the19 films will be screened at IFFK .#IFFK

— Thomas Isaac (@drthomasisaac) December 16, 2025

First ever Dalit Film Festival to be held in New York in February

Terrorism at the Taj: ‘Hotel Mumbai’ pulls no punches at film festival

The post Kerala’s LDF govt to defy Centre’s diktat, to screen all films as per schedule at IFFK appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Identity issue to the fore: Vande Mataram controversy

sabrang — Wed, 17 Dec 2025 09:13:55 +0000

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) thrives on identity issues. It uses these issues to polarise society and to reap electoral benefits from this divisiveness. So far, beginning with the Babri Mosque-Ram Temple movement and December 6 demolition, the Cow-beef vigilantism and killings (lynchings), the Love jihad and many other “kinds of jihad” labelling and demonization, each and all of these have been major tools in the political wand of the BJP. To add to this now, one more issue is being brought to the fore, the issue of National Song Vande Mataram. On the occasion of the 150^th anniversary of this song (November 7, 2025) written by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee (BCC), a once deputy collector in the British Government. The issue was sought to be raked up by the ruling dispensation; Modi insinuated in Parliament that the Indian National Congress –and Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister—had truncated the song, removed one verse, “under the pressure from the Muslim League (ML).” Twisting reality and facts, the Prime Minister also stated that “this buckling to the pressure from the ML also led to the Partition of the country!”

Others from Hindutva right wing joined the chorus. In this twisted formulation of his, Modi is once again, by raising a non-issue and bringing it Centre stage is also attempting to defame Nehru, yet again. Defaming Nehru on every pretext has been the consistent goal of this far right-wing politics. India’s Prime Minister has been “blamed” for every failure of the Modi Government!

What are the facts?

Vande Mataram was written in the 1870s and remained unpublished. It was expanded to few more stanzas and made the part of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee-authored novel, Anand math. This novel of his was written based around the Sanyasi (Hindu ascetic) and Fakir (Muslim ascetic) rebellion. The fakir part of it was concealed in the telling the narrative, primarily shown up as a Sanyasi rebellion against a Muslim ruler! The novel does dream of mosques being replaced by temples and ends with the uprooting of the Muslim king and restoration of British rule.

Ironically, however Vande Mataram did become a political slogan against the British and became a war cry for the various rebellions and actions against British rule. In 1905 when the British divided Bengal on the basis of religion, the massive protests were led with this song and the song ‘Aamar Sonar Bangla Desh’. The song Vande Mataram went on to be very popular all over India and after the formation of State Assemblies it started being sung in these assemblies and some schools. Most of the Assemblies had Congress rule, while the Muslim League was ruling only in three states.

Jinnah in his avatar of the communal leader of the League objected to this song as being Hindu centric, with idolatry in it. Incidentally, opposition to idolatry is not only within Islam but also in the Arya Samaj sect of Hinduism. This objection of Jinnah came for discussion between Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhashchandra Bose through their letters. Nehru undertook to take the advice of Gurudev RabindraNath Tagore, who was a tall literary figure from Bengal. Gurudev opined that its first two paragraphs are acceptable to all as they are in praise of the mother land. The remaining four paras are in the imagery of Hinduism so they can be dropped.

Since the song had become very popular, there was a serious discussion within the Congress Working Committee (CWC) on the issue. CWC resolved, “These two stanzas (first, added) are in no sense objectionable even from the standpoint of those who have raised objections, and they contain the essence of the song. The Committee recommended that wherever the ‘Vande Mataram’ song is sung at national gatherings, only these two stanzas should be sung, and the version and music prepared by Rabindranath Tagore should be followed. The Committee trusted that this decision will remove all causes of complaint and will have the willing acceptance of all communities in the country.” Reported The Hindu.

The Constituent Assembly’s Anthem committee with Vallabh Bhai Patel, K.M.Munshi and others considered three songs for this. Sare Jahan se Achchha (Best in the Word) by Mohammad Iqbal, Vande Matram (BBC) and Jan Gan Man (Rabindranath Tagore). Sare Jahan se Accha was ruled out as Iqbal himself had become a strong supporter of Pakistan. The first two paras of Vande mataram were selected as the National song. Jan Gan Man was chosen as the national Anthem. Vande Mataram and Jan Gan Man both have equal status.

The issue was settled with a great amount of consensus. Why decades after the issue was settled is the issue being raised and such a large amount of time was allotted for discussion of this issue? We know that the country is writhing with pain of deprivations at various levels, poverty, unemployment, pollution, declining standards of public health and education. At this time to bring forth this issue may be having a deeper communal agenda. When Jinnah had raised the issue in the 1930s Nehru had stated in a forthright manner that the issue is being raised by communal elements. Same thing is happening now. The other stream of communal politics rampaging Indian ethos, values of Constitution and pluralism of the country is doing it now.

Incidentally the communal stream which is now asking for the full version to be brought in, had never sung this song through the long-drawn-out struggle for freedom against British rule. This song was sung primarily in Indian national Congress meetings. The slogan of Vande Mataram was raised by those fighting against the British. Since the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) had kept aloof from the freedom movement and helped the British in their efforts of continuing their ‘divide and rule’ policy, they had not sung this song or raised this slogan.

The Indian struggle against British rule was multi-religious, multilingual and multi-ethnic. In this women and men both took part to ensure that a united India emerges. Muslim League was asking for Pakistan in Muslim majority areas and Hindu Mahasabha and RSS were working for Hindu nation. The Constituent Assembly in a way represented the aspirations of emerging India. Vande Mataram, Jan Gan Man issue was settled by representatives of India, the founding fathers of a syncretic and inclusive Indian nationalism.

Those who remained aloof from the freedom movement do not either believe nor follow the norms of Indian Constitution. While today they are arguing for this song in full, in their shakhas they did not sing this song. They had their own, Namaste Sada Vatsale Matrabhume (Salute you affectionate Motherland). They stuck to their saffron flag; rejecting the tricolour, their faith in the Indian Constitution is for namesake only.

The implications of this song in its entirety will have a negative impact. Non-Hindus singing it in schools and public institutions will lead to dislike from many who already are full of fear of their identity being attacked and are being subjected to humiliation at various levels, due to the domination of identity issues.

Activists singing Vande Matram called ‘anti-national’, attacked in Bihar!

Those Not Chanting Vande Matram have no Right to Live in India’: BJP MLA Surendra Singh

The post Identity issue to the fore: Vande Mataram controversy appeared first on SabrangIndia.