SIR is a sinister, unconstitutional machinery created by the majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and it is surprising that, instead of echoing the national stand of your party leadership, state leaders claim otherwise. Several of you state, surprisingly, that the “SIR has been properly conducted in our state (Karnataka).” This claim is not just a deception and a betrayal of the people. As the latest high exclusion figures show, and Karnataka has reduced its electorate by 18 per cent, second only to Arunachal Pradesh that saw a 22 per cent slashing of legitimate voters. It is more than evident that a devious game of selective exclusion of voters has also been played here. 

The SIR is an unlawful process that makes no distinction between states. During the on-going of the process here, for state Congress leaders to claim that “the process was properly conducted constitutes duplicity and betrayal. While it is true that within the various forms of manipulation, the “additional excesses” involving Mapping of the Voters and Form 7 deletions have occurred on a greater scale in other states than here, in Karnataka, this positive development followed the exposure of the internal machinations of the ECI by the Indian Express (September 23, 2026), that was further followed by a dharna (sit-in) by the Karnataka state cabinet in front of the Election Commission’s office in Karnataka. Hence, the excesses involving Mapping and Form 7 were somewhat less severe in Karnataka compared to other states.

However, these were just as many serious excesses committed within the SIR process.

In reality, the fundamental conspiracy of SIR lies in the ASDDO categories (categories of Absent/Shifted/Dead/Duplicate/Other) that the maximum exclusions have been in-built. The CEC, Karnataka (as also in other states) provides no details of these exclusions and these are, as has been established in West Bengal and elsewhere, clearly designed to deprive Dalits, oppressed communities, minorities and migrant workers of citizenship itself. 

The Congress party never opposed this method, either ideologically or politically, right from the beginning. While you loudly demanded the scrapping of SIR in states where Congress governments were not in power, neither your governments nor your party made appropriate and vigorous efforts to prevent it in states governed by Congress.

Instead, the public statements and whispers in the corridors of power from among your leaders during and after the SIR process (in Karnataka) clearly reveal either confusion or political selectivity: how to protect Congress voters alone within the SIR process. (The irony is that your party did not even manage to do that properly!). That is precisely why Karnataka has witnessed the highest number of SIR deletions in the entire country.

Despite the large numbers of deletions, here is what the state leadership of your party has to say “SIR has been properly conducted in Karnataka.”)

–At the start of the process, when the SIR process began in Karnataka, your then Chief Minister declared that he would not “politicise SIR.” Read this here.

— After D. K. Shivakumar became Chief Minister, he went even further. By threatening that people would not receive benefits under schemes such as Anna Bhagya and Gruha Lakshmi unless they filled out the Enumeration Form and actively participated in SIR, he worked to ensure the success of the ECI-union government’s sinister SIR process! Read this here.

—When the draft electoral rolls were released in August 2026 and 1.08 crore voters out of Karnataka’s total electorate of 5.54 crore were deleted, this did not appear to cause the Karnataka state Congress leadership any anxiety or raise alarm bells. Instead, the Cabinet Minister Ramalinga Reddy began speaking in tune with the BJP leadership. For example, Mr. Suresh Kumar (BJP). Arguing that Bengaluru’s electorate had fallen by nearly half and therefore there was no longer any need for six municipal corporations, he effectively endorsed the SIR conspiracy that had expelled 55 lakh former voters of Bengaluru, without questioning this dangerous development in the slightest. Read this here

—Now, last week, another Cabinet Minister, Satish Jarkiholi, has asserted that SIR was “properly conducted” in Karnataka. Read this here. After objections to this began to emerge, the explanations he offered were entirely about preventing the BJP’s Form 7 irregularities in Karnataka. However, he expressed neither concern nor outrage over the expulsion of one crore voters through the opaque ASDDO listings, which constitutes the fundamental method of exclusion in the ongoing SIR process.

Hence, cannot it be said that, through the Congress government’s and party’s indirect cooperation, token opposition and active indifference, the current ECI’s project has succeeded in expelling the largest number of eligible voters in the country in Karnataka? The deletion of one crore voters from Karnataka’s final SIR electoral rolls is itself proof of this. These are migrant workers, wage labourers, Dalits, Adivasis and minorities who are not even aware that their names have been deleted. To expel them without due process and any transparency and accountability is the very essence of the conspiracy behind the BJP-inspired SIR. 

If the Congress, too, defends this as proper, what difference remains between you and the BJP?

1) When such inherently anti-democratic exclusions and “conspiracy” is unfolding before your very eyes, are your leaders not betraying the one crore eligible voters of Karnataka by uncritically defending it with statements such as:

“…SIR has been properly conducted. Only dead persons, duplicate voters, or those who have migrated have been deleted.” Of the one crore voters deleted, only 25 lakh are supposedly dead or duplicate voters. (Even that calculation is problematic. Nevertheless…)

What about the remainder 75 lakh voters? Have 50 lakh voters of Bengaluru migrated out of the city during the past one year? When every other indicator establishes that more and more people are migrating to Bengaluru from every corner of the state, SIR alone comes up with the excuse that 75 lakh eligible voters have migrated away. It is these unfortunate migrant workers are who have been categorised as “Shifted” in their native villages and again as “Shifted” in Bengaluru. In neither location have they therefore retained their essential Constitutional right to Vote.

Where exactly has the Modi government shifted these poor migrant workers to? To the gallows of citizenship denial? 

Why is the Congress accepting such a massacre of voters by the BJP instead of rejecting it outright?

2) According to the Constitution and the law, voters categorised as “Shifted” or “Absent” are not thereby automatically disqualified voters.

The Supreme Court reiterated precisely proposition last week. Therefore, it is the duty of the Election Commission to trace these eligible voters wherever they are and bring them into the electoral process. Instead, through the SIR, the “BJP-influenced Election Commission” has been transferring this responsibility of retaining voters onto innocent voters themselves.

The question I ask is, by declaring that the SIR has been properly conducted, is the Congress not indirectly defending this betrayal by the BJP’s Election Commission and thereby becoming indistinguishable from the BJP itself?

3) Nobody is opposing the revision of electoral rolls. There are legally established procedures for doing so, namely SSR (Special Summary Revision) of the electoral rolls. 

For the past 78 years, electoral rolls have been revised through these procedures, and 18 Lok Sabha elections and hundreds of Legislative Assembly elections have been successfully conducted. Yet, the BJP and Gyanesh Kumar headed Election Commission introduced the SIR with the questionable motive not of electoral roll revision, but for citizenship revision. The Election Commission itself has admitted this before the Supreme Court.

This is essentially an unconstitutional process. By declaring that everything is proper within the SIR, is the Congress not endorsing the BJP’s Kar Seva against the Constitution?

4) Another justification offered by the BJP for conducting the SIR was the need to expel illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Before SIR, the BJP and the Sangh Parivar had created a huge uproar, claiming that there were more than 20 lakh Bangladeshi infiltrators even in Karnataka. The Congress Chief Minister D. K. Shivakumar, too, had indirectly accepted this claim. Now, it has become clear, that only one Bangladeshi has been identified in Karnataka.And across the entire country, at most 1,600 illegal foreigners!! Three-fourths of them are Nepali Hindus.

Election Commission’s SIR exercise identifies just 1,600 foreigners on voter lists in six states

https://t.co/bIRP1CUDeW

— Hindustan Times (@htTweets) October 29, 2026

Thus, the very objective of SIR was to use the pretext of Bangladeshi infiltrators to inflame anti-Muslim hatred across the country. And the same conspiracy was carried out in Karnataka too, was it not? If that is the case, does your argument that SIR has been properly conducted in Karnataka not amount to supporting the BJP’s fascist project?

Therefore dear Congress men and women, Reject the SIR too in Entirety! In states where your party is in power and all over India!

Related:

SIR’s elusive illegal immigrants: Bogey Busted but will the injustices heaped be corrected?

EXCLUSIVE – SIR: The total disenfranchisement of the Indian Voter is 16 crores, not 13.60 Crores?

SIR Karnataka: Six major ‘conspiracies’ exposed in the final electoral roll

Assam NRC: Seven years after 19 lakh people were excluded, rejection slips remain a non-starter

The post Need for Clarity on the SIR: An Open Letter to the Congress Leaders of Karnataka appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Justice RS Sodhi (retd) expressing extreme anguish on the 42^nd anniversary of the Sikh genocide stated:

“In Trilokpuri, Sultanpuri and Mangolpuri, men were dragged into the lanes and burned alive. Women were raped. Children watched their fathers die and then went hungry in relief camps. Trains arriving in and around the capital were stopped, and passengers wearing turbans were pulled out and killed. The Army was not deployed in time, and police personnel stood aside or lent a hand to the mob in many localities. Within weeks the new Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, said during a rally that when a big tree falls, the earth shakes. It was as if he had already reconciled himself with the tragedy.

“Justice was slow to come. By one count, as many as 11 commissions and committees of inquiry probed the killings, but almost nothing followed…Whenever there is a bus or train mishap, the State immediately accepts that it owes something to the families of the dead and announces compensation within a day or two. The victims of 1984 had a stronger claim because cops remained bystanders in several localities and those named by witnesses belonged to the ruling party. Yet the relief that followed was more for property and shelter than for compensating the families of the dead. Compensation for death was fixed at Rs 10,000, later Rs 20,000, against Rs 10,000 for a house wholly destroyed.

“The Rs 3.5-lakh relief that the High Court ordered in 1996 reached families only through a Central package in 2006, and a further Rs 5 lakh was approved in 2014 for the kin of 3,325 dead. The fulfilment of promises on pensions and jobs has been patchy. In 2023, 10 states had still not reported what they had paid. A State that pays promptly for accidents, but in instalments over four decades for a massacre it failed to stop, has told its Sikh citizens what their lives were worth.”

[‘India must never forget scars of 1984’, The Tribune, Chandigarh. Link: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/india-must-never-forget-scars-of-1984/]

It was the same status on the eve of 41^st anniversary as stated by Shekhar Singh in The Tribune,

“Forty-one years ago, Delhi burned, not from a foreign enemy, but from within. Between October 31 and November 7, 1984, mobs roamed the streets hunting down Sikh men, torching homes, and setting gurdwaras ablaze. Officially, 2,733 Sikhs were killed in the capital even as survivors say the toll was over 3,000. Over four decades later, most of the ‘guilty’ still walk free.

“Of the 650 cases registered, chargesheets were filed in 362, but only 39 ended in conviction. Nearly 300 cases collapsed for want of evidence, witnesses or police will. Now, barely 20 cases remain alive, dragging on in Delhi’s trial courts or pending appeal in the high court. The rest have been swallowed by the system’s silence…a justice process that has moved slower than time itself.”

[‘Only 39 convictions in 650 cases, justice eludes 1984 riot victims’, The Tribune, Chandigarh, October 31, 2025. Link: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/india/only-39-convictions-in-650-cases-justice-eludes-1984-riot-victims/]

Two kinds of Justice

Whenever the country witness’s large-scale violence against minorities and Dalits, the search for perpetrators continues endlessly and the criminals are rarely identified or punished. Major incidents of violence against minorities like Nellie massacre (1983), Sikh genocide (1984), Hashimpura custodial massacre of Muslim youth (1987), pre/post- Ayodhya Mosque demolition violence against Muslims (1990-92), Gujarat carnage (2002) and Kandhmal cleansing of Christians (2008) and continuing bloodbath of Kuki Tribals (who are mostly Christians) in Manipur are testimony to this reality.

But when the victims are Dalits or minorities no such urgency is shown. In such cases Indian State is fond of playing commission-commission. Enquiry Commissions after commissions would be constituted to see that the heinous crimes disappear from the public memory. The horrendous genocide of Sikhs in different parts of India in 1984 is a living testimony of this criminal attitude of the Indian justice system with the motto in Sanskrit: ‘Yato Dharma Tato Jaya’ [Where there are righteousness and dharma, there is victory]. Judiciary must explain what it means by Dharma. Does it include religions of minorities and right of Dalits also?

The scenario of the anti-Dalit violence is no different. The major incidents of persecution and massacre of Dalits; 1968 Kilvenmani massacre, 1997 Melavalavu massacre, 2013 Marakkanam anti-Dalit violence, 2012 Dharmapuri anti- Dalit violence (all in Tamil Nadu), 1985 Karamchedu massacre, 1991 Tsundur massacre (all in AP), 1996 Bathani Tola Massacre, 1997 Laxmanpur Bathe massacre (all in Bihar), 1997 Ramabai killings, Mumbai, 2006 Khairlanji massacre, 2014 Javkheda Hatyakand, (all in Maharashtra), 2000 Caste persecution in (Karnataka), 5 Dalits beaten/burnt to death for skinning a dead cow 2006, 2011 killings of Dalits in Mirchpur (all in Haryana), 2015 anti-Dalit violence in Dangawas (Rajasthan) are some of the thousands of incidents of the Dalit persecution. In almost all these cases perpetrators are yet to be identified. Even if identified the prosecution rate never exceeded 20%.

On the other hand, the Dalit, working class and minority ‘perpetrators’ of violence are efficiently put on trial by constituting special investigation teams and punished by fast-track courts. In order to meet the end of ‘justice’, ‘national security’ and ‘wish of society’ they are hanged and jailed. The overall reality is that whenever victims are minorities, working class and Dalits the State and judiciary go into coma.

Betrayal by Governments until 2014

After giving free run to the killer gangs, the government appointed one man Marwah Commission to find out the perpetrators of the 1984 ‘riots’. As this exercise was proving to be inconvenient, the Ved Marwah Commission was asked to disband itself within short period of its existence and a sitting Supreme Court Judge Ranga Nath Mishra was asked to conduct inquiry into 1984 ‘riots’ who submitted his report in 1987. Shockingly, this fact finding (or fact-hiding) commission headed by Misra observed that “riots which had a spontaneous origin later attained a channelized method at the hands of gangsters”.

The genocide was reduced to ‘riots’ as if Sikhs equally participated in the violence. It was a brazen lie. The ‘apostle of justice’, Mishra, champion of the theory of spontaneity was not, naturally, able to find out where these gangsters came from! According to Jarnail Singh author of the book, I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984 for this service to the State he was awarded a berth in Rajya Sabha.

Betrayal by the present RSS-BJP Rulers

RSS claims to have always stood for Hindu-Sikh unity. It occasionally expresses its gratitude to Sikhism for saving Hinduism from the Muslim aggression. It may not be irrelevant to note here that RSS does not treat Sikhism as independent religion, which discarded Casteism and Brahmanical hegemony, but part of Hinduism. The RSS/BJP leaders blamed Congress for anti-Sikh violence Modi while addressing a public rally during last parliamentary elections at Jhansi, UP (October 25, 2013) asked Congress leaders to explain who “killed thousands of Sikhs in 1984” and “has anyone been convicted for the Sikh genocide so far”. Modi during Punjab elections and 2014 general elections kept on referring to ‘qatl-e-aam’ or genocide of Sikhs.

Modi, soon after becoming PM in a message (October 31, 2014) said that anti-Sikh riots in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination were like a, “dagger that pierced through India’s chest…Our own people were murdered, the attack was not on a particular community but on the entire nation.” Hindutva’s icon, RSS whole-timer, and PM Modi lamented the fact that culprits were yet to be booked and tried for this genocide. However, Modi did not tell the nation what NDA governments which ruled this country from 1998 to 2004 did to persecute the culprits. Modi also forgot to share the fact that as per the autobiography of LK Advani (“My Country, My Life” 2008, page 430); it was his Party which forced Indira Gandhi to go for army action infamously named as Operation Blue Star which killed large number of Sikh pilgrims.

Renowned journalist Manoj Mitta, author of the book When a Tree Shook Delhi: The 1984 Carnage and Its Aftermath straight forwardly tells that “Despite the BJP rule, there has hardly been any will to enforce accountability for the massacres that took place under the Congress. It’s as if there is a tacit deal between the sponsors of 1984 and 2002 (Gujarat genocide)”.

It was not oversight that during 2024 parliamentary elections 1984 genocide was totally forgotten. This is not what outsiders or critics of the RSS have been telling. The perusal of the contemporary RSS documents show that major focus was on condemning the Sikh extremism, eulogizing Indira Gandhi, and welcoming the crowning of Rajiv Gandhi as new prime minister.

RSS Ideologue Nana Deshmukh’s de-humanised attitude wards the Sikh Genocide

The most important proof of such a dehumanized attitude towards the genocide of Sikhs is a document circulated by Nana Deshmukh, a prominent whole timer and ideologue of the RSS [now deceased]. This document titled as ‘MOMENTS OF SOUL SEARCHING’ was circulated by Deshmukh on November 8, 1984, may help in unmasking the whole lot of criminals involved in the genocide of innocent Sikhs who had nothing to do with the killing of Indira Gandhi. This document may also throw light on where the cadres came from, who meticulously organized the killing of Sikhs. Nana Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the genocide of the Sikh community in 1984.

This document also shows the true degenerated and fascist attitude of the RSS towards all the minorities of India. The RSS has been arguing that they are against Muslims and Christians because they are the followers of foreign religions. Here we find them justifying the butchering of Sikhs who according to their own categorization happened to be the followers of an indigenous religion. In this document we will hear from the horse’s mouth that the RSS like the then Congress leadership believed that the genocide of the innocent Sikhs was unavoidable.

This document was published in the Hindi Weekly Pratipaksh edited by George Fernandes, who later became Defence Minister of India in the NDA regime, in its edition of November 25, 1984, titled ‘Indira Congress- RSS collusion’ with the following editorial comment:

“The author of the following document is known as an ideologue and policy formulator of the RSS. After the killing of Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi) he distributed this document among prominent politicians. It has historical significance that is why we have decided to publish it, violating the policy of our Weekly. This document highlights the new affinity developing between the Indira Congress and the RSS. We produce here the Hindi translation of the document.”

The original pages of the Hindi Weekly Pratipaksh edited by George Fernandes, reproduced below:

Deshmukh  in his document ‘Moments of Soul Searching,’  is seen outlining the justification of the genocide of the Sikh community in 1984. His defence of the carnage can be summed up as in the following:

1. The genocide of Sikhs was not the handiwork of any group or anti-social elements but the result of a genuine feeling of
2. Deshmukh did not distinguish the action of the two security personnel of Indira Gandhi, who happened to be Sikhs, from that of the whole Sikh community. According to his document the killers of Indira Gandhi were working under some kind of mandate of their
3. Sikhs themselves invited these attacks, thus advancing the Congress theory of justifying the genocide of the Sikhs.
4. He glorified the Operation Blue Star and described any opposition to it as anti- national. When Sikhs were being killed in thousands he was warning the country of Sikh extremism, thus offering ideological defense of those killings.
5. Sikh community as a whole was responsible for violence in
6. Sikhs should have done nothing in self-defence but showed patience and tolerance against the killer
7. These were Sikh intellectuals and not killer mobs which were responsible for the genocide. They had turned Sikhs into a militant community, cutting them off from their Hindu roots, thus inviting attacks from the nationalist Indians. Moreover, he treated all Sikhs as part of the same gang and described attacks on them as a reaction of the nationalist
8. He described Indira Gandhi as the only leader who could keep the country united and assassination of such great leaders such killings could not be avoided.
9. Rajiv Gandhi who succeeded Mrs. Gandhi as the PM and justified the nation- wide killings of Sikhs by saying, “When a huge tree falls there are always tremors felt,” was lauded and blessed by Nana Deshmukh at the end of the
10. Shockingly, the genocide of Sikhs was being equated with the attacks on the RSS cadres after the killing of Gandhiji and we find Deshmukh advising Sikhs to suffer silently. Everybody knows that the killing of Gandhiji was inspired by the RSS and the Hindutva Ideology whereas the common innocent Sikhs had nothing to do with the murder of Indira
11. There was not a single sentence in the Deshmukh document demanding, from the then Congress Government at the Centre or the then home minister Narsimha Rao (a Congress leader dear to the RSS who later silently watched demolition of Babri masjid by Hindutva goons as PM of India in 1992) remedial measures for controlling the violence against the minority community. Mind it, that Deshmukh circulated this document on November 8, 1984, and from October 31 to this date Sikhs were left alone to face the killing gangs. In fact, November 5-10 was the period when the maximum killings of Sikhs took place. Deshmukh was just not bothered about all
12. It is generally believed that the Congress cadres were behind this genocide. This may be true but there were other forces too which actively participated in this genocide and whose role has never been investigated. It could be one of the reasons that actual perpetrators remain unknown. Those who witnessed the genocide were stunned by the swiftness and military precision of the killer/marauding gangs (later on witnessed during the Babri mosque demolition, burning alive of Dr. Graham Steins with his two sons, 2002 pogrom of the Muslims in Gujarat and cleansing of Christians in parts of Orissa) which went on a burning spree of the innocent Sikhs. This, surely, was beyond the capacity of the thugs led by many Congress
13. It is shocking that Deshmukh presented 1984 genocide of Sikhs as an issue between Sikhs and Hindus. He wrote: “I feel proud of all those Hindu neighbours who protected lives and property of troubled Sikh brothers without caring for their lives. Such things one being heard from all over Delhi. These things have practically increased the faith in natural goodness of human behavior and particularly faith in Hindu nature.”He remained oblivious to the fact that these were not only Hindus but Muslims, Jains, Buddhists, Christians, Atheists, Communists who defended Sikhs’ lives and properties.

The RSS’ shameful attitude towards the Sikh Massacre

Deshmukh document did not happen in isolation. It represented the real RSS attitude towards Sikh genocide of 1984. It may be relevant to know here that the RSS cadres did not come forward in defence of the Sikhs. The RSS is very fond of circulating publicity material, especially photographs of its khaki shorts-clad cadres doing social work. For the 1984 violence they have none. In fact, Deshmukh’s article also made no mention of the RSS cadres going to the rescue of Sikhs under siege. This shows the real intentions of the RSS during the genocide.

The RSS English organ, Organizer in its combined issue dated November 11 & 18, 1984 carried an editorial titled ‘Stunning Loss’ which praised Indira Gandhi in the following words:

“It will always be difficult to believe that Indira Gandhi is no more. One had got so used to hearing her myriad voices for so long that everything looked so blank without her. The violent manner of her death is the most shocking horror story, giving the nation the creeps…It is a case of treacherous fanatics stigmatizing the whole nation by butchering a remarkable specimen of Indian womanhood…She literally served India to the last drop of her blood according to her own lights.” The same editorial ended with the words supporting newly installed PM, Rajiv Gandhi who “deserves sympathy and consideration”. 

The Organizer also carried statement of RSS Supremo; Bala Deoras titled ‘Balasaheb condemns assassination, Delhi carnage’ in a single column. He mourned and condemned the carnage but not even once referred to the fact that Sikhs were under attack. For him it was “infighting in the Hindu Samaj”. He also overlooked the fact that it was not only Delhi where Sikhs were butchered/burnt but in many other parts of India too. According to this statement “swayamsevaks have been instructed to form or help in forming Mohalla Suraksha Samitis” for restoring peace and rehabilitation of the sufferers. However, there are no documents available in the contemporary RSS archives to show how these Samitis functioned. It is a fact that RSS, which is fond of displaying photographs of its cadres doing social work did not publish any visual of the activity of these Samitis.

In the same statement Deoras reacting to the assassination of Indira Gandhi stated,

“It is shocking beyond words to express the feelings at the murder of PM                          Mrs.Indira Gandhi by some fanatic elements. She had been carrying on almost the entire burden of the country since 1966. She was loved and respected not only in this country but all over the world. Her passing away at this critical juncture will create a void in India and also in the world.”

According to the above-mentioned Organizer,

 “RSS Sarkyavah, Rajender Singh issued instructions to all the branches in the country to    hold a special meeting in Shakha condemning the dastardly murder of the PM and paying homage to the departed soul. He also issued instructions to cancel all public functions to be held by RSS during the period of mourning”.

Of course, RSS archives do not contain any instructions from RSS top brass ordering to mourn the Sikh victims.”

RSS against former Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh’s apology for the 1984 genocide

The RSS continues to downplay 1984 Sikh genocide will be clear by the perusal of charter of demands submitted to the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) in last July. The senior RSS ideologue, Dina Nath Batra on behalf of RSS-affiliated Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas submitted five pages containing list of items to be removed from school text-books. Batra demanded that any reference to violence against minorities in the textbooks should be removed which included references to a simple apology tendered by the former PM Manmohan Singh over 1984 violence. It is to be noted that in an apology in Parliament on August 12, 2005, Manmohan Singh, the then PM of India stated:

“I have no hesitation in apologising to the Sikh community. I apologise not only to the Sikh community, but to the whole Indian nation because what took place in 1984 is the negation of the concept of nationhood enshrined in our Constitution.” 

So, the search for finding the perpetrators of Sikh genocide of 1984 continues endlessly. The present RSS/BJP rulers who claim to be co-religionists of Sikhs prove no different from Congress. The only hope is that those Indians who have stakes in continuation of democratic-secular Indian polity will come forward to force the Indian State to identify and punish the killers. The scholars who have been involved in the study of religious violence are unanimous in the conclusion that if 1984 genocide was not allowed to happen, there would not have been 1992- 93 (violence against Muslims in pre/post Babri mosque demolition period), 2002 (genocide of Muslims in Gujarat), Kandhmal 2008 (cleansing of Christians) and many other massacre of the minorities of India. Allowing the 1984 genocide the Indian State, let it be known to all the majoritarian fascist organizations that in such criminal happening the former would remain silent! 

Nana Deshmukh awarded “Bharat Ratna’

As if it was not enough injustice to the martyrs and survivors of the 1984 genocide, on the eve of the Republic Day (January 25, 2019) RSS-BJP rulers of India, bestowed the highest national award BHARAT RATN (gem of India) on Nanaji Deshmukh. PM Modi praising Deshmukh said, “He [Nana Deshmukh] personifies humility, compassion, and service to the downtrodden. He is a Bharat Ratna in the truest sense”.

If anybody wants to understand the exact meaning of the proverb ‘to rub salt into the wound’ this Bharat Ratna to Deshmukh is the fittest example!

[This photograph is of a street theatre performance titled ‘Sadharan Log (common people) by Nishant Natya Manch against genocide of Sikhs in 1984. It was performed at more than two thousand places. The author is also doing a role.]

The criminal shirking of responsibility by the Indian State in finding the perpetrators of 1984 genocide was deliberate and conscious. Despite the identities of criminals involved being in public domain. Prominent human rights’ organizations, namely, People’s Union for Democratic Rights and People’s Union for Civil Rights had published a factual ground report by the end of November presenting comprehensive details of the city-wide incidents and names of the criminals involved. This report titled ‘Who Are the Guilty?’ was based on eye-witness accounts of the survivors, civil society members belonging to different religions who were against the genocide and played great role in defending and saving Sikhs at many places. The State consigned this report to the dustbin but remains the most authentic document of the genocide till date.

References:

Link for the full English text of the RSS ideologue Nana Deshmukh’s document: https://www.academia.edu/4890979/RSS_IDEOLOGUE_ NANA_DESHMUKH_J USTIFIED_MASSACRE_OF_SIKHS_IN_1984_From_R

SS_archives_Link of a 2023 interview of the author on 1984 Sikh genocide:

https://www.academia.edu/107044638/Victims_Will_Never_Forget_The_Violence_Shamsul_Islam_On_1984_Massacre_of_Sikh

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

The post 42nd Anniversary of 1984 Sikh genocide: Amnesia of the Indian state and society appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The demonstration, organised by Himkhand and Youth for Change (YFC) Arunachal, sought to draw attention to the escalating crackdown on indigenous communities opposing the proposed 11,200-MW project. Protesters were demanding the withdrawal of the project, the release of anti-dam activists and villagers arrested in Arunachal Pradesh, the withdrawal of criminal cases against them and the removal of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) personnel deployed in the Siang region.

According to accounts shared by protesters with Maktoob Media, the demonstration had barely continued for 15 minutes before Delhi Police personnel began forcibly detaining participants. Among those detained was Katon Moyong, popularly known as Abor Man, an environmental engineer and prominent voice in the anti-dam movement in Arunachal Pradesh. Protesters alleged that Moyong was manhandled during his detention, reportedly while interacting with the media.

The allegations of mistreatment extended beyond physical force. Vagheesha, a member of Himkhand who participated in the demonstration, alleged that several protesters were subjected to sexual assault and inappropriate touching by police personnel while being detained.

“My shirt was lifted, I was pinched on my private parts and brutally pushed into the buses,” Vagheesha said, describing the treatment meted out to protesters. The activist maintained that indigenous people from Arunachal Pradesh had travelled to the national capital to exercise their democratic rights and raise concerns about their ancestral land, only to face police brutality. In a video statement recorded while being taken away in a police vehicle, another Himkhand member alleged that protesters had been beaten and sexually assaulted. The protesters also said that police personnel did not initially disclose where they were being taken.

“My shirt was lifted, I was pinched on my private parts” alleges a peaceful anti-Siang Dam protester brutally detained by Delhi Police outside Arunachal Bhawan on Saturday.

Is this the Delhi Police whose job is to serve and PROTECT the PEOPLE?

The lengths that Home Minister @AmitShah’s forces are going to quash any kind of political expression is reaching depraved and disgusting new lows day by day.

The right to protest is constitutional. Who will hold the Delhi Police accountable?

— Pawan Khera ಪವನ್ ಖೇರಾ (@Pawankhera) November 1, 2026

SIANG DAM heat Reaches to Delhi as Protest Erupts amid Delhi Police Violent Detention of Tribals

Voice is Getting Louder
Siang नदी को बहने दो
#savesiang https://t.co/Z3uUqVuliq

— CJP Gems | (@GameonNewbie) October 31, 2026

The manner in which the detentions were carried out raised further concerns. Speaking to Maktoob, Kranti, another Himkhand member, said that three police vehicles transported protesters to different locations. Seven students from the Northeast were taken to Chanakyapuri Police Station, while other detainees were reportedly taken towards Najafgarh, near the Delhi-Haryana border. Men and women were separated during the process. An independent journalist, Baksheesh Lamba, was also allegedly picked up during the operation and taken away in a separate vehicle. Kranti said that Lamba was subsequently unreachable and that protesters had no information about his whereabouts.

Siang Dam Protest: Delhi Police Attack on Arunachal Protesters in New Delhi! https://t.co/xs6KM29ieT

— Roshni Haokip (@RoshniHaokipIN) November 2, 2026

Protest against the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP) was held in New Delhi today, with people gathering in solidarity with the people of Arunachal Pradesh. Demanding the withdrawal of SUMP, the removal of police and security forces from the Siang Valley, and the release of Ebo Mili and other detained activists.
Katon Moyong also known as Abor Man were detained along with others in Delhi .

— Marina Dai (@itsMarinaDai) October 31, 2026

According to the organisation, around 40 people had been detained, with approximately 25-30 protesters initially remaining at Baba Haridas Nagar Police Station. Himkhand further alleged that women protesters continued to be detained late into the night and that detainees were asked to sign forms under Section 35(3) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS).

𝙈𝙚𝙚𝙩 𝙖𝙣𝙩𝙞-𝙙𝙖𝙢 𝙖𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙆𝙖𝙩𝙤𝙣 𝙈𝙤𝙮𝙤𝙣𝙜 from Arunachal Pradesh leading protests against the Siang Dam Project. https://t.co/YIXHVxXg6k

— Kreately.in (@KreatelyMedia) November 1, 2026

*Urgent Action Alert*
Students and youth brutalised at Delhi Arunachal bhawan peaceful protest against Siang dam project! The brave youth led protest dared to protest despite the heavy militarisation that was done in Chanakya Puri, meant to terrorise anyone who dared to even https://t.co/eGla8q6nw1

— Anwar Mavericks (@AnwarMavericks) October 31, 2026

Lawyers representing the detainees reportedly waited outside the police stations as families and fellow activists attempted to establish contact with those in custody. Delhi Police had been approached for a response to the allegations of assault and arbitrary detention, but no response had been received at the time of the initial reports.

All protesters released after Congress intervention

All the Arunachal Pradesh youths and students detained during the Delhi demonstration have since been released following the intervention of senior Congress leaders. According to Echo of Arunachal, Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) president Bosiram Siram, accompanied by All India Congress Committee (AICC) in-charges for Arunachal Pradesh Dr A. Chellakumar and advocate Mathew Antony, visited Chanakyapuri Police Station after learning about the detentions. The leaders intervened with police authorities to secure the release of the protesters.

Around 40 young people had reportedly been detained and taken to three different police stations across Delhi. Their release brought immediate relief to the detainees and their families, but it does little to address the larger questions surrounding the police action, particularly the allegations of sexual assault and the circumstances in which the protesters were picked up.

Reacting to the development, Siram said that the voices of Arunachal Pradesh’s people could not be ignored and that young people must be allowed to exercise their constitutional right to peaceful protest. He stressed that concerns relating to land, identity, livelihoods, the environment and the future of indigenous communities must be heard rather than suppressed.

The APCC had earlier condemned the detentions, demanding that the police disclose the legal grounds for taking protesters into custody, communicate their whereabouts to their families and ensure that no peaceful demonstrator faced intimidation or harassment. The party also called for transparent engagement with affected communities, indigenous organisations, student bodies and civil society groups before the government proceeds with further activities related to SUMP.

While everyone is busy with the Ramlila Maidan protest, I would like to remind you that people are being detained in Arunachal Pradesh. https://t.co/olV9EyesLS

— Henry Singh (@HenrySingh_x) November 1, 2026

The crackdown in Arunachal Pradesh that brought protesters to Delhi

The demonstration outside Arunachal Bhawan was not an isolated protest. It was an extension of a growing movement against the proposed dam, which has faced sustained opposition from sections of the indigenous Adi and Galo communities in the Siang region. On October 23, youth groups and local organisations had called for a 12-hour bandh across Siang, Upper Siang and East Siang districts to oppose the proposed project. The demonstration in Pasighat subsequently turned violent, with police deploying tear gas and stun grenades as tensions escalated. Angry protesters allegedly vandalised and set fire to police vehicles, an NHPC office and the residences of political leaders, including local BJP MLAs and the state BJP president.

Following the violence, the Arunachal Pradesh government intensified its security deployment and initiated arrests under stringent provisions, including the Arunachal Pradesh Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (APUAPA). Ddozens of people had been arrested or detained, while families raised concerns that the police action had also affected ordinary residents and people who had participated in peaceful demonstrations. The deployment of additional security personnel in the region, reportedly including more than 30 companies of CAPF personnel, has further heightened tensions. The security presence has been linked to efforts to facilitate preliminary project-related exercises, including the preparation of a Pre-Feasibility Report (PFR).

The crackdown has also reportedly extended to government employees and traditional village institutions. The Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee has expressed concern over the suspension of government employees and action against gaon buras, or traditional village headmen, who have opposed the project.

Detailed report may be read here.

Why indigenous communities are resisting SUMP

The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, being pursued by the Centre through the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), is envisaged as one of India’s largest hydropower and multipurpose storage initiatives. Its proposed capacity has been reported at approximately 11,200 MW. The Centre has repeatedly invoked strategic, water-security and flood-management considerations to justify the project, particularly in the context of China’s proposed large hydropower development on the Yarlung Tsangpo river in Tibet, which flows into India as the Siang.

However, for the indigenous communities living along the river, the proposed project is not merely an infrastructure or energy-policy question. It concerns the possible destruction of ancestral settlements, displacement, loss of agricultural land and forests, ecological disruption and the erosion of a way of life closely connected to the river.

Reports have indicated that as many as 27 villages could face submergence, with several dozen more potentially affected by the project. For the Adi community, the Siang, traditionally revered as Ane Siang, or Mother Siang, is central to cultural memory, identity, livelihoods and community life. The prospect of a massive dam on the river has therefore generated opposition that cannot be reduced to a disagreement over the technical feasibility of a development project.

Organisations such as the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF), Adi Bane Kebang United and various student and youth groups have consistently questioned the project and demanded that the concerns and consent of affected communities be taken seriously.

Chief Minister Pema Khandu has maintained that the government is presently seeking cooperation only for the preparation of the PFR and that the project will not be imposed without public consultation. However, activists have questioned how meaningful public consultation can take place when people opposing the project are being arrested, criminal cases are being registered against them, and security forces are being deployed in areas where the project is proposed. SIFF spokesperson Tagori Mize has also questioned the government’s willingness to engage in genuine dialogue while protesters remain behind bars, and security deployment continues.

Congress demands withdrawal of project and action against protesters

The Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee has demanded that the proposed SUMP be scrapped and all those arrested for opposing it be released. It has also called for the withdrawal of cases registered against protesters under APUAPA, the revocation of suspension orders against government employees and the withdrawal of action against traditional village headmen.

The party has maintained that no development project should proceed at the expense of indigenous communities’ ancestral land, identity, culture and livelihoods. It has called for the removal of additional security personnel from affected areas, compensation for those who have suffered losses and medical assistance and rehabilitation for injured protesters.

In a statement, the APCC emphasised that the government’s assurances about public consultation must translate into actual democratic engagement. It argued that strategic considerations cannot become a justification for disregarding indigenous rights or bypassing the principle of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). The party has also urged the Centre and the Arunachal Pradesh government to restore peace through dialogue and confidence-building measures, rather than treating opposition to the project as a law-and-order problem.

“Different groups but one voice; different organisations but one collective resolve — Stop SUMP, Save Siang,” the APCC said in its appeal for solidarity among indigenous organisations, student unions, youth groups, civil society organisations and traditional institutions.

Related:

Arunachal’s anti-dam protests intensify as arrests, militarisation and threats to press freedom fail to silence resistance

From treating Adivasi communities to being branded an instigator: Odisha jails doctor Randall Sequeira

Assam NRC: Seven years after 19 lakh people were excluded, rejection slips remain a non-starter

Christian families assaulted, humiliated and forced into Durga Puja rituals in West Bengal village

“Pradhan Helped BJP Win Odisha, Gyanesh Is Helping It Win India” | Aishe Ghosh | Teesta Setalvad 

The post From Arunachal to Delhi, anti-dam protesters face state crackdown; detained allege sexual assault appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Vidya Bhushan Rawat, public intellectual, activist and author of more than 25 books in English and Hindi approaches Bose through the lenses of secularism, social justice and the contributions of marginalised participants in India’s freedom struggle. His Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: INA & India’s Freedom Movement examines what shaped Bose’s political convictions, who prepared the ground for the Indian National Army (INA), and why Southeast Asia became a centre of Indian anti-colonial mobilisation.

Published by the Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi, this 454-page book seeks to recover a freedom movement that cannot be reduced to a single leader, community or political tradition. Its most compelling passages connect Bose’s personal trajectory with the forgotten histories of Indian soldiers, expatriate revolutionaries and political networks that preceded his arrival in East Asia.

A secular upbringing and an unconventional strategy 

The author places Bose’s secular outlook within the social history of his upbringing. The book describes his background in a secular aristocratic Kayastha family associated with service under Bengal Nawabs for centuries. This context matters because Bose’s nationalism cannot be understood without acknowledging his deeply secular views. His political project demanded the mobilisation of Indians across communal divisions.

His escape from British surveillance similarly reflected a willingness to pursue unconventional routes to independence. The author recounts his journey under the assumed identity of Mohammad Ziauddin, through Peshawar and Kabul, and onwards towards Europe and Japan. The author quotes the notes of Uttamchand Malhotra, an Indian shopkeeper in Kabul who maintained that Bose’s initial motive was to travel to the Soviet Union and how Bose was as critical of the Axis powers as he was of the British. However, the actions of Bose’s another host in Kabul, Bhagat Ram Talwar compromised his plans making him end up as a state-guest in Germany. ‘The Indian Spy’ by Mihir Bose highlighted Talwar as ‘a double agent working for both Germany and Britain’.

The author’s account invites readers to examine Bose’s choices in their historical context without treating the consequences of his alliances as beyond scrutiny.

The Singapore mutiny of 1915 & Komagata Maru: Rise of Giani Pritam Singh in Southeast Asia 

One of the book’s most striking contributions is its discussion of the Singapore mutiny by Muslim Rajput soldiers in February 1915. The episode reveals a history of military resistance that predates Bose’s leadership of the INA by decades.

The scale of the repression is chilling. The author’s account records that 41 soldiers were executed, 63 were sentenced to transportation for life, 69 received sentences of 10–20 years, and 52 were killed while attempting to flee. Approximately a quarter of the regiment was killed or removed. These figures convey the severity of the colonial response and the determination to turn the punishment into a public spectacle.

The book describes how, on March 22, 1915, twenty-one alleged principal instigators were sentenced following court-martial proceedings. A crowd of approximately 6,000 civilians assembled to witness the event. Sixteen men received sentences of transportation or imprisonment, while five were sentenced to execution by firing squad: Subedar Dunde Khan, Jamadar Chishti Khan, Havildar Rahmat Ali, Sepoy Hakim Ali and Havildar Abdul Ghani.

The author’s account argues that the spectacle of punishment was intended not merely to discipline soldiers but to instil fear among the wider civilian population, including Indians and Chinese living in Singapore.

Their story also cautions against treating Bose’s later mobilisation as the beginning of Indian military resistance to British rule.

The author’s account connects the growth of Indian revolutionary activity in Southeast Asia with the experiences of Indians subjected to racial discrimination and imperial coercion elsewhere. His discussion of the Komagata Maru episode describes how passengers were denied the right to land in Canada and the coercive treatment that followed. The book records the ship’s passengers being held under restrictions and the Canadian authorities’ use of armed force during the confrontation.

These experiences helped create a wider climate of resentment among Indians overseas. The book also discusses the Ghadar movement, the influence of revolutionary ideas among soldiers and expatriates, and the networks through which anti-British activity travelled between North America, Southeast Asia and India. The connection is important: East Asia did not suddenly become fertile ground for Indian nationalism when Bose arrived. Political grievances, expatriate networks and earlier revolutionary initiatives had already helped prepare the ground.

This is where the book’s treatment of Giani Pritam Singh becomes significant. The book presents him as an energetic revolutionary who sought Japanese assistance for the Indian independence movement. Its account of his interactions with Major Fujiwara shows that the process of building the Indian Independence League and the subsequent INA involved negotiations and organising before Bose assumed leadership.

Pritam Singh also requested Japanese assistance in establishing contact between the Indian Independence League and Bose in Berlin, as well as a broadcasting station to disseminate anti-British messages to India through Tokyo.

Yet the relationship with Japan was not free of reservations. The author records Pritam Singh’s awareness that many Indians viewed Japanese policy in Korea, Taiwan, China and Manchuria as expansionist and aggressive. It is also important to note that the first chief of the INA was Major General Mohan Singh who was later dismissed by the Japanese as he refused to follow their diktats. Rash Behari Bose was given the responsibility to lead it till Subhas arrived in Japan.

The history of the INA, therefore, begins before Bose’s arrival in Southeast Asia. The author’s recovery of these earlier networks challenges the tendency to make the movement appear as the creation of one extraordinary individual alone. The only factor is that Subhas’s presence and leadership ignited all Indians and gave them hope of an independent India.

Nehru, Bose and the politics of disagreement

The author’s discussion of Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose is among the book’s more politically significant sections because it moves beyond the familiar portrayal of two rivals locked in permanent hostility.

Their disagreements over political strategy and international alliances were real.

The author recounts Nehru’s opposition to Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, while Bose maintained that assistance from the Axis powers could serve India’s struggle for independence. Their disagreement was therefore not simply personal: it concerned whether the enemies of Britain could become legitimate partners in the struggle against British rule.

Yet, the author places this disagreement within a wider ideological conversation. He emphasises Bose’s commitment to socialism and social justice, looking for an Indian approach rather than simply adopting European or British models. Bose’s writings sought to connect democracy and socialism with India’s own historical experience. His critique of private property as an institution and his search for an Indian form of communism indicate that his political imagination extended beyond the immediate objective of ending colonial rule.

The personal dimension further complicates the rivalry narrative. The author refers to Nehru’s emotional response to news of Bose’s death, drawing on Rudrangshu Mukherjee’s Nehru and Bose: Parallel Lives. He also discusses documentary material concerning a ₹2 lakh trust for Bose’s daughter, Anita, involving Nehru and B.C. Roy in 1954. These details do not erase their political differences, but they caution against turning disagreement into a claim of personal enmity or indifference.

The author’s larger point is that Bose and Nehru must be understood through their competing strategies, and historical circumstances— not recruited retrospectively into opposing political camps.

Recovering a plural freedom struggle 

The book does not require Bose to be beyond criticism. His international alliances and strategic compromises remain subjects for scrutiny. But neither should those controversies erase his secular commitments or the diverse networks that helped sustain the struggle for independence. That way, it is not the biography of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose but a chronicle of Indian National Army as well as India’s freedom Movement. Students of Indian history interested in understanding the diversity of India’s freedom movement and important role played by the expatriates in Southeast Asia will find this book extremely useful. The glorious role played by the Sikhs and Muslims in building up the INA movement has mostly been neglected and author must be complimented for bringing highlighting the issue in details.

The larger lesson is that the INA and its affiliation with the Japanese did not emerge from a historical vacuum. It drew upon an earlier landscape of resistance, migration, discrimination and revolutionary organising. By recovering these connections, the author invites readers to look beyond the cult of Netaji and recognise the wider, plural history of Indians who challenged the British Empire.

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, INA and India’s Freedom Movement

Author: Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Publisher: Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi

Related:

India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

Netaji and Gandhiji would never support CAA: Chandra Kumar Bose

When History substitutes Governance: Hindutva’s Politics of Manufacturing Pasts

Temple Leases, Food Morality: Rajasthan’s new Panchayat order

The Taj Story & Resurgence of a Myth, the ideological engineering of a Brahmanical narrative of pseudo-history

The post Beyond Appropriation: Vidya Bhushan Rawat’s recovery of Bose’s inclusive nationalism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A thelawala by occupation, Kashem Ali earns his living by pulling a handcart through the heat and rain, working day after day to support his wife, Suraton Khatun, and their two sons, Sahjahan Ali and Sahajamal Ali. He is neither a politician nor a person of influence. He is a working man whose life has been consumed by a legal battle over his citizenship, despite documentary records linking his family to Assam decades before the March 25, 1971, cut-off date.

On October 25, 2026, Kashem finally received a measure of relief. The Foreigners Tribunal No. 1, Bongaigaon, held that he had successfully discharged the statutory burden of proving that he was not a foreigner and was a citizen of India. The decision came after a prolonged legal fight, with assistance from Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP).

But the end of Kashem’s ordeal does not mean the end of the family’s suffering. His wife, Suraton, was declared a D-voter in 2019 and remains unable to exercise her voting rights for ten years, until 2029. The husband has now been recognised as an Indian citizen, while his wife continues to live with the consequences of a citizenship-related determination that has deprived her of a fundamental democratic entitlement.

Kashem Ali, outside his home in Assam, looking through all his case related documents

A case registered in 2004, notice served only in 2022

The case, State of Assam vs Md. Kashem Ali, was heard by Foreigners Tribunal No. 1, Bongaigaon, under BNGN/FT Case No. 1205/2010, arising from BNGN/IM(D)T Case No. 1944/2003. According to the case records, proceedings were registered in 2004 based on an order issued by the Superintendent of Police (Border). Yet Kashem did not receive notice until March 2022. Eighteen years had passed between the registration of the case and the service of notice upon him.

For a man dependent on daily earnings to sustain his family, such prolonged uncertainty carries consequences far beyond a courtroom. The years between registration and notice, followed by the legal proceedings themselves, meant that Kashem had to confront an allegation of foreign origin while continuing to make a living through manual labour. When his wife’s case had previously come up, Kashem was unaware of CJP and had incurred considerable expenses. This time, knowing that legal assistance was available, he approached the organisation for help.

CJP’s legal team, led by legal member Dewan Abdur Rahim and his two junior colleagues, took up his case before the Tribunal. The defence challenged both the basis of the allegation and the way the investigation had purportedly been conducted. In his written statement filed on December 10, 2025, Kashem put his position in straightforward terms: the case was not maintainable in law or on facts, he was not a foreigner, and he had been born in Assam.

Born in Assam, with family records predating 1971

Kashem Ali was born in 1968 in Village No. 1 Dhupuri, under Manikpur Police Station in Bongaigaon district, Assam. He was the son of Nojumuddin Sheikh, also recorded under variations of the name Naju Sheikh, and Panful Nessa, also known as Panful. His father died in 1974, while his mother died in 2018. His paternal grandfather, Najirulla, also recorded as Nojib, was the father of four children: Naju Sheikh, Yunus Ali, Khalek Miya and Khatim Bibi. Kashem has one sister, Toshiran Bibi, against whom, according to the information placed before the Tribunal, no foreigners case is pending.

Kashem married Suraton Khatun, daughter of the late Toyab Ali of Village No. 2 Dhupuri, in 1988. Together, they raised two sons. These were not merely family details. They formed part of the chain of relationships and documentary evidence through which Kashem sought to establish his identity and his connection to Assam.

The defence placed particular emphasis on records showing that Kashem’s parents were enrolled as voters in Assam in 1966, five years before the March 25, 1971, cut-off date relevant to the determination of citizenship in Assam. Subsequent electoral records also documented Kashem and his wife as voters over several decades. Despite this documentary trail, Kashem was compelled to establish before a Tribunal that he was not a foreigner.

Eighteen documents to establish what should never have been in doubt

To discharge the burden imposed under Section 9 of the Foreigners Act, 1946, Kashem produced 18 documents before the Tribunal, recorded as Exhibits A to Q, with Exhibit A-1 as an additional document. He also obtained a Panchayat certificate. The evidence included land and revenue records, historical electoral rolls, school records, identity documents and a death certificate. Together, these materials were relied upon to establish his family links, place of birth and long-standing presence in Assam.

Among the most significant records was the certified copy of the 1966 electoral roll for Dhupuri Part I under the Bijni Legislative Assembly Constituency. It recorded Nojumuddin, son of Nojir Ullah, and Panful, wife of Nojumuddin, as voters. The 1971 electoral roll for Dhupuri Part I also recorded Nojmoddin Sheikh, son of Nojib, and Panful Nessa, wife of Nojmoddin, alongside other members of the extended family.

The records connecting Kashem himself to the electoral rolls began with the 1997 list for Dhupuri Part II, which recorded Kasem Ali, son of the late Nasimuddin Sheikh, and Suraton Khaton, wife of Kasem. The 2008 list also included both husband and wife. Kashem appeared in the electoral rolls for 2010, 2014, 2017, 2018, 2019 and 2020, with variations in the spelling of his name and his father’s name across different records.

The documentary evidence also included a land record showing Kashem’s father as the recorded owner and possessor of 4 bighas, 1 katha and 17 lessas of land under Annual Patta No. 27, with Dag Nos. 155, 156 and 200 in Village No. 1 Dhupuri. A revenue payment receipt in Kashem’s name accompanied the record.

A school certificate issued by the head teacher of 480 No. Dabaguri Lower Primary School recorded Kashem Ali, son of Noju Sheikh, as having studied in Class I in 1975. His Election Commission of India-issued Elector Photo Identity Card, dated March 6, 2024, was also produced.

Other documents included a ration card issued by the Food, Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs Department in the name of Suraton Khatun, identifying her as Kashem’s wife; Kashem’s PAN card and Aadhaar card; and the death certificate of Panful Bewa, issued by the relevant health authorities in Manikpur.

The documents did not all serve the same evidentiary purpose. Rather, the defence relied on them collectively to establish the links between Kashem, his parents, his wife, his residence and the historical records of his family. The sheer volume of documentation required to defend his citizenship underscores the burden imposed on ordinary people facing allegations of foreign origin. For Kashem, years of family history had to be assembled, authenticated, translated and placed before a Tribunal before he could obtain legal recognition of what he had maintained from the outset: he was not a foreigner.

Defence challenges the investigation

CJP Team Assam with Kashem Ali outside his home in Assam

A central part of the defence was its challenge to the investigation that had led to the reference against Kashem. The CJP legal team argued that the investigating officer had submitted a report without conducting a genuine inquiry. According to the defence, the officer had neither visited Kashem’s home nor recorded his statement, seized any documents or examined any witnesses. The defence further questioned the credibility of the witnesses named in connection with the case.

The allegation, the advocate argued, rested on the assertion that Kashem had entered Assam from a specified territory after March 25, 1971. Kashem denied this outright, maintaining that he had never come to Assam from East Pakistan or Bangladesh and had been born in the state in 1968.

The defence also addressed discrepancies in the spelling of names across official records. Kashem appeared as Kasem Ali or Kashem Ali, while his father’s name was variously recorded as Nojumuddin, Nasimuddin, Najim Uddin Sheikh and Nojim Uddin Sheikh. The legal team argued that these variations were clerical inconsistencies and did not establish that the records referred to different individuals.

Such discrepancies can create serious difficulties for people whose names are recorded across different government departments, particularly when records are handwritten, translated or entered by officials over several decades. For poor families with limited means to scrutinise or correct official documentation, a spelling variation can become a formidable obstacle in proving identity and family links. The defence maintained that the differences in Kashem’s records had to be assessed in their proper context, alongside the broader documentary evidence, rather than treated as grounds to doubt his citizenship.

Revenue official corroborates land records

Kashem and two other defence witnesses gave evidence before the Tribunal. One of them, Defence Witness No. 2, Subash Medhi, a S.K. of the Manikpur Revenue Circle, proved the Jamabandi produced as Exhibit A after furnishing official documents underlying its issuance. The revenue official’s evidence provided an official basis for the land record relied upon by the defence. It formed part of the wider evidentiary case through which Kashem sought to establish his family’s links to the land and locality.

After considering the evidence and arguments, the Tribunal concluded that Kashem had successfully discharged the statutory burden under Section 9 of the Foreigners Act, 1946. It held that the opposite party was not a foreigner but a citizen of India. The decision brought relief after years of uncertainty and a prolonged legal battle. It also meant that the allegation of foreign origin could not stand in the face of the evidence accepted by the Tribunal.

A husband declared Indian, a wife still denied her vote

Yet Kashem’s relief is incomplete in the most painful sense: his wife continues to bear the consequences of a separate citizenship-related proceeding. Suraton Khatun’s case had come before a Foreigners Tribunal in 2019, when she was kept in the D-voter category. As a result, she remains unable to vote for ten years, from 2019 to 2029.

Her name appeared alongside Kashem’s in the 1997 electoral roll, and she was again recorded as a voter in the 2008 roll. The family ration card also identifies her as Kashem’s wife. She is the mother of their two sons and has shared the same home and family life through the years in which her husband was forced to defend his citizenship.

Nevertheless, the consequences of the proceedings against her remain in place. Kashem’s successful defence does not, by itself, restore Suraton’s voting rights or resolve her separate case. The contrast is stark. In 2026, a Tribunal recognised Kashem as an Indian citizen after examining the documentary evidence. His wife, whose name appeared in electoral records decades earlier, remains unable to participate in elections until 2029 because of her D-voter status.

For this family, the cost of citizenship proceedings is not measured only in legal expenses or years spent answering an allegation. It is also measured in the democratic rights lost while the proceedings cast a shadow over their lives.

CJP’s intervention brings relief, but the larger questions remain

On October 25, Advocate Dewan Abdur Rahim and CJP State In-charge Nanda Ghosh, representing Team CJP, visited Kashem’s home and handed him a copy of the Tribunal’s judgment. After years of uncertainty, he could finally breathe a sigh of relief. He welcomed the team with tea and expressed his gratitude to CJP for helping him navigate the legal battle.

For Kashem, the judgment is a hard-won victory. For CJP, it is another reminder of the importance of accessible legal assistance for people facing citizenship proceedings, particularly those without the financial means to sustain a prolonged fight on their own.

But his case also raises questions that extend far beyond one family. Why did a case registered in 2004 result in notice being served only in March 2022? What safeguards exist to prevent allegations resting on inadequate investigations from subjecting people to years of uncertainty? How should authorities assess discrepancies in names across decades of public records, particularly when historical documentation is inconsistent? And what happens to those who cannot assemble 18 documents, secure witnesses, pay legal expenses or find an organisation willing to help?

Kashem Ali with his wife outside their home in Assam

Kashem Ali is not a case number. He is a man who pulls a handcart to feed his family, a husband to Suraton, a father to two sons, a brother to Toshiran and the son of parents whose names appear in Assam’s historical records. His case demonstrates how the burden of proving citizenship can fall on ordinary people even when documentary records trace their families to Assam before the 1971 cut-off date. It also shows why legal aid can make the difference between confronting a case alone and having the opportunity to place one’s evidence before a Tribunal.

CJP’s intervention helped Kashem secure relief. But how many others face similar allegations without access to legal assistance, the resources to gather documents or the means to sustain years of proceedings?

And while Kashem can finally put this chapter behind him, Suraton must still wait for the restoration of her democratic rights. Their story is not simply one of a man declared Indian after a long legal battle. It is a reminder of the human cost of citizenship proceedings in Assam, where the right to belong can become a prolonged struggle for people whose lives, families and records are already rooted in the state.

The order may be read below:

Related:

Assam citizens’ forum demands scrapping of SIR, completion of pending NRC process; police block protesters at Guwahati Press Club

CJP helps secure Ajabha Khatun’s release after 772 days in Assam’s Matia detention camp

Floods | Documents | Courts: CJP’s Fight for Citizenship in Assam

Nationality Before Deportation: The Rajubala Das case

Aadhaar, Voter ID and PAN Cannot Prove Citizenship: Calcutta High Court’s Foreigners Order and the burden of belonging

Another CJP Victory: Barpeta Tribunal declares Alam Khan ‘not a foreigner’

The post After 22 years under suspicion, Assam’s Kashem Ali declared Indian by Foreigners Tribunal appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Today, that same doctor is lodged in Rayagada sub-jail. On the night of October 16, 2026, Odisha Police arrested Sequeira from his rented residence in Bhawanipatna, Kalahandi, along with Dalit activist Laxman Naik. The arrests came nearly six months after a violent confrontation between villagers and police in Kantamal village on April 7, during protests against a proposed road project connected to the Sijimali bauxite mining project. Neither Sequeira nor Naik figured among the 26 people initially named in the first information report (FIR). Their names were subsequently added from a category of approximately 100 unnamed persons described as ‘others’.

Massive Protest rally today,against the unlawful arrest of people’s doctor Randall Sequeira, Youth tribal Singer cum Activist Laxman Naik, Adivasi leader Lada Sikaka and Eminent environmental Activist Lingaraj Azad in front of Muniguda Tehsil Office, Rayagada district of Odisha.
@tmkrishna @samar11 @TeestaSetalvad @HansrajMeena
@DhanadaKanta @Ayaskant_Das

— Amiya_Pandav ଅମିୟ ପାଣ୍ଡଵ Write n Fight (@AmiyaPandav) October 26, 2026

According to The Hindu, Sequeira was arrested in connection with the April violence despite having already secured anticipatory bail from the Orissa High Court in another FIR relating to the same incident. He was subsequently booked under serious provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, including those relating to attempt to murder and rioting.

The circumstances of his arrest are particularly disturbing. Speaking to The Hindu from Rayagada jail, Sequeira said that he and Naik were made to sleep on the floor of a police station through the night, were subsequently transferred to another police station and were not initially informed of the grounds for their arrest. He also alleged that he was not allowed to speak to his family.

This is not the first time Sequeira has found himself at the receiving end of administrative action for his association with the anti-mining movement. In June 2025, the Rayagada district administration issued an ex parte order prohibiting him and 24 others from entering the district for two months. The administration accused him of attempting to mobilise tribal communities against the proposed Sijimali mining project and raised apprehensions about public order.

The Orissa High Court subsequently quashed the prohibitory order. In its ruling, the court found no material demonstrating that the proposed peaceful gathering posed an immediate and grave threat of violence or public disorder. Justice S.K. Panigrahi observed that constitutional jurisprudence demanded a high threshold of actual risk before fundamental rights could be curtailed. The High Court’s intervention, however, did not end the administration’s pursuit of Sequeira.

ODISHA RISES: RELEASE DR RANDALL SEQUEIRA, LAXMAN NAIK, LADA SIKAKA AND LINGARAJ AZAD!

WHEN PEOPLE DEFEND THEIR LAND, THEIR RIGHTS AND THEIR FORESTS, THEIR VOICES MUST NOT BE SILENCED.

A powerful protest rally was held on 26 October 2026 outside the Muniguda Tehsil Office in Rayagada district, Odisha, against the arrests and continued detention of activists associated with the Adivasi people’s struggle.

WHO ARE THEY?

• Dr Randall Sequeira — a doctor who has dedicated years to providing healthcare to Adivasi communities in remote parts of Odisha.

• Laxman Naik — a grassroots activist associated with the Maa Mati Mali Surakhya Manch.

• Lada Sikaka — an Adivasi leader associated with the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti.

• Lingaraj Azad — an environmental and people’s rights activist.

Their supporters allege that criminal cases and arrests are being used to weaken resistance to bauxite mining in the Sijimali region, where Adivasi communities are defending their land, livelihoods, forests and natural resources.

THE QUESTIONS THAT DEMAND ANSWERS

Why are people who stand with vulnerable communities facing serious criminal allegations?

Were the arrests, detention procedures and access to legal counsel consistent with constitutional safeguards?

Are the concerns of affected Adivasi communities being heard freely and fairly before decisions affecting their ancestral lands are implemented?

Police have alleged that Dr Sequeira and Laxman Naik were involved in violence connected with an earlier protest. Civil-liberties organisations dispute the circumstances and have raised serious concerns about the arrests. These allegations must be examined by an independent and impartial authority, with due process and a fair opportunity for all sides to present evidence.

An accusation is not a conviction. A demand for justice is not a crime.

DEVELOPMENT CANNOT MEAN DISPOSSESSION.

India’s natural resources must not become more important than the people whose lives, cultures and livelihoods depend on them.

The rights of Adivasi communities, the protection of forests, meaningful Gram Sabha participation and constitutional freedoms must be respected. Any allegation of wrongdoing must be investigated fairly, without intimidation or political interference.

OUR DEMANDS

1. Immediate and lawful review of the detention of Dr Randall Sequeira, Laxman Naik, Lada Sikaka, Lingaraj Azad and other detained activists, with release wherever continued detention is not legally justified.
2. An independent investigation into allegations of police excesses and procedural violations.
3. Protection of Adivasi communities and their constitutional rights to organise, protest and defend their livelihoods.
4. No coercive implementation of mining-related land acquisition or projects without compliance with applicable laws and the rights of affected Gram Sabhas.
5. Transparent accountability for every proven violation, regardless of who is responsible.

Let the rally in Muniguda be heard across India.

Let journalists, lawyers, doctors, students, human-rights defenders and democratic citizens stand with communities demanding dignity and justice.

SILENCE IN THE FACE OF INJUSTICE PROTECTS POWER. SOLIDARITY GIVES PEOPLE A VOICE.

Stand with Adivasi rights.
Stand for constitutional freedoms.
Stand for independent justice.
Stand for people before profits.

Creator/source: @AmiyaPandav

READ AND SHARE:

PUCL’s statement on the arrests and demands for accountability:
https://t.co/6NRbu7aSAB

The Wire — Jan Swasthya Abhiyan condemns the arrests:
https://t.co/GjnoSm3DMK

Times of India — Report on the Muniguda rally and the family’s appeal:
https://t.co/zg50EYEOqA

#DimaagiNaxal #Resistance #UnitedResistance

— Ashok Dadhwal (@ashokdadhwal196) October 27, 2026

A doctor who chose the hills over urban medicine

Originally from Mangaluru, Karnataka, and raised in Mumbai, Sequeira completed his MBBS at St John’s Medical College in Bengaluru before pursuing postgraduate studies in internal medicine at Sawai Man Singh Medical College and Hospital in Jaipur. He arrived in Kalahandi in July 2017 and began working with Swasthya Swaraj, a non-profit organisation providing community healthcare in the tribal-dominated Thuamul Rampur block.

He could have pursued a conventional medical career in an urban hospital. Instead, he remained in the region, continuing his work with organisations including Living Farms and the Development Agency for Poor and Tribal Awakening (DAPTA), which work on healthcare, nutrition, education and the rights of marginalised communities.

Dr Randall Sequeira, a medical practitioner, who moved to Odisha to practise medicine in service of the Adivasi communities in the state, was arrested along with Dalit activist Laxman Naik on 16 October. Please amplify and raise your voice to ask for them to be released.

— Arpita Das (she/her) (@arpitayodapress) October 24, 2026

As reported by Article 14, Sequeira travelled to settlements where residents had little access to medical facilities, visiting households and providing treatment. His work extended beyond treating individual patients. He focused on preventive healthcare, community health training and understanding the relationship between environmental degradation and public health.

His experiences in mining-affected areas also led him to examine the health consequences of industrial extraction. He observed that communities living near operational bauxite mines reported more skin ailments than those in non-mining areas. Since March 2022, he has also travelled to Sukinda in Odisha’s Jajpur district to treat patients suffering from tuberculosis in an area affected by extensive chromite mining.

A close friend of his told Article 14 that Sequeira understood the limitations of treating individual patients when the structural conditions producing ill health remained unaddressed. Healthcare, in his understanding, could not be separated from access to clean water, forests, nutrition and a healthy environment.

This understanding increasingly brought him into solidarity with Adivasi communities opposing mining projects that threaten their land and natural resources. Since 2023, he has worked alongside grassroots organisations, including Maa Mati Mali Surakhya Manch and Niyamgiri Surakhya Samiti, which have opposed the proposed mining projects in the region. It is this association that has now become central to the allegations against him.

When solidarity becomes an alleged criminal offence

The Odisha Police has rejected allegations that Sequeira’s arrest is intended to suppress anti-mining resistance. Speaking to the Press Trust of India (PTI), Deputy Inspector General of Police Akhileshwar Singh alleged that Sequeira was not merely providing medical services but was instigating Adivasi communities against the state government.

The police have also cited multiple criminal cases against him. However, the central question remains: what evidence supports the serious allegations, and why was he implicated in an FIR in which his name did not originally appear, particularly when he had already secured anticipatory bail in another case arising from the same incident?

In its report, The Quint highlighted the concerns raised by activists over the police’s use of the ‘others’ category in FIRs. Narendra Mohanty, convenor of the Campaign Against Fabricated Cases, alleged that the open-ended category allows the police to subsequently implicate activists who were not named when the complaint was first registered. According to him, this practice has become particularly useful in keeping movement leaders in custody by filing successive cases whenever they secure bail in an earlier one.

The figures are alarming. According to data compiled by the People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR), 43 cases connected to resistance against bauxite mining were registered in Kalahandi and Rayagada over the past three years, resulting in more than 100 Adivasis and Dalits being jailed. Between March 8 and April 8, 2026, as many as 24 people were arrested, 217 were named as accused and another 1,140 were listed under the category of ‘others’. Sequeira’s arrest is therefore unfolding against a much larger pattern of criminal cases against those resisting mining projects.

The battle over land, forests and the right to resist

The region’s resistance is not new. For decades, Adivasi communities have opposed attempts to convert their forests and hills into mining sites. The Dongria Kondh, a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group, regard the Niyamgiri hills as sacred and worship Niyam Raja, whom they believe resides in the hills. In its landmark 2013 judgment, the Supreme Court placed the decision on the proposed diversion of forest land for bauxite mining in Niyamgiri before the Gram Sabhas. Subsequently, all 12 Gram Sabhas rejected the proposal, and the Odisha government scrapped the project in 2014.

The renewed push for bauxite extraction in Sijimali has brought the region back into confrontation with mining interests. Vedanta has secured environmental clearance for the Sijimali deposit, while the nearby Kutrumali deposit has been allotted to the Adani Group.

For communities whose livelihoods, water sources, forests and cultural identities are inseparable from these hills, mining is not simply an industrial development project. It is a question of survival, autonomy and their constitutional and statutory rights over their land and resources.

The arrest of Sequeira has also attracted condemnation from sections of the medical and civil society communities. Dr Cyriac Abby Philips, popularly known as LiverDoc, appealed to the medical fraternity to stand up for his former St John’s Medical College junior. Recalling Sequeira’s work in Kutrumali, Philips described a physician who had travelled to remote settlements to treat malnourished children and women with limited access to healthcare. He argued that Sequeira understood that prescriptions could not compensate for the destruction of forests, the loss of water resources and the denial of dignity to indigenous communities.

My dear friends, please, I hope to demand your absolute attention to this matter:

In 2018, my junior from St. John’s Medical College, Bengaluru, Dr. Randall Sequeira (middle in the pic), trekked up a steep, bauxite-rich plateau in Odisha to hold a monsoon health camp in the indigenous Kutiya Kondh village of Kutrumali.

In a piece he wrote then titled “Kutrumali’s Demons,” Randall described sleeping under a dripping school roof in freezing fog, borrowing utensils from a local health worker to cook khichdi, and waking up at 6 AM to a line of tribal mothers. He wrote with heartbreak about treating malnourished toddlers with protruding bellies and visible ribs, listening to stories of stillbirths and chronic fevers, while noticing the shiny new solar lights installed by a mining conglomerate eyeing the aluminium ore beneath the villagers’ feet.

Comparing his small medical team to hobbits sheltering in the night, Randall worried about the outside forces coming for that fragile village.

Randall stayed with the tribal/ adivasi community to serve them. After St. John’s and an MD in Internal Medicine from SMS Jaipur, he gave up every comfort of urban medicine to live in Kalahandi, recognizing that clinical prescriptions are meaningless when indigenous communities are stripped of their forests, water, and dignity.

On the night of October 16, Odisha police picked up Dr. Randall Sequeira and Dalit activist Laxman Naik at 11 PM from his home in Bhawanipatna. A gentle physician who has spent years trekking up hills to save tribal children is now locked in Rayagada sub-jail under frivolous but draconian charges (attempt to murder, dacoity), simply for standing with Adivasis peaceful protesting the mining of their sacred hills in Sijimali and Kutrumali.
https://t.co/PsxZZCngyV

Odisha Govt. said it will cut down forests to connect tribal villages. But it was a way to bypass green laws and fast track London based Vedanta’s, and Adani’s mining plans. Local organisations estimate that around 45 villages depend on these hills and would be affected.
https://t.co/0pATUIYADm

The state has answered with repression rather than dialogue. In the last three years, at least 43 police cases have been filed and over a hundred Adivasis and Dalits, both women and men, have been incarcerated in Odisha jails. For example, from In March and april 2026, 8, 2026, to April 8, 2026, within one month, 24 people were sent to jail, 217 were made accused, and the number of “others” total 1,140. An activist who was not named in the original FIRs, but has since been implicated in about 12 cases, so that bail in one case is followed by arrest in another. This pattern of capture and releases have been used to crush rational dissent.

Dr. Randall understood that being a good doctor means understanding that prescriptions cannot compensate for the denial of land rights, that surgery cannot undo displacement and that no medical can substitute for the basic infrastructure a government has failed to provide.
https://t.co/fOC9AU3jaR

To my fellow medical fraternity, and every citizen with a conscience: a kind physician who embodies the highest ethics of our profession is being criminalized to clear the way for bauxite mining. Please do not let his voice be buried in a sub-jail.

Amplify this, demand due process, and demand the immediate release. Please sign in this form to show solidarity: https://t.co/cgLIoEXExG

If anyone can help out in this situation please reach out to Medico Friend Circle – https://t.co/OT2D2E3DuW

— TheLiverDoc (@theliverdoc) October 20, 2026

The Jan Swasthya Abhiyan has also condemned the arrests, describing them as an attack on people working to address the social and health consequences of mining. The organisation has demanded the immediate release of Sequeira and Naik, withdrawal of the cases and an independent inquiry into allegations of intimidation.

Meanwhile, the Mumbai-based Watchdog Foundation has approached the National Commission for Minorities, seeking scrutiny of the circumstances surrounding Sequeira’s arrest and whether the necessary legal safeguards were followed. Its representation, as reported by the Free Press Journal, specifically flagged the fact that Sequeira was arrested months after the April incident despite not being named in the original FIR.

The Foundation has clarified that the absence of a person’s name in an original FIR does not automatically establish innocence or render a subsequent arrest unlawful. However, it has called for scrutiny of whether the investigation is supported by credible evidence and whether constitutional and procedural safeguards have been respected.

Sequeira’s parents, Alex and Nancy Sequeira, have expressed distress over their son’s incarceration, while maintaining faith in the judicial process. In a statement to Article 14, they said that, to their knowledge, he had dedicated his professional life to serving poor and marginalised communities and hoped that he would receive a fair hearing and be reunited with his family.

Criminalising those who refuse to look away

The question raised by Sequeira’s arrest extends beyond the fate of one doctor. What does it mean when a physician working in areas with little access to healthcare is accused of instigating the very communities he has spent years treating? What does it say about the priorities of a government when those who draw attention to the health and environmental consequences of mining are treated as threats to public order?

For the Adivasi communities of Kalahandi and Rayagada, Sequeira was a doctor who came when hospitals were too far away, who treated their children and who understood that their health was inseparable from the land they inhabited. His arrest has now placed that relationship under the shadow of criminal prosecution. A physician who spent years travelling through forests to reach patients is now confined to a jail cell. And while the state questions whether he was really practising medicine or instigating dissent, the communities he served are left confronting the same questions of healthcare, land and survival, alongside the fear that those who stand with them could be next.

Related:

Police detain Adivasi students for second day, force them out of Mumbai

From Nashik to Mumbai: Adivasi students’ protest meets police detentions

Forced pregnancy tests for Adivasi women students in Maharashtra’s hostels, Rahul Gandhi registers strong protest

Why Adivasis seek to re-assert their traditional identity

I raise my voice for Adivasis, am I a Traitor?

Telangana: Stop forcible ‘re-location of Chenchu Adivasis from Amrabad Tiger Reserve

The post From treating Adivasi communities to being branded an instigator: Odisha jails doctor Randall Sequeira appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Students celebrate at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) as the university agrees to finalise and approve the students’ union constitution by May 15, 2027, with elections to be held within six weeks of the next academic session’s commencement. A victory for sustained student resistance!

— Vijay Thottathil (@vijaythottathil) October 29, 2026

Jamia Millia Islamia administration set a timeline for restoring its students’ union, after the protesters refused to end their hunger strike without the university putting a date to its assurance over holding elections. https://t.co/dQghSXyCn1

— Peek TV (@PeekTV_in) October 29, 2026

Jamia Millia Islamia erupts in celebration as the administration agrees to all the students’ demands.

@tarunzero reports for @thewire_in https://t.co/PZK9aiATjZ

— The Wire (@thewire_in) October 29, 2026

| VICTORY MARCH AT JAMIA|

A Victory March will be held today at 4:00PM at Gulistan-e-Ghalib Lawn, Gate No. 7, Jamia Millia Islamia, to celebrate the historic restoration of the Jamia Students’ Union after nearly 20 years.

Students will come together to mark this landmark achievement, celebrate their collective struggle and reaffirm the spirit of student unity, democratic rights and campus democracy.

Location: JMISU Union Office, Gulistan-e-Ghalib Gate 7, Jamia Millia Islamia

#Jamia #JamiaMilliaIslamia

@RahulGandhi @kaushikrj6
@vidyarthee @Pawankhera
@RanaAyyub @zoo_bear @aishe_ghosh
@Saurabh_Unmute @ajitanjum @sushant_says @neha_aisa @mehartweets @waglenikhil

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) October 30, 2026

Peaceful resistance paces its way to another historic victory at Jamia Milia Islamic University last night.

Students celebrate at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) as the university agrees to finalise and approve the students’ union constitution by May 15, 2027, with elections to be held within six weeks of the next academic session’s commencement.
#JamiaMilliaIslamia
#StudentsProtest
#StudentsProtests

— Pragnya Gupta (@GuptaPragnya) October 30, 2026

The agreement marks a significant development in a struggle for democratic representation that has continued for years at the university, where the students’ union has remained dissolved since March 2006. The administration has also agreed to withdraw all disciplinary action initiated against students in connection with the agitation, including show-cause notices, disciplinary proceedings, rustication and suspension orders, as well as campus bans.

“We had received 3 demands from students…We have accepted all 3 of their demands”: Registrar of Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI), Mahtab Alam Rizvi https://t.co/rkAU3XqHRi

— The Wire (@thewire_in) October 29, 2026

According to the university’s October 29 order, once the constitution is approved, the election notification will be issued in accordance with the recommendations and guidelines of the Lyngdoh Committee. The elections are expected to take place within six weeks of the next academic session, scheduled to commence around July 16, 2027.

The administration’s commitment to a specific deadline addresses one of the central objections raised by the protesting students. Earlier, students had rejected a communication from the university that promised elections after the constitution was approved but failed to establish a concrete timeline for completing the approval process. Without a deadline, students argued, the promise of restoring the union risked becoming another indefinite assurance.

The latest agreement emerged following negotiations between a four-member student delegation and university authorities. Registrar Professor Md Mahtab Alam Rizvi confirmed to ANI that the administration had accepted all three major demands raised by the students.

According to Deccan Herald, the administration has also outlined the proposed process for drafting and approving the constitution. Student representatives, alongside professors and legal experts, will participate in the exercise, with representation from different faculties. The draft constitution will be circulated among stakeholders for suggestions before undergoing legal scrutiny. It will subsequently be placed before the Academic Council and Executive Council before being forwarded to the Visitor’s nominee for final approval. This process will be crucial in determining whether the promised restoration translates into a genuinely representative and democratically functioning students’ union.

The Lyngdoh Committee recommendations and the road to elections

The university’s decision to conduct elections under the Lyngdoh Committee recommendations is particularly significant given the prolonged absence of elected student representation at Jamia. The Lyngdoh Committee was constituted following a Supreme Court directive on December 12, 2005, to examine concerns surrounding campus elections, including the growing influence of money and muscle power, political interference and violence in student politics. As reported by The Hindu, the committee was tasked with recommending a framework to ensure free, fair and transparent student elections.

Among its principal recommendations was that universities and colleges should ordinarily have elected student representatives, with nominations permitted only as a temporary arrangement where circumstances made elections impracticable. Institutions relying on nominated representatives were expected to establish an election-based system within five years. The committee also recommended that student elections be held annually, preferably within six to eight weeks of the commencement of the academic session. The entire electoral process, including nominations, campaigning and the declaration of results, was to be completed within 10 days.

The recommendations permit direct, indirect and hybrid election systems, depending on the size and structure of the institution. Direct elections were favoured for smaller, single-campus universities, while indirect elections were suggested for larger universities with multiple campuses.

For Jamia, the commitment to follow these recommendations is an important step towards restoring an institutional mechanism through which students can participate in university affairs and hold the administration accountable.

Nearly two decades without student representation

The JMISU was dissolved in March 2006, following repeated incidents of violence, clashes between student groups, attacks on teachers and disruptions to academic activities. The university administration had also raised concerns about student representatives allegedly interfering in administrative matters.

However, the dissolution of the union effectively left generations of students without an elected representative body. The absence of an institutional platform for collective student representation became the backdrop to the current agitation, with students demanding not merely an assurance of elections but a definite commitment to restoring democratic participation on campus.

The latest protest began on October 12 and gradually escalated into an indefinite hunger strike. Despite the university announcing that elections would be held within 15 days of the constitution’s approval, students continued their agitation, pointing out that the administration had not specified when the constitution itself would be approved.

The standoff also unfolded amid increasingly restrictive measures on campus. The university shifted academic activities to the online mode, citing security concerns and disruptions arising from the protests. The decision to move classes online, while subsequent announcements extended the online arrangement and shifted examinations away from the physical mode.

Detailed pieces may be read here, here and here.

Congress hails students’ victory

Congress general secretary (organisation) K. C. Venugopal described the outcome as a victory for student power. In a post on X, he said, “The students of Jamia Millia Islamia Central University have won!” Venugopal alleged that the BJP-controlled administration had attempted to divide and discredit the protesting students, and claimed that NSUI leaders had been sent to Tihar Jail for participating in the agitation. “In the end, the fascists had to bend before student power. Democracy was hard-fought but was won eventually!” he wrote, saluting the students for their non-violent struggle.

The students of Jamia Millia Islamia Central University have won!

In the end, the fascists had to bend before student power. Democracy was hard fought but was won eventually!

The BJP-controlled Administration tried every method to divide and defame the students. They even went to the extent of sending out NSUI leaders to Tihar jail for protesting for this cause.

We salute the students for their non violent struggle, and this should serve as a bitter lesson for those who try to suppress the youth’s voice.

Jai Hind!

— K C Venugopal (@kcvenugopalmp) October 29, 2026

The agreement came on the occasion of Jamia’s 106th Foundation Day, lending particular significance to a development centred on the restoration of democratic participation within the university. While the students have called off their agitation, the agreement is only the beginning of a longer process. 

The tree of revolution will blossom with the sweat and tears, courage and commitment of every new generation!

Congratulations to the students of Jamia who fought day and night to keep democracy alive! https://t.co/zG740eJsi8

— AISA (@aisa_official_) October 29, 2026

It is the season of victories!
JMI has shown us the way…

What a fight! What a great and long awaited victory! https://t.co/9usZs6vhot

— Neha (@neha_aisa) October 29, 2026

Huge win for student power.

Congratulations Jamia for forcing the administration to bring back student union elections after almost two decades!

But the battle isn’t over. Let’s not forget our NSUI boys, Faizan and Zeeshan, are still in judicial custody at Tihar just for demanding these exact democratic rights.
Celebrate the victory, but keep the pressure on until they’re free.

No celebration is complete while student activists remain behind bars!!

— Gurmehar Kaur (@mehartweets) October 30, 2026

Related:

Books Under Siege: Bengal’s Left bookstalls, the Calcutta High Court’s intervention and the warning from Hitler’s Germany

Seeking justice for Ankita Bhandari, parents detained in pre-dawn crackdown at India Gate

Mumbai Police detain Ambedkarite leaders demanding justice for Sahil Wakode; IIT Bombay refuses to hear delegation

Calcutta High Court says political dissent must not be stifled, directs police to protect CPI(M) bookstall near Durga Puja Pandal

The post Nearly two decades without elections, Jamia students’ agitation forces administration to set deadline for union revival appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Protests in Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh today against the Upper Siang Dam and the state govt’s militarisation of the area. https://t.co/u9Ta1u3vB2

— Nitin Sethi (@nit_set) October 29, 2026

Scores of people took part in a protest in Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh, on Thursday against the proposed 11,000 MW Siang mega dam, calling for the release of detained anti-dam activists.

The demonstrators marched from Akashdeep to IG Park, chanting slogans against Chief Minister Pema Khandu. They opposed the project over its potential effects on local communities and the region’s ecology.

The rally followed a police crackdown after recent violence in Pasighat. Protesters demanded the release of those detained and reiterated their opposition to the project.

#ArunachalPradesh #SiangMegaDam #Itanagar #AntiDamProtest #SiangRiver

— Northeast Now (@NENowNews) October 29, 2026

Yet, despite the expanding security presence and the threat of criminal prosecution, the protests have not subsided. Instead, resistance has spread beyond the directly affected villages, with solidarity demonstrations in Itanagar and renewed opposition to other proposed hydropower projects. The message from the protesters is increasingly clear: the threat of arrest, intimidation and state action will not persuade communities to surrender their land, rivers and ancestral identities without being heard.

GenZ Protest Intensifies Over Siang Upper Hydropower Project in Arunachal Pradesh. WE WILL OPPOSE THE DAM PROJECT
AS LONG AS WE CAN

SIANG नदी को बहने दो
Itangar, Arunachal
#nosump https://t.co/mzZEsAMkjg

— CJP Gems | (@GameonNewbie) October 29, 2026

Hundreds Rally in GenZ Protest against SIAM Dam Project. Its Our Land

Siang Will Flow
#SaveArunachal https://t.co/XvY6iSHIA2

— CJP Gems | (@GameonNewbie) October 30, 2026

Locals today took out a massive protest march in Arunachal Pradesh’s state capital Itanagar against the alleged detention and arrests of activists demonstrating against the proposed SUMP dam project over the Siang river. @thewire_in https://t.co/BDzwvvjnf1

— Deep Mukherjee (@manwithaquill) October 29, 2026

The slogans raised during the protest march against the Siang Dam will give you goosebumps. The passion, the conviction, the spirit of the people.

Well done, Arunachal. https://t.co/YGgyWeiMCe

— Saurav Choudhury (@sauravv123) October 29, 2026

The crackdown has also extended to journalists, lawyers and those associated with the anti-dam movement. In a move that has raised serious concerns over press freedom and the right to legal representation, Arunachal Pradesh Police has sought search warrants against four people, including Tongam Rina, Deputy Editor of The Arunachal Times, advocate Sunny Tayeng, and activists Otul Jerang and Tajong Talom. In an application submitted before the Chief Judicial Magistrate of East Siang on October 27, the investigating officer sought permission to search their residences and seize mobile phones, digital devices, photographs, video recordings and clothing allegedly connected to the violence in Pasighat. The application was filed under Section 96 of the BNSS, 2023, and the court’s decision was not immediately available.

The inclusion of Rina’s name has triggered strong objections from the Arunachal Pradesh Union of Working Journalists, the Arunachal Press Club and the Arunachal Publishers and Broadcasters Guild. The press bodies have warned that investigative powers must not become instruments to intimidate journalists reporting on contentious public issues. Meanwhile, Tayeng has expressed concerns about alleged surveillance and the implications for the confidentiality of lawyer-client communications. As Scroll.in reported, Rina has said that the alleged intimidation would not stop her from writing or pursuing her activism.

The immediate flashpoint was the violence that erupted in Pasighat on October 23, following a 12-hour bandh called by organisations opposing the proposed project. An NHPC office and a police station were allegedly set on fire, while the residences of political leaders, including two MLAs and the state BJP president, were vandalised. However, the events in Pasighat cannot be understood in isolation from the prolonged conflict over the project, the government’s attempts to facilitate preliminary surveys despite local opposition, and the growing resentment over the militarisation of affected villages. More importantly, alleged violence cannot become a justification for indiscriminate arrests, the criminalisation of an entire movement or the suppression of legitimate political and journalistic expression.

What are the protests about?

At the centre of the agitation is the proposed 11,200-megawatt Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, a massive hydropower and water-storage project on the Siang River, which flows into Arunachal Pradesh from Tibet and eventually becomes the Brahmaputra in Assam. The project, proposed by the Union government’s policy think tank NITI Aayog in 2017, is being advanced by the Centre as a strategic necessity in response to China’s proposed 60,000-MW hydropower project on the Yarlung Tsangpo, the river that enters India as the Siang. The government argues that the proposed dam would strengthen India’s water security, provide flood moderation and help counter the potential consequences of China’s upstream infrastructure.

Scores of people rallied in Arunachal Pradesh’s Itanagar on Thursday to oppose the proposed 11,000 MW Siang mega dam and demand the release of detained anti-dam activists.

The protesters marched from Akashdeep to IG Park, raising slogans against Chief Minister Pema Khandu and expressing concerns about the project’s potential impact on the region’s ecology and communities.

The rally also came amid a police crackdown following recent violence in Pasighat. Protesters called for the release of detainees and reiterated their opposition to the proposed dam.

#ArunachalPradesh #SiangMegaDam #Itanagar #AntiDamProtest #SiangRiver

— Northeast Now (@NENowNews) October 29, 2026

However, for communities living along the Siang, the project represents a threat that cannot be reduced to questions of hydropower generation or national security. Residents of more than 27 villages have raised concerns about the possible submergence of ancestral settlements, agricultural land, forests and culturally significant sites. The Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF) has warned that the project could affect approximately 1–1.5 lakh people. The potential consequences extend beyond displacement in its conventional understanding. For the Adi community, the river, known as Ane Siang or Mother Siang, is deeply connected to its cultural identity, spiritual beliefs, agricultural practices and collective memory.

The river is not merely a resource to be harnessed for electricity or strategic advantage. It is central to a way of life sustained across generations. The possibility of losing ancestral land, burial grounds, terraced paddy fields, forests and religious sites therefore raises questions about the survival of indigenous culture itself.

In an interview with Frontline, residents and activists described the project as a threat to their relationship with the land and river. One young protester emphasised that the community’s identity was inseparable from the Siang, while Tadak Nalo of the Arunachal Frontier Tribal Front questioned the government’s approach to obtaining consent from affected residents.

Environmental concerns compound these anxieties. The proposed project is located in a highly seismic region of the Himalayas, with the Siang Valley falling in Seismic Zone V. Environmentalists and dam experts have warned that large infrastructure projects in ecologically fragile and earthquake-prone regions require independent and comprehensive assessments of their environmental and social consequences.

Himanshu Thakkar, coordinator of the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People, told Frontline that the adverse consequences of large dams have become increasingly evident and called for an impartial assessment of the proposed project. Supreme Court senior advocate and transboundary water law expert Mohan Katarki also cautioned against treating a counter-dam as an automatic solution to the risks posed by China’s upstream project, emphasising the need for bilateral engagement and a joint environmental impact assessment.

The government’s national security argument, therefore, does not resolve the questions being raised by affected communities. Nor does invoking China’s hydropower ambitions establish that the proposed project is environmentally sustainable, socially just or acceptable to the people whose lives would be directly affected.

The resistance has also been fuelled by the manner in which preliminary survey activities have been pursued. The government maintains that the pre-feasibility report (PFR) is only an initial exercise to assess the technical, geological and hydrological viability of the project and does not constitute final approval for construction. Residents, however, fear that allowing drilling and survey machinery onto their ancestral land would effectively pave the way for the project.

ThePrint reported from Komkar that villagers had erected barricades to prevent drilling equipment from reaching the proposed sites. For residents, the issue is not simply whether a dam has received final approval. It is whether the state can proceed with activities that could fundamentally alter their land before their objections have been meaningfully addressed.

The controversy has deepened further over allegations that villagers were misled into signing documents connected to the proposed project. Some residents have alleged that they were asked to provide Aadhaar cards and bank account details and sign documents under the impression that they were enrolling in a government livelihood scheme. They subsequently suspected that their signatures had been used in connection with memorandums of understanding relating to the PFR. These allegations have not been independently verified.

ThePrint also reported that Upper Siang Deputy Commissioner Ashok Tajo acknowledged that the administration had failed to adequately explain the livelihood scheme and the associated documents to residents. The Rs 350-crore Special Development and Livelihood Programme, announced by the Centre and the state government, had not resulted in any disbursement when he spoke to the publication. Tajo admitted that the administration’s approach to communicating the scheme had contributed to the present situation, telling ThePrint: “If the approach was right, then this situation would not have come.”

Such an admission raises serious questions about the government’s insistence that the opposition is primarily the result of misinformation. When residents do not understand what they are being asked to sign, when promised assistance remains undisbursed and when survey activities proceed amid sustained objections, the resulting mistrust cannot simply be dismissed as an information deficit.

The protesters have repeatedly maintained that they are not opposed to development. Their demands include better roads, schools, hospitals and access to essential services. What they reject is a model of development that requires them to sacrifice their land, livelihoods and cultural existence while having little control over decisions that directly affect them. As one young protester told Frontline, the government repeatedly invokes national interest, but the interests of the people living in the region must also count.

Arrests, hunger strikes and the use of anti-terror legislation

Rather than resolving the underlying conflict through sustained consultation, the government’s response has increasingly relied on policing and criminal proceedings. Following the allaged October 23 violence, the East Siang police initially reported the arrest of 26 people, including five juveniles, and the detention of six others for questioning. Eight cases had been registered in connection with the incidents, according to a statement issued by East Siang Superintendent of Police Pankaj Lamba on October 26.

The scale of the crackdown subsequently appeared to widen considerably. As Scroll.in reported, Inspector General of Police Hibu Tamang stated that 69 people had been arrested and four detained in connection with the violence. Police had registered 55 cases across Upper Siang, Siang and East Siang districts. The arrests and detentions were being pursued under the Arunachal Pradesh Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 2014 (APUAPA).

The distinction between those arrested in connection with specific incidents of violence and those detained for their participation in the wider anti-dam movement is crucial. The existence of criminal offences warrants investigation, but it cannot provide the state with an unrestricted mandate to treat opposition to a development project as a threat to national security.

The use of the APUAPA is particularly alarming. Four activists from Geku, Adum Tayom, Omak Paron, Okut Paloh and Oson Paron, were detained under the state law on October 9 for opposing the pre-feasibility studies. The detention of activists under anti-terror legislation in connection with opposition to preliminary survey activities raises fundamental questions about the threshold being applied by the authorities and the distinction between dissent and criminal conduct. ThePrint reported that the administration had confirmed the government’s approval of detention orders against four people under the APUAPA, with their cases scheduled for review by an advisory board headed by a retired judge.

Invoking a law carrying the language and implications of unlawful activities against people resisting a proposed dam is not an ordinary policing measure. It risks transforming a dispute over land, consent, displacement and environmental protection into a question of security and public order, where the people raising objections are increasingly treated as potential threats rather than citizens exercising their democratic rights.

The allegations emerging from Geku are especially disturbing. Young protesters have told ThePrint that they fear being picked up from their homes or detained while going about their everyday activities. Some have alleged that they face multiple FIRs, with certain individuals claiming to have as many as 25 cases registered against them. Others have reportedly started staying in surrounding forests to avoid arrest.

Residents have also described frequent security checks, restrictions on movement and the questioning of people travelling to their agricultural fields. One resident told ThePrint that villagers could not even carry their traditional dao, a farming tool routinely used to clear vegetation and harvest crops, without attracting suspicion.

The security presence has fundamentally altered everyday life in these villages. The deployment of forces is no longer experienced merely as an arrangement to prevent violence. For many residents, it has become an intrusive presence in spaces that have historically been their homes, fields and community lands. The scale of deployment is significant. According to police accounts reported by Scroll.in, 30 companies of Central Armed Police Forces, alongside three companies of the Assam Police and Arunachal Pradesh Police personnel, were deployed across the affected districts. ThePrint also reported the deployment of additional Rapid Action Force personnel following the violence.

The Centre further rushed two RAF companies to Arunachal Pradesh on October 24. As reported by PTI, approximately 250 personnel were flown out of Navi Mumbai in an Indian Air Force aircraft. For residents who have spent years opposing the project, the sight of such a substantial security deployment has reinforced the perception that the government is attempting to facilitate the survey through force rather than consent.

The situation has also taken a deeply troubling turn with the arrests of activist and lawyer Ebo Mili and youth leader Otul Jerang. Both surrendered at Pasighat police station on October 24, reportedly to condemn the violence and appeal for restraint among young protesters. They subsequently began hunger strikes while in police custody. According to Down To Earth, Mili continued his hunger strike in custody, while Jerang ended his fast after his health deteriorated. Jerang, who has pre-existing health conditions and requires prescribed medication, had reportedly been fasting since October 25.

Their detention and the hunger strikes underline the extent to which the confrontation has moved beyond the immediate question of the dam. The release of detainees, withdrawal of police cases and removal of additional security personnel have become central demands of the movement. The protesters are not simply demanding that the government abandon the project. They are also demanding that the state stop treating opposition to it as a law-and-order problem.

Journalist Tongam Rina brought into police investigation

The crackdown has also raised serious concerns about the independence of the press and the ability of journalists to report on a movement that has become politically sensitive. The inclusion of senior journalist Tongam Rina in a police application seeking search warrants is particularly disturbing. Rina, Deputy Editor of The Arunachal Times, was among four people named in an application submitted by the investigating officer of Pasighat Police Station before the Chief Judicial Magistrate of East Siang on October 27. The application, filed under Section 96 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, sought permission to search the residences of Rina, advocate Sunny Tayeng, activist Otul Jerang and Tajong Talom.

The police sought permission to seize clothing allegedly worn during the violence, mobile phones, digital devices containing photographs or videos and other materials considered relevant to the investigation. According to the application, these materials could help establish individual roles, reconstruct the sequence of events and corroborate witness statements. The court’s decision on the application was not immediately available. The question, however, is why a journalist known for reporting on governance, indigenous rights and environmental issues has been included in an investigation into the violence.

There has been no publicly established evidence in the material available linking Rina’s journalistic work to the alleged offences. The inclusion of her name in a search-warrant application therefore warrants immediate scrutiny, particularly when the investigation concerns protests on an issue of significant public interest.

Arunachal Pradesh police applies for search warrants against one of state’s most respected journalists, Tongam Rina, associate editor @arunachaltimes_ and lawyer Sunny Tayeng who represents environmental activists Ebo Milli, Otul Jerang and Tajong Talom.

#SiangUpperMultipurposeProject #Siang

— Nitin Sethi (@nit_set) October 29, 2026

The Arunachal Pradesh Union of Working Journalists (APUWJ) and the Arunachal Press Club (APC) strongly condemned the move, warning that it could amount to an attempt to intimidate the press and misuse investigative powers. The organisations made it clear that reporting on protests cannot itself be treated as criminal conduct. While condemning the violence and destruction in Pasighat, they insisted that investigations must remain evidence-based and must not become instruments to suppress critical reporting.

The complete statement may be read here.

The Arunachal Publishers and Broadcasters Guild (APBG) also expressed serious concern, calling upon the police and state government to ensure that any investigation involving a journalist is conducted with transparency and appropriate safeguards. The Guild emphasised that a journalist’s professional responsibilities cannot, by themselves, become grounds for suspicion or punitive action. It also raised concerns about the protection of confidential sources, unpublished reporting and journalistic material during searches.

 The complete statement may be read here.

The implications extend beyond Rina. If journalists reporting on an agitation can be drawn into criminal investigations without clearly established grounds being made public, the message to the rest of the media is unmistakable: reporting on state action, questioning official narratives or documenting the experiences of protesters may expose journalists to investigative scrutiny.

Frontline also reported allegations by young protesters and local journalists that social media accounts had been restricted or suspended while they were sharing information about the agitation. Some young people claimed that their content remained visible outside India but was inaccessible within the country. These allegations require independent verification, but they add to the concerns about the shrinking space available for reporting and communication.

In a conflict where residents allege intimidation, arbitrary detention and restrictions on movement, independent journalism becomes especially important. It is journalists who document the ground situation, question official accounts and ensure that the experiences of affected communities do not disappear behind government statements and police briefings. Targeting or intimidating journalists at such a moment risk depriving the public of precisely the information it needs to assess the government’s actions.

From Siang to Itanagar, resistance refuses to retreat

The government’s increasingly coercive response has not contained the movement. Instead, the agitation has acquired a wider political and social character. On October 29, members of several youth and social organisations gathered at Indira Gandhi Park in Itanagar for a solidarity rally in support of the Adi community and those opposing the proposed SUMP.

A #solidarityrally for the people of #Siang is underway in #Itanagar, with organisers calling for the #protection of rivers, land, Indigenous identity, and the rights of local communities. The #SiangValley has been the scene of violent confrontations because the state has militarised the area to conduct a pre-feasibility study for the #SiangUpperMultipurposeProject, which the Adi Indigenous communities strongly oppose. VC: Tazael

— The Arunachal Times (@arunachaltimes_) October 29, 2026

Locals today took out a massive protest march in Arunachal Pradesh’s state capital Itanagar against the alleged detention and arrests of activists demonstrating against the proposed SUMP dam project over the Siang river. @thewire_in https://t.co/BDzwvvjnf1

— Deep Mukherjee (@manwithaquill) October 29, 2026

As reported by The Hindu, the demonstrators demanded the release of detained protesters, withdrawal of security personnel from the affected region and scrapping of the proposed project. They raised concerns about the protection of ancestral land, rivers, indigenous identity and fundamental rights.

The mobilisation was significant because the opposition was no longer limited to villages directly affected by the proposed reservoir. The movement had travelled to the state capital, drawing support from organisations and citizens who view the government’s response as a broader question of democratic rights. Protesters insisted that they were not opposed to development but rejected the idea that the government could impose a project with potentially devastating consequences on indigenous communities without their meaningful participation.

One representative of the affected communities told The Hindu that they were fighting for their land, culture, fundamental rights and existence, but were being treated like second-class citizens. The solidarity rally also demanded the withdrawal of security personnel deployed to facilitate the PFR surveys. The protesters argued that the state was attempting to conduct preliminary studies by militarising the region.

Protests in Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh today against the Upper Siang Dam and the state govt’s militarisation of the area. https://t.co/u9Ta1u3vB2

— Nitin Sethi (@nit_set) October 29, 2026

The Arunachal Christian Forum has also appealed to Chief Minister Pema Khandu to initiate meaningful dialogue with the Siang Indigenous Farmers Forum and other concerned stakeholders. Along with the Arunachal Indigenous Tribes Forum, it has offered to facilitate discussions between the government and the protesting organisations.

The spread of the movement is also evident in the opposition to the proposed 1,605-MW Subansiri Upper Hydroelectric Project, popularly known as the Menga Dam, in Upper Subansiri district. On October 26, a 12-hour shutdown called by student and community organisations led to the cancellation of a public hearing. Violence was also reported from Daporijo and other areas, according to The Hindu.

The widening protests suggest that the conflict is no longer being viewed solely as a dispute over one hydropower project. It is increasingly about how decisions concerning land, natural resources and indigenous communities are being made, and whether those communities can meaningfully challenge the state without facing the threat of criminalisation.

The politics of fear is meeting its limits

Perhaps the most significant development in the Siang movement is that the growing threat of state action has not produced the silence that the security-heavy response might have been expected to create. There is no denying that the crackdown has generated fear. Young protesters have reportedly changed their phone numbers, become reluctant to appear on camera, restricted their online activity and avoided returning home because they fear arrest. Some have allegedly faced repeated FIRs, while others have questioned whether they can continue their daily lives without being monitored.

Yet the protests continue.

From road blockades in Komkar and Geku to solidarity demonstrations in Itanagar, the movement has continued to find new forms of expression. The arrest of activists has not ended the mobilisation. The detention of young people has not extinguished opposition. The deployment of additional security forces has not convinced residents to abandon their demands.

This resistance is particularly significant in a region where the relationship between land, identity and community is inseparable. For the people opposing the dam, the threat is not limited to the loss of individual homes or agricultural holdings. It is the possible destruction of an entire cultural and ecological landscape.

The message emerging from the villages is that the fear of illegal or arbitrary state action cannot be allowed to become a substitute for consent. The possibility of arrest cannot determine whether people are entitled to question a government project. Nor can the invocation of national security automatically render every objection suspect.

A democratic government cannot demand that citizens demonstrate their patriotism by remaining silent about decisions that threaten their homes and livelihoods. Indigenous communities do not cease to be citizens when their concerns conflict with the state’s infrastructure or strategic priorities. Their rights cannot become conditional upon their willingness to accept a project.

The government has repeatedly invoked the importance of the SUMP in countering China’s upstream hydropower ambitions. But national security cannot be understood exclusively through infrastructure and strategic competition. It must also account for the security of people living in border regions, their livelihoods, their cultural continuity and their confidence that the state will protect rather than intimidate them. A government that seeks to strengthen India’s position along its international borders cannot afford to alienate the very communities whose lives and lands sustain those regions.

Chief Minister Pema Khandu has expressed concern over the violence and offered to hold discussions with protesting groups. He has also stated that the project would proceed only with public consent. Such assurances, however, must translate into a credible process in which affected communities can question the project, access independent information, examine its environmental and social consequences and participate in decisions without coercion.

Dialogue cannot be meaningful when one side is negotiating under the threat of detention, criminal cases and a heavy security presence. Nor can consent be considered genuine when villagers remain uncertain about the documents they have signed, the purpose of the surveys or the implications of the project.

Related:

Protest Denied, Dissent Policed: India’s crackdown on those challenging the Election Commission

Police detain Adivasi students for second day, force them out of Mumbai

From Nashik to Mumbai: Adivasi students’ protest meets police detentions

The post Arunachal’s anti-dam protests intensify as arrests, militarisation and threats to press freedom fail to silence resistance appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There were already several issues in implementation which were aggravated by the lockdown. This paper hopes to influence policy decision on the scope as well as the implementation of the Act to facilitate improvement of crucial nutritional indicators.

Constitutional and Jurisprudential Foundations

The National Food Security Act (NFSA -2013) [4] was the outcome of the landmark case of People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) vs Union of India [5] and others, when the Supreme court recognised that Right to food is not a charity, but deeply linked with the Right to life.  In an interim order (2003), States were advised to regard the raising of level of nutrition, standard of living and improvement of public health as a primary duty, with commitments to the Public Distribution System (PDS), the Mid-day meal Scheme (MDMS) and the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) [6]. Food security largely meant food grains, a hot meal, or take-home rations (THR) as prescribed by the Central government.

The PUCL litigation represents one of the most significant examples of judicial activism in socio-economic rights jurisprudence. In the case the Court has expanded the interpretation of the right to life to include the right to live with human dignity created constitutional obligations enforceable against the state. The food security law was intended to codify these judicial directives and create statutory remedies beyond constitutional litigation.[7]

Food security is a necessary but not sufficient condition for nutrition security especially if adequate individual household nutrition needs are to be ensured. In making this distinction, the Food and Agriculture Organisation has referred to India’s focus on grains, compared to Northern Laos where education, social status of women and efforts to mitigate negative effects of food insecurity, poverty, remoteness of household, access to markets/social services, water and sanitation are all addressed as part of a multi-factorial approach to addressing malnutrition [8,9].

The Enforcement Gap: Law in Text vs Law in Practice

A central concern emerging from field observations is the persistent “enforcement gap.” While the NFSA provides for grievance redressal mechanisms, including District Grievance Redressal Officers and State Food Commissions, these institutions remain largely ineffective and literally shut down during the pandemic. The inaction of State Food Commissions, particularly their failure to exercise suo motu powers in the face of systemic violations, reflects deeper institutional weaknesses. The result is a legal framework that appears robust on paper but lacks meaningful accountability.

Beneficiaries rarely access formal complaint mechanisms, and compensatory provisions such as the food security allowance under Section 8 are virtually non-existent in practice. This failure undermines the justiciability of rights under the Act and renders statutory guarantees illusory.

Scheme-Level Failures and Legal Implications

Public Distribution System (PDS)

As prescribed by the Act, PDS shops are to remain open on all days of the week except one, which would be decided based on the area or district. In most of the areas visited in Vijayapura, the shops were open only for 2-3 days a month and even this was not a fixed day. Once the supplies arrive, the PDS owner opens the shop and people inform each other -“The day we are unable to get rations, we just survive with water and whatever rations are left.” said a woman, who had faced shortage of dry rations in her house. Another woman in Vijayapura said – “We prefer wheat because the rice is of poor quality and we also don’t want to change what we traditionally eat.”

The community in general believes that corruption amongst ration shop owners existed earlier but this has drastically reduced. In Rambapur village, women complained about spending a huge amount of their income in buying rations other than rice, wheat or maize and on fuel. They should be provided with spices, oil, mustard seeds, ghee, milk, vegetables, jaggery, salt, sugar and salt in the PDS or at subsidised costs – “if ghee, butter, eggs and milk or milk powder and dairy products like curd cost less, we will definitely buy them and this would help us improve the quality of food we eat’.

The irregular functioning of PDS outlets, limited availability of food grains, and exclusion of essential non-cereal items highlight a fundamental limitation of the NFSA framework. The Act’s focus on cereals neglects dietary diversity, thereby failing to meet nutritional needs. From a legal standpoint, this raises questions about whether the State is meeting its constitutional obligation to ensure not merely survival, but a dignified standard of living.

Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)

As per the Act, pregnant women and lactating mothers are entitled to meals, free of charge, which should meet the nutritional standards specified under Schedule II as well as maternity benefits of not less than Rs. 6000 in instalments as prescribed by the Central Government to compensate for wage loss. Children between 6 months and 6 years must be provided with an appropriate meal, free of charge, through the local anganwadis as per nutritional standards under Schedule II. Malnourished children are entitled to additional supplement and if this is not possible, food security allowance has to be paid. Safe drinking water, cooking facilities and sanitation in anganwadis should also be ensured.

It was observed that the food received by pregnant and lactating women was not nutritious or sufficient –

“Food should be provided for at least one year after delivery instead of six months so that we get back our strength, then we will be able to take better care of our children. This food does not fill our stomachs. The same amount given to children in anganwadis is given to us also. There is no variety in the food and the same food is given every day.” Pregnant woman, Bengaluru. Another pregnant woman said that no vegetables are added to the sambar and that even cows won’t eat the food given. During the lockdown, dry rations were supplied in many places to children as well as the enrolled women instead of cooked food. Pregnant and lactating women are supposed to receive eggs every day from the anganwadi. A few women have complained that they receive eggs only 2-3 times a week.

Anganwadi workers have complained that they neither receive funds nor salaries on time and that this is the reason they cannot have variety in the food – “We spend out of our own pockets and we don’t even know if we will get reimbursed. Why can’t this be done properly?”

The key points arising after speaking with mothers about the four anganwadis in the village Sanjay Gandhinagar were the lack of facilities – “We don’t have any extra expectations from the government. We just want them to give us what they are supposed to. If they have to give food, let them give proper food.”

The ICDS scheme illustrates a breakdown in statutory compliance. Nutritional standards prescribed under Schedule II are frequently unmet, and beneficiaries—particularly pregnant and lactating women—receive inadequate and monotonous food. Delays in honoraria for anganwadi workers further impair service delivery, suggesting a systemic failure to operationalise statutory entitlements. The absence of accountability mechanisms exacerbates these deficiencies.

Mid-Day Meal Scheme (MDMS)

As per the Act, all schools should have facilities for cooking meals with some exceptions for urban schools. 40% of the schools visited received food from a centralised kitchen, while the rest cooked at the school premises. In all the schools visited, only the bare minimum was being provided and there was hardly any attention on giving the children diverse or nutrient dense foods. What was surprising was that there was no expectation other than the bare minimum by the parents and children alike. –“My son is provided with rice and sambar every day, this is more than enough. He will adjust with whatever is given. I do not have anything more to demand as long as my child is fed” At the time of visits, eggs were to be provided on two days of the week, but this was not being implemented in schools at Bangalore and Anekal which received MDM from Akshaya Patra foundation. The foundation does not provide eggs nor does it include onions and garlic in its meal [11,12,13,14]

When prompted, there were suggestions to add foods, more for variety than nutrition – fruits, vegetables, idli, chapathis, dosa, poori, chicken, ragi mudde, meat etc. A majority felt that inclusion of eggs was a good idea, but did not feel that meat should be included, more out of concern for the sentiments of the vegetarians rather than their own preferences.

Students complained that the food was not prepared in a hygienic manner and this was also observed during the school visits, with stones, hair, dirt etc. being visible.

Two of the school principals felt that the food was not of good quality and that more effort should be put into improving the nutrition, while three others felt that food was nutritious because vegetables were being used. Some felt that the addition of eggs in the MDM would improve the nutrition content.

One of the schools visited in Bangalore was an Urdu school where most of the students were all from the Muslim community. The MDM was provided by a centralised kitchen, Akshaya patra about which several concerns had already been raised by activists, the Joint director, MDMS and the State Food Commission [15].

The principal of a government Urdu school in Bengaluru urban was unhappy with the food provided by Akshaya patra as she felt it was neither nutritious nor what children were culturally used to eating at home. She was constantly interrupted by a non-Muslim teacher – “The food is good. Eggs should not be provided in Mid-day meals. Children should eat whatever is provided and it is difficult for schools to prepare meals. We don’t want any change and we are happy with the food that is being provided by Akshaya patra”

In the absence of established standards of what a good MDM is, it was difficult to elicit responses from the school, parents and children about what they would want, and this is partly because the expectation itself is so low. Further, teachers see the MDM as an added burden – “Having school kitchens is difficult because we find it difficult to find cooks. If they take leave, we struggle to find replacements. Also, the budget is not released on time sometimes, then we have to pay from our own pocket, but overall children eat better when food is prepared in the school and not by a centralised kitchen. Even teachers eat the food if it is cooked in the school.”

Under the State sponsored Ksheera Bhagya scheme, powdered milk is supposed to be reconstituted at the school at 10 am and given to children immediately. This was being done in school-based kitchens, but not by centralised kitchens in spite of being instructed to do so [16]. Already reconstituted milk was delivered by Akshaya patra at 7 am, and children could consume this only at 10 am.

The NFSA also prescribes safe drinking water and sanitation. In the schools visited, most often the drinking water did not meet the standards. In rural schools, the primary water sources were mini tanks and these were not maintained properly. A few mini tanks had worms, leaves and mud.

In one school, the water was cloudy and had particles in it but was being used to wash plates and for cooking. In 20% of the schools visited, there was no provision at all for drinking water. Some children went home to drink water, some carried water and some didn’t drink water while they were in school.

Most often, the school management said that there were no issues with the toilets, but about 30 % had no toilets and those schools which had toilets did not have running water. Several schools had poorly maintained toilets – “We go back home whenever we want to use the toilets,” said Ramya, a student of class 5. Very often the toilets are not fully closed making privacy difficult. This is of concern for the girl students who struggle during periods.

The positive features of the MDM in Karnataka are the provision of milk as part of the Ksheera bhagya scheme, which increases food diversity although reconstitution of the powder should be done just before serving children. Karnataka has included children of Class IX and X in the MDM through state budget. MDM has also been provided since 2016 in drought prone areas even during the summer holidays. The government is also providing region specific grains to suit the palatability of the local area.

Issues faced by Intra-State migrant community Kacherganahalli

Around 300 families that migrated from Bellary to Bengaluru urban live in Kacharakanahalli which is an urban deprived area. Six mothers and two pregnant women were interviewed in depth. All the families had Below Poverty Line (BPL) cards, but could not avail benefits under the NFSA because their elderly families and children depended on the rations from the PDS. When they visited their villages, they sometimes brought back rations. Most of them were daily wage workers and had been really hit during the Covid pandemic.

One of the pregnant women said that she had not received any financial or health support, had not heard of the mathrupoorna scheme^[1] and had not been asked to go and eat a meal at the anganwadi during her pregnancy. Another woman who had delivered 6 months said the same. During her pregnancy, she was unsure of where she was registered and what facilities she was eligible for. She had another three-year-old child and neither children had been enrolled in the anganwadi. She had received Take Home Rations (THR) on a few occasions and this was usually rice and some dal. Her children had not been weighed and eggs had not been given even to those eligible to receive – “I am not sure where my name is registered. One lady came and took down my details but when I asked for the money that was due for us, she said that I have to go to my village. In my village, they said that I am living in the city so I cannot expect all those things. I go to a small clinic nearby for my checkup. I pay for my medicines. I am not sure where to go for my delivery. They make us run around for each and everything and I don’t get proper information of where I should go.”

Nutrition Security as a Constitutional Imperative

The NFSA represents a significant legal milestone in recognising food as a right. However, its current implementation reflects a regression from a rights-based framework to a minimal survival model. A shift towards a legally enforceable right to nutrition is not merely desirable—it is constitutionally imperative.

Empirical indicators from Karnataka, including high levels of anaemia, child malnutrition, and dietary deficiencies, demonstrate that the NFSA has not achieved its intended outcomes. This failure necessitates a reorientation of the legal framework from calorie-based entitlements to nutrition-sensitive interventions.

To fulfil its constitutional promise, the Act must evolve to address nutritional adequacy, institutional accountability, and social inclusion. Without such reforms, the right to food risks being reduced to a hollow entitlement, disconnected from the lived realities of those it seeks to protect.

The distinction between food security and nutrition security is not merely semantic—it has constitutional significance. The right to life under Article 21 encompasses the right to health and dignity, which necessarily includes access to adequate nutrition.

Interventions required in Karnataka 

The architects of the NFSA included a layered grievance redressal mechanism District Grievance Redressal Officers [17], State Food Commissions empowered as civil courts [18], and a compensatory food security allowance [19] to ensure accountability. Formal complaint systems are mostly unavailable.  This chasm between the letter of the law and its realization on the ground constitutes a classic “enforcement gap.” The State Food Commission’s failure to exercise its suo moto jurisdiction to address the widespread irregularities suggests that the institutional safeguards enshrined in the Act are not merely underperforming but are structurally ineffective in their current form.

The NFSA in spite of being implemented over the last several years, has not been able to adequately improve nutritional indicators. Going by data from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) [12] and Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey (CNNS 2018-19) [20], the population of Karnataka below age 15 years is 23%.

The infant mortality rate (IMR) ^[2]  is 26% and Under-five mortality rate (U5MR) ^[3] is 30% in Karnataka. 40% each of boys and girls age 2-4 years attend preschool and this would have dropped even further, thus missing educational and nutritional support. [20, 21] The reason for poor attendance has to be explored and addressed as children start off life with a disadvantage.

Poorly nourished mothers are also likely to have poorly nourished babies.  The prevalence of anaemia is 66% in children age 6- 59 months, 48% in non-pregnant women and 46% in pregnant women, particularly high among rural women and scheduled caste women.

Only 4% of children in the age group 6-23 months in Karnataka have received a minimum acceptable diet, 18% children have minimum dietary diversity, 32% have minimum meal frequency and only 9% children consume iron rich foods. Among children aged 2-4 years in Karnataka, only 22% children aged 2-4 years had consumed flesh foods in the previous 24 hours compared to 69% in Kerala. 57% children had consumed dairy and 19% had consumed eggs.  Among children in the age group 5-9 years, 96% had consumed cereal and 84% had consumed milk or curd in Karnataka and that is probably because of the ksheera Bhagya scheme.  Among children aged 10 – 19 years, 46% have Vitamin B12 deficiency and 70% have folate deficiency, more in Schedule caste, Scheduled tribe and Other Backward Class (OBC). Children < 5 who are stunted is 35% underweight   is 33%…and all this even prior to the pandemic!!

The NFSA has served an important purpose of ensuring food security and was expected to mark a paradigm shift in the approach to food security from welfare to a rights-based approach. Given the current situation, the scope of the Act has to move beyond a sustenance mode to improving nutritional indicators. Unfortunately, the law has been reduced to right to survival (with the cheapest minimum) rather than to a life free of nutritional deficiencies and ill-health. The Right to good quality and quantity of nutrition should be the premise of interventions and policy decisions and not just the right to food. Providing primarily cereals and millets under the Act is inadequate and diversity is crucial.

There is a need for inclusion of nutrient dense foods of animal origin like dairy, meat, poultry and eggs in the regular diet through social security schemes and subsidised costs. The introduction of the ksheera bhagya scheme in the government anganwadis and mid-day meals is a huge step forward in the right direction. Many of the women also suggested that subsidised fresh or powdered milk and eggs should be part of the PDS.

It is important to track beneficiaries who have not been given monetary compensation under various schemes under the Act.  Women who deliver, need financial, nutritional and health support. The amount given may require revision and the system should be strengthened to ensure that all women receive the financial support needed during the period of pregnancy and post-delivery. The targeted approach by the NFSA can potentially leave the most vulnerable out of the social safety net. The introduction of the Aadhar and biometric systems further excluded vulnerable communities. The Act should be universally applicable rather than targeted.

The exceptional provision for centralized kitchens in urban areas has become a norm and is even being pushed in the rural areas. The law has to be implemented in spirit and mechanisms introduced to ensure that the law is not manipulated to suit corporate or commercial interests.        Children, parents and teachers have said that the food provided under the NFSA particularly the MDM by NGOs was often limited in variety and that this reduced the consumption of food. It is important that children enjoy their foods and get to taste different varieties rather than one homogenous menu. There is a need to actively engage parents and older students in planning the menu. This also needs to have a cultural context. – There should be diversity with food from different food groups – pulses/legumes, cereals/millets, fats and oils, vegetables, dairy and milk, meat/fish/eggs.

The School Development and Management Committee (SDMC) should be actively involved in managing the food supplies, monitoring the hygiene, provision of safe water, taste and quality of the food. They should also actively involve older children in ensuring quality of the MDM. Hygiene has to be maintained in preparation of food in the MDM and ICDS by allocating resources for someone to clean the rice, dal and vegetables; storage facilities have to be improved so that the ingredients are protected from moisture, rodents, flies, cockroaches etc.; preparation and serving the food should be done in hygienic manner; staff need regular training in how to hygienically handle food. This includes thorough washing of hands in soap and water before handling or serving food and after using the toilets; food testing should be done to check for biological and chemical contamination; toxic substances should not be stored near the food items; adequate supply of clean and safe drinking water is important to ensure that there is no compromise of hygiene while preparing the MDM.

UNICEF’s recommendations of diverse foods have to be implemented urgently and made available as part of the right to nutrition which is closely linked to the Right to Life as enshrined in the Constitution. Many of the nutritional indicators in Karnataka are of concern and most of these can be improved by strengthening the NFSA to move beyond cereals to subsidized foods from a variety of food groups.

From a legislative standpoint, targeted amendments to the National Food Security Act26, are imperative to address the structural deficiencies identified in this study. First, Section 4(2) of the Act should be amended to expand the scope of statutory entitlements beyond cereals to explicitly include diverse food groups such as pulses, edible oils, vegetables, and protein-rich sources like eggs and milk. Such an amendment would affect a crucial paradigm shift from a narrow “food security” model, focused primarily on caloric adequacy, to a more comprehensive “nutrition security” framework aligned with both contemporary nutritional science and the constitutional mandate of a dignified existence under Article 21. Second, the enforcement architecture of the Act requires substantial fortification. Section 16 should be strengthened to empower State Food Commissions with the explicit authority to impose administrative penalties for non-compliance. Additionally, to render the grievance redressal mechanism efficacious, the Act should mandate that complaints be resolved within a stipulated period of thirty days, with the failure to do so resulting in the automatic accrual of the right to a food security allowance under Section 830, thereby eliminating procedural delays that currently render the remedy illusory.

Further legal reforms must address the evolving landscape of service delivery and the rights of marginalized populations. Given the increasing delegation of statutory functions to private entities, particularly in the operation of centralized kitchens under the Mid-Day Meal Scheme, the Act should be amended to introduce specific accountability mechanisms. These include mandatory public disclosure of nutritional audits, independent third-party evaluations, and codified standards ensuring that meals are culturally appropriate for the communities they serve. Equally critical is the need to amend the Act to provide for the legal portability of entitlements for inter-state migrant workers, a vulnerable demographic systematically excluded from the social safety net. Drawing upon the principles affirmed by the Supreme Court in National Campaign for Dignity and Rights of Sewerage and Allied Workers case held that such an amendment would mandate a centralized, interoperable system to ensure that migrant families can access their entitled rations at their place of work.

(The author, a lawyer is also Director, St Joseph’s College of Law (SJCL), Bengaluru;the article is based on a study conducted by students of St Joseph’s Law College)

Note:

Acknowledgements to Dr. Sylvia Karpagam for supporting the design and analysis of the study, the Principal of SJCL Pauline Priya, students of law college Vimala Mary, Reethu Anthony and Kritika Jain, staff of Centre for Non-Formal Education (CNFE), Vijayapura, Ananya Children’s Trust, Lingarajpuram, Bengaluru and Centre for Integral Rural Welfare (CIRF), Anekal.

References

[1] The National Food Security Act, 2013 No. 20 of 2013

[2] Thankachan P, Selvam S, Narendra AR, Mishra HN, Sachdev HS, Thomas T, et al. There should always be a free lunch: the impact of COVID-19 lockdown suspension of the mid-day meal on nutriture of primary school children in Karnataka, India. BMJ Nutrition, Prevention & Health. 2022;:e000358. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjnph-2021-000358

[3] Pinglay-Plumber P. Preschools, daycares disappear into COVID gap; Govt indifferent. Citizen matters. 2021 September 31. https://citizenmatters.in/bengalurus-preschools-daycares-disappear-covid-gap-government-uncaring/

[3] People’s Union for Civil Liberties v. Union of India & Ors, In the Supreme Court of India, Civil Original Jurisdiction, Writ Petition (Civil) No.196 of 2001 https://www.escr-net.org/caselaw/2006/peoples-union-civil-liberties-v-union-india-ors-supreme-court-india-civil-original/

[4] Supra note 1

[4] Food security and nutrition security – what is the problem and what is the difference, Summary of the FSN Forum discussion, No. 34, Food and Agriculture Organisation http://km.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/fsn/docs/PROCEEDINGS_FoodSecurity_NutritionSecurity.doc

[5] The nutrition situation in Northern Laos – determinants of malnutrition and changes after four years of intensive interventions (S. Kaufmann). http://geb.uni-giessen.de/geb/volltexte/2009/6904/pdf/KaufmannSilvia-2009-03-03.pdf).

[6] Midday meal: External agencies to supply eggs at schools in Karnataka. The Hindu. 2022 July 20. https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/bangalore/akshaya-patra-mid-day-meals-external-agencies-to-supply-eggs-at-schools-in-karnataka/article65658754.ece

[7] Supra note 5

[8] Food security and nutrition security – what is the problem and what is the difference, Summary of the FSN Forum discussion, No. 34, Food and Agriculture Organisation http://km.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/fsn/docs/PROCEEDINGS_FoodSecurity_NutritionSecurity.doc

[9] The nutrition situation in Northern Laos – determinants of malnutrition and changes after four years of intensive interventions (S. Kaufmann). http://geb.uni-giessen.de/geb/volltexte/2009/6904/pdf/KaufmannSilvia-2009-03-03.pdf).

[10] Supra note 1

[11] Midday meal: External agencies to supply eggs at schools in Karnataka. The Hindu. 2022 July 20. https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/bangalore/akshaya-patra-mid-day-meals-external-agencies-to-supply-eggs-at-schools-in-karnataka/article65658754.ece

[12]  Barman, S.R. (2022) Karnataka study shows eggs in mid-day meals help children’s growth, The Indian Express. Available at: https://indianexpress.com/article/education/karnataka-study-shows-eggs-in- mid-day-meals-help-childrens-growth-8078892/ (Accessed: November 28, 2022).

[13] Impact Assessment study on providing supplementary nutrition under mid-day meal scheme in Yadgir (Intervention) and Gadag (Control) district. Department of Public Instruction, Government of Karnataka, 2021-22, Karnataka State Rural development and Panchayat Raj University, Gadag.

[14] Azim Premji Foundation signs MoU with Karnataka government to provide eggs to students on all days of the week in mid-day meal. The Hindu. 2024 July 20. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/azim-premji-foundation-signs-mou-with-karnataka-government-to-provide-eggs-to-students-on-all-days-of-the-week-in-mid-day-meal/article68425633.ece

[15] Vikhar Ahmed Sayeed. Akshaya Patra Foundation under the scanner. Frontline. 2020 December 11. https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/independent-trustees-of-akshaya-patra-foundation-submit-resignations-amid-allegations/article33229907.ece

[16] Jayachandran N and Ram T. Akshaya Patra mid-day meal controversy: Will Food Commission meeting iron out issues? The Newsminute. 2019 December 18. https://www.thenewsminute.com/karnataka/akshaya-patra-mid-day-meal-controversy-will-food-commission-meeting-iron-out-issues-93616

[17] Section 14, The National Food Security Act, 2013 No. 20 of 2013

[18] Section 16, The National Food Security Act, 2013 No. 20 of 2013

[19] Section 8 , The National Food Security Act, 2013 No. 20 of 2013

[20] Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW), Government of India, UNICEF and the Population Council. 2019. Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey (CNNS) Karnataka Report. New Delhi.

[21] Chamois S, Singh A, Anand S, Shivika. Advocacy for Healthy Diets: Nutrition Brief Series Nutrition Brief 5 of 6 – Nutrition Matters: Diet Diversity. UNICEF India. 2025 September. https://www.unicef.org/india/media/17476/file/UNICEF%20(nutrition)-%20reports-2025%2009%20Brief%20Nutrition%20Diversity.pdf.pdf

[1] The mathrupoorna Scheme is a Karnataka government initiative launched on October 2, 2017, to improve the nutritional status of pregnant and lactating mothers by providing one full hot cooked meal daily for 25 days a month at Anganwadi centers

[2] Infant mortality rate (IMR) is the probability of a child born in a specific year dying before reaching the age of one and expressed as a rate per 1000 live births

[3] Under-five mortality rate is the probability of a child dying between birth and five years of age, expressed per 1000 live births.

The post Food Security during the Covid-19 Pandemic: Need for a shift from food security to nutrition justice. appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The audit, reported by The Hindu examined voters across four polling booths in Trilokpuri. It offers a ground-level account of how the revision has affected residents and why independent verification of deleted names matters, particularly when the deadline for filing claims and objections is October 30.

47.57 lakh voters missing from Delhi’s draft roll

Delhi had 1, 45, 10, 299 registered electors when the SIR began on June 30, 2026. The draft electoral roll, published on August 31, retained the names of 97, 53, 577 electors whose enumeration forms had been received and digitised.

The remaining 47, 56, 722 electors were left out of the draft roll after their enumeration forms were not received during the exercise. They were classified under categories including Absent, Shifted, Dead and Duplicate (ASDD), along with other reasons.

The enumeration exercise involved Booth Level Officers (BLOs) visiting households, distributing forms and assisting voters with their details. The large number of names excluded at the draft stage has since raised questions about whether all those classified as unavailable or ineligible were properly verified.

The exclusion of a name from the draft roll does not, by itself, establish that the person is ineligible to vote. Those whose names are missing can seek inclusion through the claims and objections process, but they must act within the prescribed period and follow the procedure laid down by the election authorities.

The public hearing was organised by Jan Sarokar, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), the National Federation of Independent Women (NFIW) and Voter Adhikar Manch. Civil society groups involved in the Trilokpuri hearing have called for the claims deadline to be extended by a month, arguing that voters need sufficient time to identify their exclusion and seek correction.

According to The Indian Express, the draft roll retained about 97.5 lakh voters, while approximately 47.5 lakh were classified as uncollectible. The scale of the exclusions makes it important to examine not only how many names were removed, but also the reasons recorded for each removal and whether those reasons reflect the voter’s actual circumstances.

Jan Sunwai (Public Hearing) in Trilokpuri: what the Trilokpuri public audit found

At a Jan Sunwai (Public Hearing), the four-day audit covered 1,236 voters across 700 households in polling booths 42, 43, 79 and 80 in Trilokpuri, including Indira Camp and nearby residential areas. Volunteers went door to door to check the circumstances of people whose names had been marked for removal.

According to the organisers, 416 of the 1,236 voters verified were wrongly classified under the deletion categories. That amounts to approximately one-third of those surveyed.

The findings also showed that 55% of voters marked absent were still living at their registered addresses. Three people recorded as dead were found alive.

These findings relate to the voters examined in the four polling booths. They cannot be treated as a citywide error rate or used to conclude that one-third of all 47.57 lakh excluded voters were wrongly removed. Their significance lies in documenting specific cases where the recorded reason for exclusion did not match the circumstances found during the audit.

The organisers presented these findings at the Jan Sunwai on October 27, which brought residents together to discuss the deletions, question the verification process and seek assistance with restoring their names.

Residents say their names disappeared despite submitting forms

The Jan Sunwai brought forward accounts of residents who said they had submitted enumeration forms but were nevertheless excluded from the draft roll. Others said no Booth Level Officer had visited their homes or that they had not received the forms needed to complete the exercise.

One of them was 29-year-old Suresh Kumar Patel, a JCB driver whose family has lived in Indira Camp for decades. He told The Indian Express that he had filled in his enumeration form in front of the BLO, including details from the 2002 electoral roll.

Yet, when the draft roll was published, his name was missing while his father’s name remained on the list. He said he was unaware of the deletion until volunteers conducting the audit visited his home.

His case illustrates the problem faced by voters who believe they have completed the required procedure but discover only later that their names have not been retained.

Other residents described similar difficulties. Some said their family members had been marked absent despite continuing to live at the same address. Others said they had repeatedly approached election officials but had not been able to resolve the problem.

The accounts raise questions about how enumeration forms were collected, uploaded and checked, and whether voters were informed when their names were not included in the draft roll.

Voters marked dead, absent or shifted

Among the cases highlighted in the audit was that of 67-year-old Vijender, who had been classified as dead despite being alive. His wife, Kamlesh, said she had submitted her form along with his, but only her name appeared in the draft roll.

Questioning the circumstances in which the entry had been made, she said, “I haven’t caught hold of the Booth Level Officer (BLO) after that, I want to ask him what rush he was in to declare him dead already?”

Another resident, Pinki, said at least five members of her family had lost their names, including her mother-in-law Anita, who had reportedly voted for 50 years.

“Look at this, at least five people from our family, including my mother-in-law, Anita, who has been voting for 50 years, have had their names cut. How are they cutting votes like this?” she asked, according to The Hindu.

Aniket, a relative who had come to register as a first-time voter, said the family had submitted forms for six members three times after errors in their first two submissions. Despite these efforts, four members were marked absent.

“I have gone and submitted the forms for six members not once but thrice, after there were a few errors the first two times, and four of them have been marked absent,” he said.

Another resident, Rahis, was marked absent despite reportedly submitting his enumeration form. His wife visited the voter centre and the Sub-Divisional Magistrate’s office to find out why his name had been removed. His wife and four children remained on the draft roll.

The hearing also highlighted the cases of elderly residents Chandrawati, 72, and Ramji Lal, 78, who said their names had been removed despite voting from the same address for more than 50 years.

“We live alone and all we survive on is my 2,000 rupees pension. No BLO came to our house, nor did we fill any form,” Chandrawati said, as reported by The Hindu.

These accounts do not establish that every disputed deletion was incorrect. They do, however, show why a recorded classification must be open to verification, especially when a person has been marked dead or absent without the circumstances being properly established.

From finding a deletion to getting a name restored

For voters whose names are missing, discovering an error is only the first step. They must also understand the procedure for seeking inclusion, gather the required documents and submit their applications to the appropriate election officials.

At the Trilokpuri hearing, a voter facilitation camp helped 280 families fill out more than 500 forms. Applicants still had to submit the forms individually to their BLOs or the election office.

The need for such assistance points to a gap between making a correction procedure formally available and ensuring that affected voters can actually use it. Residents who are unaware of their exclusion, unfamiliar with the forms or unable to visit election offices may struggle to complete the process within the prescribed period.

The distinction between different reasons for deletion also matters. A person marked dead, a voter who has temporarily travelled for work and someone who has moved to another address may require different kinds of verification. Treating these circumstances as interchangeable risks making the correction process more difficult for people whose eligibility has not actually changed.

The audit also found that only 87 of the 416 voters identified as wrongly classified had filled Form 6 to seek inclusion in the electoral roll. The figure highlights the distance between identifying a possible error and completing the process to get a name restored.

Form 6 is ordinarily used to apply for inclusion in the electoral roll. For voters who were already registered, however, the circumstances in which they were removed and the procedure they must follow to return to the list have become important points of dispute.

Why public audits matter in electoral roll revision

A public audit allows residents and civil society groups to check electoral records independently rather than relying exclusively on the classifications recorded during the official revision. By visiting homes, speaking to voters and comparing their accounts with the reasons recorded for deletion, volunteers can identify cases that require further examination.

The Trilokpuri exercise also demonstrates how a public hearing can bring individual cases together. Residents who may otherwise have approached election offices separately were able to describe their experiences, seek assistance and question how the revision had been carried out.

Public audits cannot replace the statutory responsibilities of election officials. Nor can the findings from a limited number of polling booths establish the overall accuracy of an electoral roll. Their role is to identify discrepancies, make the process more transparent and provide information that can be checked by the authorities.

For a wider audit to be meaningful, voters need access to deletion lists and the reasons recorded against their names. They also need a clear procedure for checking those details, raising objections and obtaining a decision within a reasonable period. Where an entry is disputed, election officials should explain how the claim was verified and whether any correction was made.

This is particularly important when a voter has been marked dead, absent or shifted. Such classifications can have direct consequences for a person’s ability to participate in an election, and errors should not be left for voters to discover only when they check the draft roll or attempt to vote.

The issue extends beyond Trilokpuri. Wherever intensive revision exercises are conducted, independent checks can help identify gaps between the official record and the circumstances of people whose names have been removed.

October 30 deadline puts pressure on excluded voters

The timing of the audit is significant because the deadline for filing claims and objections in Delhi’s SIR process is October 30. The Election Commission of India extended the deadline from September 30, while the final electoral roll is now scheduled to be published on December 4.

The Delhi Chief Electoral Officer’s office said more than 31.26 lakh of the 33.14 lakh notices issued during the revision had been disposed of, with the cases concerned set aside for consideration in the final roll. These notices relate to voters whose details could not be matched with the 2002 electoral roll or whose enumeration forms were flagged for logical discrepancies.

The notice process is separate from the exclusion of approximately 47.57 lakh voters whose enumeration forms were not received during the exercise. The figures should therefore not be conflated: a person missing from the draft roll and a person whose details have attracted a notice are not necessarily in the same procedural position.

The CEO’s office has also said that special enrolment camps have been conducted across polling stations to help voters check their names and submit applications. However, the existence of camps does not by itself establish how many excluded voters have successfully secured inclusion.

For those who believe they have been wrongly removed, the immediate concern is whether they can submit their claims before the deadline and whether those claims will be properly examined before the final roll is published.

The public audit has put individual cases on record, but the larger question remains whether the election authorities can verify disputed entries, make the correction process accessible and ensure that eligible voters are not left out because of errors in the revision. With the claims deadline approaching, the focus must remain on the people whose names are missing and on whether they can obtain an effective remedy in time.

Related:

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EXCLUSIVE – SIR: The total disenfranchisement of the Indian Voter is 16 crores, not 13.60 Crores?

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UP CEO orders voter roll audit after SIR glitches exposed: Can the 2027 election be fair without public scrutiny?

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