– A VHP leader addressing a gathering in Delhi.

“..Consume less food, purchase a cheaper mobile phone, anything, only promise to have five tridents in a home”.

– Another VHP leader addressing a meeting in Delhi.

Provocative speeches and distribution of what is being peddled as ‘legally permissible weapons’ , very much in the heart of the national capital ; detailed plans to hold similar events all over the city, on the eve of elections – all this has not stirred the deep slumber in which the law and order machinery found itself in.

Thanks to the inaction, now the campaign to arm a section of radical Hindus has reportedly spread to the womenfolk as well. Plans are afoot to distribute 20,000 daggers to women from the majority community under what is being billed as ‘Shastra Deeksha Samaroh’. In fact, media was agog with footage of daggers being distributed to Hindu women in the second week of January itself.

No doubt, it would be height of innocence to presume that the silence of the officers/ personnel entrusted with maintaining law and order in the city – which is directly under the purview of the Ministry of Home – is inadvertent.

These events are rather difficult to believe in a city still recovering from the ‘riots’ five year ago which saw deaths of innocents from both the communities and damage to their properties, with role of a section of the police itself coming under the scanner.

It is not difficult to imagine the serious impact such radical mobilisation of the majority community can have – with at least 50,000 Hindu men, the actual numbers could be far more, holding fresh tridents/trishuls and 20,000 women possessing daggers – on the social fabric of the city. With Republic Day celebrations approaching followed by elections to the Assembly, with three major players in the wings, it is anybody’s guess that mischievous elements can engage in their dirty tricks, or even a single event/ non-event can bring the peace and harmony in the national capital under cloud.

What needs to borne in mind is that distribution of what are being portrayed as ‘legally permissible weapons’ (the term itself is an oxymoron) – focusing on the majority community – under religious garb have tremendous political overtones and such programmes held in the national capital are no exception.

It remains to be seen how such ‘weapons distribution’ does not come under censure of the Arms Act, 1959. Section 2(1) (c) of the Act defines “arms” as:

Articles of any description designed or adapted as weapons for offences, or defence, and includes firearms, sharp edged and other deadly weapons, and parts of and machinery for manufacturing arms, but does not include articles designed solely for domestic or agricultural uses such as a lathi, or an ordinary walking stick and weapons incapable of being used otherwise than as toys or of being converted into serviceable weapons.

The programme in Paharganj in Delhi in December 2024, where the regular right-wing rhetoric was very much on display, was not an isolated programme. It was an integral part of a ‘series of far-right gatherings in December 2024’ which had exposed a ‘disturbing pattern of communal mobilisation which was spread across Punjab, Delhi and Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan according to the Citizens for Justice & Peace (CJP).

What one observes that even dates of programmes in Delhi, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh coincided with each other (15 December). According to close observers, all these events, “[w]hich involve distributing tridents and administering oaths to “protect Hindu identity,” have become platforms for promoting exclusionary ideologies and inciting communal hatred”, CJP said. All these gathering where vilifying minorities, glorifying ‘baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ ‘ calls for calling for economic boycotts’, and glorifying vigilantism is freely on display thus ‘deepen social divisions but also normalize the idea of violence under the guise of cultural or religious defence’, the CJP added.

For example look at this report of a Trishul Deeksha event held in Nurmaha (Punjab), organised by VHP and Bajrang Dal, where ‘[a] far-right leader made several inflammatory remarks, invoking controversial issues tied to communal tensions.’ He declared: “Now that Ram Mandir is built, Kashi and Mathura remain!”—a direct reference to the ongoing demands by right-wing groups to reclaim the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura. Such rhetoric stokes communal sentiments by framing these mosques as illegitimate structures atop Hindu temples.

Any close observer of the communal situation in the country can vouch that the idea of holding ‘Trishul Deeksha Samaroh’ by Hindutva Supremacists formations is not a recent one and has a more than two decade old history, where conscious attempts were made to vitiate communal atmosphere. In fact, while armed communal mobilisation of the wider populace has always remained on the agenda of these supremacists organisations, such attempts gathered further strength through this campaign. The programme of Trishul Deekshas was taken up as a broader campaign since 1998 which gained in pace and stridency since the Gujarat massacre in 2002. Formally such programmes were termed as symbolic religious exercise supposedly to awaken the people but its intent was clear.

Reports of resistance to such mischievous attempts were also not uncommon. According to a report:

Perhaps in this grim situation it would be soothing to remember that a decade ago public protests led by organisations like PUCL, MKSS and others had pressurised the then Gehlot government to not only bring the VHP led Trishul Deeksha programme under the purview of the Arms Act but also prosecute leaders like Togadia who had been making communal hate speeches in the Trishul distribution ceremonies.

With the ascent of these Supremacists forces in the national polity, of late such programmes are again gaining momentum.

Look at this complaint filed by CJP with Nagpur police against two trishul distribution events, organised by Bajrang Dal & VHP. It provided details of these ‘two Trishul Diksha events held on May 2 and May 9’ respectively by ‘extremist outfits owing allegiance to Hindutva’ where, in addition to distribution of tridents amongst men, hate speeches are delivered exhorting Hindus to take up arms.’ Under these programmes demands for ‘India as a Hindu nation were also raised’, and the speakers ‘indulged in peddling various conspiracy theories to generate hate towards Muslims.’ The petition also talked about how “Bajrang Dal (BD) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) have been organising such trishul distribution events regularly in the state of Rajasthan, and have been creating disharmony, furthering their communal agenda’.

Within less than three months CJP filed another petition with National Commission of Minorities against ‘arms training camps, weapon distribution events in Assam and Rajasthan’ held on July 30, 2023 and August 1, 2023, flagging “IPC violations, Arms Act breaches, and concerns for public safety and inter-community relations’ in these programmes

According to the complaint, the ‘arms training camp was organised by the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal in Darrang District of the state of Assam’, where ‘around 350 Hindu youths received training in handling firearms, martial arts, survival skills, and quick thinking. The intention of this camp was allegedly to fight against “love jihad” and create a divide among people from different communities, religions, and linguistic affiliations.’ The Rajasthan story was bit different. Here ‘fringe extremist organization of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal’ allegedly distributed sharp-edged tridents among hundreds of Hindu men in Jaitaran, Pali, Rajasthan. Participants took an oath to uphold a “Hindu Rashtra,” pledging allegiance to militant Hindu ideologies.

Within less than a month Sabrang published a detailed article unmasking ‘the Ideological Shift in Rajasthan’s Communal Landscape’ with a special focus on trident distribution and collective pledges taken at these programmes and explained how it “[r]eflects a troubling trend of religious polarisation, challenging India’s secular fabric and communal harmony. The aggressive mobilisation and hate that inevitably accompanies such gatherings sets the stage of stigmatisation and targeting of minorities in the area.’

According to it, such events which hold deep symbolism within the context of Hindutva, signify not only ‘Commitment to Hindutva Ideology’, but also it is openly proclaimed ‘their allegiance to an ideology that seeks to establish India as a Hindu-only nation’, which ‘goes against the principles of secularism enshrined in the Indian Constitution, that guarantees equal rights and freedoms to all religious communities.’ It further explained how the pledge to protect Hindu Dharam – repeated umpteen times in such gatherings underlines their belief that such elements are under threat from other religious communities and how it ‘fosters an “us versus them” mentality which further leads to ‘social tensions and conflicts.’

Coming back to Delhi, one does not know whether the custodians of law and order in Delhi – who directly work under the central Ministry of Home Affairs, led by none other than Mr Amit Shah, would review their approach and try to rein in these fanatic elements.

An added complexity is the manner in which AAP has never been forthcoming about the politics of polarisation practised by the BJP which is being termed as its own Hindutva Lite politics by analysts.

AAP’s decade old history bears witness to its own game of pandering to the false anxieties of the majority community to try to win them over its own side. A glimpse of its myopic approach vis a vis this issue can be gleaned from its direction to schools to stop admission of ”illegal Bangladeshis’ which contradicts its own policy.

Any neutral observer can see that the task of preserving the secular character of the polity and society becomes extremely difficult and challenging in such times.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Tridents for Men and Daggers for Women appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In its complaint, CJP referenced recent Supreme Court orders, emphasizing the need for immediate preventive actions in line with court rulings, especially to curb hate speech and prevent incitement to violence. The complaint urges the Goa Police to take pre-emptive measures, ensuring public safety and upholding communal harmony.

Urged Goa police to deny permission of the scheduled event

CJP, in its complaint, emphasizes the urgency of taking immediate action and raises concerns over the potential for communal speeches at the HJS’s Goa event. It calls for the cancellation of the event’s permission and states, “We urge you to deny permission for the scheduled January 25, 2025, at 5 PM event in Goa and set an example for the anti-social elements who are attempting to disturb communal peace and harmony. Furthermore, we request the police authorities to remain vigilant and ensure that the rally does not take place if the permission is denied.” 

The poster of the events can be found below:

Supreme Court also appeals for Peace & Harmony

In its complaint, CJP urged the Goa Police to follow strict preventive measures in line with recent Supreme Court directives. CJP pleaded in its complaint that, “In light of the Supreme Court’s recent appeal for peace and harmony in the case concerning the Sambhal Jama Masjid, CJP submit this preventive complaint regarding the “Hindu Rashtra Jagruti Sabha” scheduled for January 25, 2025, in Goa. The Supreme Court, during its hearing on November 29, 2024, urged that “peace and harmony must be maintained” and expressed the desire for no further escalation, following the violence that erupted in Sambhal over a mosque survey. The survey, which was ordered based on claims that the mosque was built on a demolished temple, triggered violent clashes, resulting in the loss of four lives. This tragic event highlights the serious risks of escalating tensions when sensitive issues related to religious sites are addressed in provocative ways.”

Divisive, majoritarian background of the HJS

While highlighting potential danger of provocative and communal speech in scheduled event of January 25, CJP mentioned that the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS) has previously been associated with communal rhetoric that seeks to inflame tensions between communities. Their previous events have seen controversial statements made by their speakers, which often target religious minorities and promote a divisive agenda.

“Given the organization’s known stance and its association with provocative actions, it is almost certain that the upcoming event will follow a similar pattern, where inflammatory remarks are made with little regard for the consequences” CJP added. 

CJP stated in complaint, the HJS runs a campaign advocating for the passing of anti-Love Jihad laws in across the country. Extremist Right-wing Hindu groups have been using the term “love-Jihad” loosely now, wielded by an aggressive majoritarianism, woven into a dominant caste Hindu narrative of religious extremism, Islamophobia, and communal hatred.

It has also been provided on their website that HJS has been conducting regular workshops to make Hindus “aware” of the consequences of autonomous and free choice marriages, derogatively and provocatively termed ‘Love Jihad.’

CJP’s complaint dated January 22, 2025 may be read here:

Related:

CJP seeks preventive action against Hindu Janjagruti Samiti’s Hyderabad event

CJP files complaint against BJP leader Nazia Elahi Khan over hate speech in Delhi

The post CJP seeks preventive measures ahead of HJS’s “Hindu Rashtra Jagruti Sabha” event in Goa appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Although “Parakram” means valour, in the era of the Sangh Parivar, it has also come to mean aggression against the weak and defenceless.

Subhas was never a “Parakrami” in the sense that the Sangh interprets. He was a true hero who united the weak and oppressed against the mighty British, risking his life in the struggle.

On this day, the Sanghis claiming to be “heirs” to Netaji’s legacy were the ones who diligently served the British army’s efforts to defeat Subhas during World War II. While Subhas was rallying soldiers worldwide against the British, these Hindutvavadis under Savarkar’s leadership,were brokering the recruitment of Hindus into the British army.

Yet, they now praise Netaji with clear ulterior motives.

Firstly, the Sanghis, who have no legacy of participating in the freedom struggle, are attempting to hijack the legacy of all non-Congress or dissident heros who were leaders of different streams  of the freedom struggle, portraying themselves as the heirs to these streams.

Secondly, they exploit the natural and healthy political and ideological differences that existed within the Congress and between Congress and other streams, and around them, they craft a false narrative to claim that all who disagreed with Gandhi and Nehru were pro-Hindutva nationalists, utilizing this for their current Hindutva nation agenda.

This is the real intention of the Sangh Parivar.

With this malicious intent, they have engaged in propaganda backed and filled with lies and fabrications that Gandhi and Nehru conspired against Subhas Chandra Bose and that the Hindutvavadis like Savarkar stood by him, thereby insulting Subhas to a great extent.

To fulfil their ulterior motives, they obscure the political, ideological, and secular perspectives between themselves and Gandhi-Nehru that Subhas had, as well as publicly expressed disdain towards communalists like the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League.

At the same time, they conceal the disdain Subhas had for communalists like Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Muslim League.

This article primarily attempts to explain Subhas’s views on secularism, Hindu-Muslim unity, and his opinions about people like Savarkar. It relies mainly on Subhas’s own writings in “An Indian Pilgrim” and “Indian Struggle” and on works by his grandson and scholar Sugata Bose in “His Majesty’s Opponent” and the edited volumes “Collected Works Of Subasha Chandra Bose.”

All these books are available online, and interested parties can read them to understand the political-historical misdeeds of the Sangh Parivar.

Subhas Chandra Bose was not only a prominent leader of Congress but also martyred in the effort to oust the ruling British during World War II by forming the Azad Hind Fauj.

History textbooks have recounted to non-Bengali students anything more than this bare fact.

Subhas was above all else, an exceptional proponent of communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim unity. As a top-notch nationalist, he dreamed of building a future India based on socialist ideals. His views on the history of India, the way he formed the Azad Hind Fauj, and his clear disdain for figures like Savarkar are evident in these respects.

The Tiger of Tipu was the flag of the Azad Hind Fauj!

The Sanghis who attempt day and night to demonise the revered Tipu-Haider as fanatic monsters should be ashamed when considering the respect Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj held for them. Subhas used the flying tiger symbol of Tipu as a symbol of anti-British struggle on the first flag of the Azad Hind Fauj. While unveiling the flag, Subhas explained to his soldiers that this flying tiger was a symbol of Tipu Sultan’s resistance against the British.

That is not all. On October 21, 1943, the Azad Hind Fauj declared the provisional government of India. While making this proclamation, the Azad Hind Fauj and Netaji acknowledged several real leaders of the country along with Tipu and Haider, expressing their gratitude. Reading this makes it clear that it is impossible to appropriate Subhas for the RSS agenda.

The proclamation of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind begins like this:

“Ever since Bengal first faced defeat at the hands of the British in 1757, the people of India have continuously waged a struggle against British rule for a hundred years. This period is filled with the unmatched courage and selfless sacrifices shown by the people of India. During this period in the history of India, the names of Sirajuddaula of Bengal, Mohan Lal, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan, Velu Thampi….and others are inscribed in golden letters…”

Interested parties can read the full text and see pictures of this proclamation at the following web address:[https://www.roots.gov.sg/Collection-Landing/listing/1278996]

Hindu-Muslim Unity: the foundation of the Azad Hind Fauj

The Modi government is intent on imposing Brahminical Hindi as the sole language of the country. In contrast, the official language of Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj was Urdu-Hindustani, commonly used by the people of North India, and English was used to be understood by the soldiers from South India. The motto of the Fauj was written in Urdu:

“Itmad (Trust), Ittefaq (Unity), and Qurbani (Sacrifice).”

In 1857, during the First War of Indian Independence, the Indian forces under the leadership of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar called for “Delhi Chalo.” In September 1943, Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj also embarked from Rangoon (now Myanmar) to expel the British from India, remembering the 1857 uprising, and Subhas called for “Delhi Chalo” during this grand departure.

That is not all either. On September 26, 1943, a special prayer meeting was held by the Azad Hind Fauj near the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

As described by Subhas’s grandson Sugata Bose in his scholarly work, the proportion of Muslim soldiers in the Azad Fauj was slightly higher than others, and many of Subhas’s closest associates were Muslims. In 1943, during a secret submarine adventure journey, the only companion who travelled with him was Abid Hasan from South Hyderabad. Throughout his travels across Europe and Asia, Hasan was Subhas’s close assistant.

The first division commander of the Azad Hind Fauj was Mohammad Zaman Kiani. The first to hoist the Tricolor flag of India in Imphal, Manipur, was Fauj officer Shaukat Malik. On their tragic last journey, Habibur Rahman perished alongside them. However, this uprising failed, and the soldiers of the Fauj were captured by the British, who charged them with sedition and held a trial. The three Azad Hind Fauj soldiers who were symbolically tried at the Red Fort were:

Prem Sehgal, a Hindu, Shah Nawaz Khan, a Muslim, and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, a Sikh.  This also symbolically represented the secular patriotism prevailing in Subhas’s Fauj.

(His Majesty’s Opponent, p. 4)

Netaji’s rejection of the Hindu-Muslim division in Indian history

The Hindutvavadis depict the history of India as having been engulfed in 1200 years of aggression to suit their communal polarisation agenda. Thus, they portray the entire era under Muslim rule before the British and the Muslim rulers before them as a period during which Hindus suffered under Muslim aggressors.

However, Subhas rejected this communal view of Indian history as propagated by the British, aimed at dividing India along Hindu-Muslim lines. He also noted:

“History will bear me out when I say that it is a misnomer to talk of Muslim rule when describing the political order in India prior to the advent of the British. Whether we talk of the Moghul Emperors at Delhi, or of the Muslim Kings of Bengal, we shall find that in either case the administration was run by Hindus and Muslims together, many of the prominent Cabinet Ministers and Generals being Hindus. Further, the consolidation of the Moghul Empire in India was effected with the help of Hindu commanders-in-chief. The Commander-in-chief of Nawab Sirajudowla, whom the British fought at Plassey in 1757 and defeated, was a Hindu, and the rebellion of 1857 against the British, in which Hindus and Moslems were found side by side, was fought under the flag of a Muslim, Bahadur Shah.” (An Indian Pilgrim, p. 15)

Subhas’s outrage against communal organisations like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League

During the period of the freedom struggle, Subhas held deep contempt for the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League, which were working for the British and causing divisions among the people. When he was elected president of Congress in 1938, he emphasized this issue, saying:

“We often hear talks of a Hindu Raj. This serves no purpose. Can these communal organizations solve the problems faced by India’s working class? Do these organisations have any solution to the issues of unemployment and poverty?” he questioned vehemently.

He also banned members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League from holding Congress memberships. The reason? Because:

“Jinnah’s idea is to obtain his dream of Pakistan with the help of the British, not to fight jointly with Congress for India’s liberation.”

“On the other hand, Savarkar’s only goal is to collaborate with the British and get military training for Hindus by joining the  British army. After meeting both, I have concluded that nothing can be expected from them for India’s independence.” (The Indian Struggle, p. 344)

Thus, even if one reads Subhas Chandra Bose’s own writings and the scholarly works about him, it becomes clear how malicious the portrayal of Subhas by these fascist Sanghis is.

Beyond the servitude to British colonialism, corporate capitalism, and communal hatred, these fascists have no history of building or fighting for the country. Now, they are hijacking leaders who had differences with Gandhi and Nehru and were non-Congress, and portraying them in a way that insults these leaders, this country, and its history.

A staunchly secular, anti-communal, and socialist nationalist like Subhas Chandra Bose can never be appropriated by the RSS. Nor should he be allowed to be.

The only way to do this is to expose their false narrative through an exposition of real history, which itself must become a movement, right?

(The writer is a political commentator based in Bengaluru)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia. 

Related:

Debunking “Popular Myths” through a study of Bose

Second killing of Bhagat Singh & Subhash Chandra Bose by the Hindutva Gang

India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

PM Modi to attend Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations in Kolkata

The post Can RSS co-opt Subhas Chandra Bose, a staunch secular-socialist and a fond admirer of Tipu Sultan? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On January 20, 2025, Irfan, a 40-year-old resident of Sambhal, was detained by police following a complaint alleging non-repayment of a loan. Within hours of his detention, Irfan passed away. His family alleged that he was denied access to essential medications despite informing the police of his critical condition. They accused the authorities of custodial torture, a claim denied by the police, who asserted that Irfan suffered a heart attack and cited CCTV footage as evidence.

Eyewitnesses, including Irfan’s son, reported that the police ignored repeated pleas to allow Irfan to take his medication. His wife, Reshma, stated that the family had informed the officers of Irfan’s heart condition, yet their concerns were dismissed. This negligence was highlighted as not just an operational lapse but a systemic disregard for detainee rights and basic humanity. Testimonies from neighbours and community members described Irfan as a law-abiding individual whose arrest and subsequent death were deeply shocking for the local population

Medical reports submitted by the family suggested pre-existing cardiac ailments, further calling into question the police’s decision to ignore his health condition. Legal experts pointed out that procedural safeguards under the BNSS (earlier CrPC) and the guidelines issued by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) were blatantly ignored. No medical evaluation was conducted before taking him into custody, a critical violation of NHRC mandates.

 

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The custodial death unfolded in a state notorious for its high incidence of such cases. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Uttar Pradesh leads in custodial fatalities, pointing to systemic lapses in police accountability and adherence to legal procedures.

Outrage and protests

The news of Irfan’s death spread rapidly, sparking widespread public outrage in Sambhal. Hundreds of locals, activists, and political leaders gathered outside the Raisatti police outpost, demanding justice and accountability for what they termed an egregious instance of custodial torture. The protesters carried banners and chanted slogans, urging an independent investigation into the incident. Allegations of inhumane treatment, including the denial of essential medical care, intensified public anger. Eyewitnesses described how the police abandoned the outpost as tensions escalated, leaving it temporarily unmanned. Law enforcement reinforcements, including personnel from the Rapid Action Force, were eventually deployed to manage the situation and restore order.

Political reactions amplified the significance of the protests. Akhilesh Yadav, president of the Samajwadi Party, denounced the custodial death, calling it a “dark stain on the rule of law” under the BJP-led government. He accused the administration of institutionalizing impunity for police excesses. Similarly, Chandra Shekhar Azad, leader of the Bhim Army, pointed to a disturbing trend of custodial deaths disproportionately affecting marginalized communities. He demanded immediate action against the responsible officers and called for systemic police reforms to address such incidents.

Community leaders emphasized that the protests in Sambhal reflected deeper grievances among minority groups, who view custodial deaths as symbolic of institutional bias. Activists highlighted the disproportionately high number of such incidents in Uttar Pradesh, noting that these acts erode trust in law enforcement, especially in minority-dominated areas. The protests became a rallying cry for justice, drawing attention to broader issues of systemic inequities and police misconduct

Judicial commission’s investigation

In response to widespread public pressure and growing national scrutiny, the Uttar Pradesh government established a judicial commission to investigate the custodial death of Irfan and other recent incidents of violence in Sambhal. Headed by retired High Court judge Devendra Arora, the commission visited the region to conduct a thorough inquiry into the events. The investigation aimed to uncover procedural lapses and examine whether Irfan’s fundamental rights were violated during his detention.

The commission undertook multiple tasks, including recording statements from Irfan’s family, community members, and local law enforcement officers. It also reviewed medical evidence, including post-mortem reports, which suggested discrepancies in the police’s official narrative. Reports highlighted a lack of adherence to mandatory procedures, such as the requirement for medical evaluation upon arrest, which is stipulated under the NHRC guidelines and the CrPC (now BNSS).

In addition to investigating Irfan’s case, the commission also expanded its mandate to review broader issues of police conduct in Sambhal. This included an examination of the November 24, 2024, riots, which erupted during a controversial land survey near the Shahi Jama Masjid. Witnesses testified that police inaction and delayed intervention exacerbated communal tensions, leading to widespread violence and property damage. Many residents alleged that the authorities selectively targeted certain communities during the subsequent crackdown..

Systemic concerns and broader implications

The custodial violence in Sambhal is not an isolated incident but a reflection of systemic issues that plague law enforcement across the country. For instance, the case of Somnath Suryavanshi in Parbhani, Maharashtra, on December 15, 2024, mirrors similar patterns. Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old Dalit activist, was arrested following communal violence triggered by the desecration of a replica of the Constitution. While in judicial custody, he complained of chest pain and died shortly thereafter in a state-run hospital. His family alleged police brutality, claiming he was targeted for his Dalit identity and activism. This led to widespread protests, with political leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, asserting that Suryavanshi’s death was a “cent per cent custodial death.” The protests intensified demands for justice and highlighted recurring instances of misuse of power by law enforcement agencies, especially against marginalized communities. These incidents underline the urgent need for systemic reforms to ensure accountability and prevent custodial violence from becoming a normalized aspect of governance

Legal framework governing custodial deaths and torture

The legal implications of custodial torture and deaths in India highlight critical gaps in both legislative enforcement and systemic accountability. Drawing from constitutional mandates, criminal law provisions, and NHRC guidelines, custodial violence remains a grave violation of human rights and judicial directives. Article 21 of the Constitution enshrines the right to life and personal liberty, encompassing protection against inhumane treatment. This is supplemented by Article 22, which provides procedural safeguards during arrest and detention. Yet, these constitutional guarantees are undermined by systemic abuse.

The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, replacing the CrPC, introduces critical procedural safeguards to address such violations. Section 196 mandates a magisterial inquiry in cases involving custodial deaths or rapes, emphasizing the role of judicial or metropolitan magistrates over executive magistrates to ensure impartiality. Section 194 empowers district magistrates to conduct inquests, highlighting the increasing responsibility of civil authorities in ensuring transparent investigations. These provisions align with prior guidelines under Section 176(1A) of the CrPC but aim to bridge enforcement gaps by centralizing accountability within the judicial framework.

NHRC guidelines further reinforce this by mandating independent autopsies, immediate reporting of deaths, and time-bound investigations. However, despite these safeguards, the enforcement remains lacklustre. Data reveals that over five custodial deaths occur daily, underscoring the persistent misuse of authority by law enforcement agencies.

Judicial precedents have consistently emphasized the importance of due process in custodial situations. In D.K. Basu v. State of West Bengal 1997 (1) SCC 416, the Supreme Court issued comprehensive guidelines to prevent custodial torture, mandating arrest memos, family notifications, and access to legal representation. Similarly, in Sunil Batra v. Delhi Administration 1980 SCC (3) 488, the apex court decried the use of third-degree methods and indiscriminate handcuffing, terming them violative of Articles 21 and 19.

The lack of adherence to these safeguards in cases like Sambhal and Parbhani not only underscores institutional bias but also highlights the urgent need for systemic reforms. It is imperative that police training incorporates a human rights perspective and that civil society acts as a watchdog to bridge enforcement gaps. Furthermore, India’s failure to ratify the UN Convention against Torture reflects a broader reluctance to institutionalize accountability mechanisms at the international level. This reluctance, coupled with the rising trend of custodial violence, demands immediate legislative and administrative intervention to safeguard the dignity and rights of individuals.

Related:

Rising Concerns as Incidents of Custodial Deaths of Dalits and Muslims Continue Unabated

Custodial deaths highest in Gujarat over 5 years; jails overcrowded

A Muslim man in Hyderabad detained on suspicion of theft reportedly subjected to custodial torture for 5 days

The post Sambhal Custodial Death: A systemic failure exposed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the monitoring by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), India witnessed 59 communal riots in 2024, a significant rise compared to 32 riots in 2023, reflecting an 84% increase. These 59 incidents of communal riots resulted in 13 deaths—10 Muslims and 3 Hindus. The western region of India, particularly Maharashtra, emerged as the epicenter of these conflicts, with the state of Maharashtra accounting for 12 of the 59 riots. The CSSS’s monitoring is based on reports from prominent newspapers- the Mumbai editions of The Times of India, The Hindu, Indian Express, Sahafat (Urdu), and Inquilab (Urdu).

Most communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, seven during Saraswati Puja idol immersions, four during Ganesh festivals, and two during Bakri Eid. This data highlights how religious celebrations are increasingly being used to fuel communal tensions and political mobilization.

In addition to the communal riots reported in the above newspapers, 13 mob lynching incidents were reported in 2024, resulting in 11 deaths—one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this marks a decline from the 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in 2023, the continued occurrence of such attacks remains a serious concern. This report provides a detailed analysis of both communal riots and mob lynching in 2024, the physical manifestation of communal violence in the country.

 Methodology:

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism bases its findings on the reports on communal riots that appear in Mumbai edition of five leading newspapers –The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Shahafat and The Inquilab. These newspapers are thoroughly studied for the reportage of communal violence. Communal riots that are either not reported or are reported in other editions of these newspapers are not included in this monitoring.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) maintains comprehensive records of communal riots in India but has stopped publishing its data regularly. Due to their wider sweep and better access to the criminal justice system, the numbers recorded by these institutions are invariably several folds higher than the number of communal riots reported in the newspapers monitored by the CSSS.

1. Physical violence

This part of the report looks at physical violence stemming from communal attitudes. Other two parts will look at structural and symbolic violence based on communal attitudes. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Physical violence, includes actions that cause death, inflicts physical injuries, and/ or targets and damages properties, including homes, shops and commercial establishments, vehicles, and other movable and/or immovable properties.

Salient Features of Communal Violence in 2024:

Increase in the number of Riots:

As compared to the year 2023, according to the monitoring of CSSS, the number of communal riots in as reported in the abovementioned five newspapers in 2024 has increased by 84%. While the above-mentioned five newspapers reported 32 communal riots in the year 2023, the same newspapers reported 59[2] communal riots in the year 2024. Maharashtra (12) followed by Uttar Pradesh (7) and Bihar (7). These communal riots claimed 13 lives – 3 Hindus and 10 Muslims. This increase in the number of communal riots belies the narrative of the state that India is free from communal riots as there are no communal tensions and the state has maintained communal harmony.

The spike in the number of communal riots in India in the year 2024 can partly be attributed to the general elections that were held in April/ May, 2024. Similarly, important states witnessed assembly elections including Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Hate speeches with communal overtures were used to polarize communities on religious basis. Part of the spike in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the ecosystem of impunity that is promoted by the state. This point will be elaborated further below in the report.

Theatre of Violence:

As in the year 2023, in 2024, Maharashtra witnessed maximum number of riots – 12.  Bihar and Uttar Pradesh followed with seven each. Maharashtra constituted for almost 20% of the total number of communal riots in 2024 as per the reports in the five newspapers. Maharashtra electorally and politically is a significant state where both the NDA and INDIA Alliance was trying to wrest control from the NDA. Interestingly, amidst intense factionalism in Maharashtra and hotly contested electoral contest, Maharashtra underwent acute communal churning – communal riots, hate speeches, and mob lynching. The last five years especially in Maharashtra have been particularly strenuous for its social fabric. It is noteworthy that until a decade back, the communal riots took place mostly in urban areas. However, in the last few years as in 2024, communal riots have spread to rural areas- villages and towns.

The region wise distribution of riots is also telling about the nature of communal riots in India and its motivation. Traditionally, the cow belt comprising of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar, witnessed higher number of communal riots along with the state of Maharashtra. Traditionally, the southern states of India have reported far lesser number of communal riots. The same is the case with the state of West Bengal. However, in the last few years, especially since 2022, there is a spike in communal riots in western region of India- Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Thus, in the last few, the theatre of violence though continues in the cow belt- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, it has expanded to newer regions especially that of Maharashtra, West Bengal and Haryana. In 2024, the western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra (12), Gujarat (5) Madhya Pradesh (5) and Rajasthan (3), according to the reports in the above newspapers, accounted for 25 communal riots, constituting almost 42 percent of the total communal riots in 2025.

Northern region comprising of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana have reported 13 communal riots – comprising 22 percent of total communal riots. Similarly, eastern region comprising of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha North India have witnessed 13 riots constituting 22 percent of total communal riots 2024. The Southern zone, comprising Karnataka and Telangana reported seven communal riots constituting 12 percent of total communal riots. The North Eastern region though reported only one riot in Tripura, it is important to note that the conflict in Manipur, which is largely ethnic having communal overtures, is ongoing.  CSSS has elaborated on Manipur violence in a separate report[3].

Ruling Regimes:

Out of the 59 communal riots in the year 2024, 49 communal riots took place in states where the BJP is ruling either on its own, or in coalition with other parties. The coalition partners include Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) and National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) in Maharashtra and Janata Dal in Bihar. Seven out of 59 communal riots took place in the states ruled by Indian National Congress while three communal riots took place in West Bengal where the Trinamool Congress is in power. This data also can be explained by pointing out that BJP ruled states have taken little action to deter communal violence and religious polarization. The state authorities in these states have used bulldozers as a form of “collective punishment” against Muslims. The non BJP ruled states have desisted from such actions and deterred communal riots to some extent.

Nature of State and changes in trends:

In 2024, communal riots exhibited a familiar pattern observed in previous years. These riots were mostly low-scale and under the radar, typically lasting only a few hours, with fewer casualties, and confined to smaller areas. However, these communal riots have led to polarization and deepened communal consciousness. The reported number of fatalities remained relatively low. A significant characteristic of the communal riots in 2024 was the lesser planning compared to previous years.

This planning ranged from identifying properties of individuals from “other” communities, employing specific trigger to start the communal riots and arranging combustibles like gas cylinders, stockpiling weapons, mobilizing mobs to inflict maximum damage on the communities attacked. This was the characteristic of the institutionalized riot system (IRS) that was prominent in the major riots in the past. In the recent years, this planning is limited as there is a pervading atmosphere of communal consciousness causing tensions, making it easier for a communal riot to take place. The smallest reason makes it easier to trigger communal riot as will be evident from the communal riots listed below. It’s become common that even in case of the most mundane arguments between persons from two different religious groups, the incident is given a communal turn. The most common trigger observed is that of organizing aggressive rallies and derogatory sloganeering in public spaces during religious festivals as will be discussed in details.

Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses. These included acts of arson, assaults, and even heinous crimes such as rape. However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots.

The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action have led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-relate harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire. PEW Research also pegged India high at 6.4 out of 10 on Government Restriction Index (GRI). The GRI measures laws, policies, and actions that regulate or limit religious beliefs and practices. These include policies banning particular beliefs or practices, the unequal granting of benefits to certain religious groups, and bureaucratic rules requiring religious groups to register to access benefits (The Hindu, 2025).

Similarly, in 2020, India’s SHI score of 9.4 out of a possible 10 was worse than that of neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. These trends underscore a consistent decline in India’s performance on this index, reflecting a troubling pattern of rising communal hostility.

Area Hegemony/ Assertion of Hindu Rashtra:

The communal riots in 2024 are marked by a bold assertion of Hindu right-wing power in public spaces, characterized by deliberate processions passing through Muslim-majority neighborhoods with loud music or provocative slogans. This trend is a continuation of developments from recent years. Numerous right-wing Hindu groups are emerging at the grassroots level, and in their efforts to gain popularity and influence, they often organize processions or protests in front of mosques or other Muslim places of worship, as well as in Muslim neighborhoods, aiming to provoke or humiliate the community. The aim is not just to establish hegemony in Muslim inhabited areas but also public spaces where Hindus reside. The outcome of such rallies is also the gaining of considerable clout of the Hindu organizations and its members in Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods.

Historically, India has had a rich cultural heritage where Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals and respected one another’s religious spaces. There was a mutual understanding regarding the routes of processions, ensuring that potential misunderstandings or clashes were avoided. Consultations at local levels are held to decide routes. For example, it was common for Hindus to participate in Urs processions, while Muslims would set up stalls to welcome Ram Navami processions and offer refreshments to devotees. These events were expressions of faith, with local residents participating, rather than political statements.

However, in the current political climate, these processions have shifted from being expressions of faith to displays of political hegemony. These processions are fueled by political mobilization. They are increasingly driven by agendas of asserting Hindu supremacy in Muslim-majority areas, with the aim of showing that these neighborhoods can be breached at will by right-wing groups. This assertion of dominance has become a key factor in the communal riots of 2024.

Implicating of Muslims in Criminal cases:

Recent communal riots point to an emerging three trends that result in marginalization of the Muslims. The first trend, already discussed, is the domination or hegemony in public spaces by Hindu right-wing groups. The second trend is the implicating of Muslims in serious criminal cases, and the third trend one involves meting out collective punishment to Muslims through the demolition of their properties and places of worship.

The first aspect, area domination, involves provoking and humiliating the Muslim community by Hindu right-wing groups. When even the slightest retaliation from the Muslim community occurs, it is often used as a pretext to disproportionately arrest Muslims or impose severe charges on them. This has become a disturbing norm: even when Hindu right-wing groups march aggressively into Muslim-majority areas and vandalize property, a large number of Muslims are still named in FIRs. These individuals are frequently charged with serious offenses, and investigations are handed over to agencies like the NIA, likening these cases to terror-related cases. It is ironic that even in places where Muslims are named in large numbers in the complaints, the injured or dead are also Muslims and they also suffer the most damage to property.

Muslims accused in such cases face long legal battles, making them vulnerable not only to imprisonment but also to extra-judicial killings as witnessed in Bahraich. Most of these accused come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, with many being the sole breadwinners for their families. They often cannot afford to fight lengthy legal cases, leaving them in a state of ongoing hardship and fear.

Bulldozers and demolitions used as “collective punishment” against the Muslims:

Apart from the threats of demolitions to mosques and contestations related to places of worship that have been one of the reasons for communal riots, the Muslim community is dispossessed and face disproportionately higher losses in communal riots owing to the “collective punishment” meted out by the state in the form of demolitions of their homes and shops. In the year 2024, out of 59 incidents of communal riots, in four incidents, the state resorted to demolish the properties belonging to Muslims. The authorities alleged that the properties were illegal. However, as is the case from previous years, no due process was followed including serving of adequate notice or opportunity of hearing before the demolitions. The demolitions took place immediately after the communal riots, making its timing suspicious. It is noteworthy that all these demolitions took place in BJP ruled states.

In Mumbai, Maharashtra, the state demolished fifteen properties belonging to the Muslims in Haidary chowk in Mira Road after communal riots took place in January (details given below). In the state of Uttar Pradesh known for arbitrary demolitions, in Bareilly, the state demolished 11 houses of Muslims after communal riots took place during Muharram procession on 18^th July (details given below).

In a shocking incident yet giving insights into how demolitions are used brazenly by states, in the state of Rajasthan in Udaipur, demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16^th August (Mateen & Meena, 2024). In Surat, demolitions took place in Sayedpur after communal riots took place over allegations of stone pelting on Ganesh pandal during Ganesh festival.

Triggers for Communal Riots:

Religious Processions and Public Celebrations of festivals:

In 2024, religious processions and public celebrations of festivals were the triggers for the majority of communal riots, accounting for 26 out of 59 incidents. This amounts to almost half the incidents of communal riots. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, four during Ganesh Chaturthi, seven in Bihar during Saraswati idol immersions, two each on Ram Navami and Bakri Eid, and one each on Muharram, Urs, Durga idol immersion, Eid Milad-un-Nabi, Karthik Puja and a local Hindu procession. These 26 incidents do not account for numerous disruptions to Christmas celebrations or attacks on Christians across India.

These riots resulted in the loss of three lives, all of whom were Hindus. A notable pattern in these incidents was the systematic targeting of Muslims, often orchestrated by right-wing Hindu groups, with the state also playing a partisan role and taking one-sided action against Muslims.

Contested placed of Worship:

The year 2024 witnessed six communal riots over the issue of contested places of worship, mainly the state and right-wing fringe groups alleging that mosques and dargahs were illegal or that they were built on Hindu place of worship. This narrative kept the communal pot churning and tensions high in different places. The total number of lives claimed by these communal riots was ten (nine of Muslims and one Hindu) and nearly all arrested were Muslims. It is notable that most of these conflicts have been festering in the two states of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Desecration of Places of Worship:

Five communal riots took place due to desecration of places of worship. One took place over a severed head of a calf found in a temple in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh. Second one took place over a piece of tail of a cow in a temple in Bhilwara in Rajasthan. Third communal riot was in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced. In Karnataka’s benguluru, a mosque in Katipalla near Surthka was pelted with stones. In Hyderabad, a man allegedly tried to damage an idol of the local deity in Muthyalamma area temple.

Other Triggers:

The other triggers for communal riots also reflect the communal discourses prevalent in our society. One narrative often cited by the state is that of ‘infiltration of Bangladeshi immigrants’. These riots took place in Ghaziabad and different places in Maharashtra. These riots were a result of aggressive rallies organized by Hindu right-wing organizations to ‘protest’ the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

Other triggers included the accusations of ‘love jihad’ and other trivial personal disputes between individuals from different communities which were given a communal twist.

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS based on the above-mentioned five newspapers, India witnessed thirteen (13) incidents of mob lynching in the year 2024. These 13 incidents of mob lynching resulted in 11 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. The decline in the number of incidents of mob lynching may be attributed to the guidelines of the Supreme Court in favour of strict action by the state in cases of mob lynching. The constant rebuking by the judiciary especially when Hindus were victimized in mob violence compelled state to take action in incidents of mob lynching. However, the mob lynching in the case of cow vigilantism continues.

Seven of these incidents of lynching were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the accusations of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynching along with Uttar Pradesh, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

It is noteworthy that as in the case of communal riots, Maharashtra accounts for maximum number of mob lynching incidents. Uttar Pradesh too accounts for three incidents of mob lynching.

The thirteen cases of the incidents of mob lynching, classified according to the accusations or triggers, are listed below.

Seven out of thirteen, that is over 50 percent or over half of the cases, can be attributed to the pretext of cow slaughter. Chand Miyan (23) and Guddu Khan (35) from Uttar Pradesh were lynched by cow vigilantes near temple town Arang, in Chhattisgarh while transporting buffaloes on 7^th June, 2024. Saddam Qureshi, the third victim, survived with critical injuries. According to the account of the survivor, 14-15 people chased them in a car and attacked them, beat two of them to death and threw their bodies from the bridge onto the riverbed. The survivor reported that he jumped off the bridge to save his life. Reportedly, the body of one of those killed shows multiple fractures, with one foot split apart, indicating the extent of the torture inflicted on the victims. The police filed a FIR (Times of India, 2024).

In another incident that took place in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana, Sabir, on 27^th August, a migrant and scrap dealer from West Bengal was lynched and died in the attack. Asiruddin from Assam was also beaten up by the accused but survived. The police arrested five people and two juveniles in conflict with law were detained on charges of being involved with the attack. The accused suspected that both the victims had consumed beef. The accused lured the victims to a local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. At the bus stand, the group of accused attacked them and beat them.  When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Asiruddin was found dumped at another location (The Hindu, 2024).

In another incident reported from Haryana, Aryan Mishra (19) on 23^rd August, had gone for a drive with his friends — brothers Harshit and Sagar (alias Shanky) Gulati — and two others in their Renault Duster. A group of cow vigilante saw the speeding vehicle of Aryan and assumed that they were cow smugglers in the speeding car. A 30-km chase from Faridabad Sector 21 to Palwal’s Baghola ensued. The accused then opened fire, killing Aryan. Five men, including the leader of an outfit called ‘Live for Nation’, Anil Kaushik, were arrested (Raj, 2024).

One Haji Ashraf Munyar (72) who was onboard Dhule-CSMT Express on – was attacked by a group of men who accused him of carrying beef in his tiffin. The incident came to light after the incident was captured on video which went viral. On August 28, 2024, Mr. Munyar boarded a train from Chalisgaon in Jalgaon district to visit his daughter who lives in Kalyan. Mr. Munyar was travelling alone in a general compartment where over a dozen men began to harass him. According to the newspaper report, the goons in the video are seen slapping, hitting and kicking him on his face, eyes and head constantly, asking him to show what was he carrying in his bag. Munyar in the video as reported is seen begging with folded hands to the assaulters requesting them to spare him. The assaulters were heard responding, “We will call Bajrang Dal to chop your body. We will rape your mothers and sisters.” The police filed an FIR but it didn’t include section 307- attempt to murder. The family of the victim demanded that this charge should be added to the FIR (Sah, 2024).

In another incident from Maharashtra, 28-year-old Mohammad Hazek, a footwear trader, was attacked by cow vigilantes in Beed district. The incident occurred on the night of 5th September at around 12:15am. Hazek was at a paan shop, speaking with his fiancée on the phone, when he witnessed a speeding vehicle hitting a stray cow before driving away. Hazek attempted to take a photo of the vehicle but was unsuccessful. However, he managed to photograph the injured cow and shared the image with his fiancée. A few minutes later, as Hazek was walking back home, he was ambushed by a group of men armed with sticks and rods. The group accused him of being a cow transporter and began attacking him. Out of the eight men named in the FIR, the police have identified and arrested four individuals: Mandar Deshpande, a 30-year-old resident of Karanja Road, and three others—Omkar Lande (23), Anil Ghodke (26), and Rohit Lolge (20).(Akhef, 2024).

Mishrikhan Baloch, 40 years old, was lynched by five people in Aagthala village of Banaskantha district in Gujarat on 23^rd May, 2024. The cause of the lynching was the ongoing conflict between the victim and the five accused and he was last attacked in July 2023 for ferrying buffaloes. On the fateful day, Baloch was on his way to the animal market in Deesa with two buffaloes when the pickup van was chased and ambushed by the accused. The accused were identified as Akherajsinh Vaghela, Nikulsinh, Jagatsinh from VatamJoona village, Pravinsinh from Chibhda, and Hamir Thakor from Deodar, all located in Deodar taluka of Banaskantha. The assailants struck Mishrikhan with iron rods, pipes, machetes and the handle of a jack, inflicting severe injuries. The accused were booked for murder, wrongful restraint, rioting, rioting with deadly weapons, issuing death threats, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (Times of India, 2024).

In Majhola area in Moradabad of Uttar Pradesh, 37 years old Shahedeen Qureshi was beaten to death on 30^th December, 2024, by cow vigilantes who were part of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal. The functionaries of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal reportedly claimed that they came to know that Qureshi had slaughtered a cow and caught him red handed and handed him over to the police. The police have filed two FIRs- one against unidentified persons for the murder of Qureshi and the other FIR is related to cow slaughter (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024)

Accusations of interfaith romance or relationships, derogatorily termed as ‘love jihad’ has been used to foment communal tensions and target innocent people. In a not very surprising incident, a 19 years old Muslim student of Savitribai Phule Pune University was attacked by five persons who accused the student of “love jihad”. According to the police, the attack took place on 8^th April when the male student was accompanying two female students on the campus. They started questioning the student and asked him to show his Aadhaar card. Upon seeing the student’s Muslim man, the assailants attacked him. The police have registered FIR against unidentified persons (New Indian Express, 2024).

Other pretext for mob lynching included accusation of theft. In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Farid, 35 was lynched to death. Farid, his brother Zaki and their aides were accused by a woman, wife of textile trader Mukesh Chand Mittal, of dacoity in Mittal’s house. She claimed that Farid threatened her at gunpoint, snatched her gold chain, and took INR 2.5 lakh cash and jewellery from her. A group of men caught Farid when he was running out of the house and beat him to death with sticks. Zaki, Farid’s brother claims that Farid was targeted for his religious identity. Case is filed against Farid, Zaki and five others under IPC sections 395 (dacoity) and 354 (assault or criminal force to woman). The FIR has mention unidentified persons in connection to lynching (Lavania, 2024).

People from vulnerable social groups were targeted under the most trivial pretext, exposing the pervading atmosphere of impunity and lawlessness. In the Jalalabad area of Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Firoz, 31 years old was beaten to death on 5^th July, after he was accused of entering a house “in an intoxicated state”. The men of the house brutally thrashed Firoz and handed him over to the police. Firoz later died at his home. Afzal, Firoz’ brother reported that Firoz was promoting his business over the loudspeaker when he got into an altercation with the other party and was thrashed. A case was registered against Mohalla Ganga Aryanagar in Jalalabad – Pinki Kumar, Pankaj Kumar and Rajendra Kumar and their associates under section 105 (culpable homicide) of BNS. The accused were not arrested for the lack of evidence (Sharma, 2024).

Pavan Kumar, Rahul and Binayak were assaulted in Chikkabettahalli in Benguluru, Karnataka on 18^th April, 2024. They were allegedly assaulted by accused Farman and Sameer for raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans on Ram Navami. Reportedly, a case was registered under IPC sections 295A, 298, 143, 147, 504, 324, 326, 506 and 149 (Times of India, 2024)

Salman Vohra (23), who went to watch a cricket tournament match in Chikhodra, Gujarat on 22 June, was mercilessly beaten to death by a group of men. According to the reports, the mob had been heckling Muslim players with Hindutva slogans like “Jai Shri Ram” as the Muslim players performed well in the tournament. Reportedly, the locals claimed that tensions had begun even before the match because Muslim players were excelling in the tournament, which did not sit well with some locals associated with right-wing groups. The incident started with a parking dispute. A group of men allegedly arrived on motorcycles and got into a fight with Salman, telling him to move his bike from the stand. They started mercilessly beating Salman. Members of the crowd even cheered the attackers. Two other Muslim men were injured; one received around 17 stitches, and the other around 7 stitches. Salman had marks on his right hand, cuts below his eyes, and his ear was brutally damaged—almost bitten off by the attackers. A knife wound damaged his kidney, which was the most severe injury. He was also beaten on his lower waist and neck, causing significant bleeding. The family filed an FIR on 23 June at the Anand Rural police station. It includes sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) such as: 143 (Punishment for unlawful assembly), 147 (Punishment for rioting), 148 (Being armed with a deadly weapon), 302 (Murder), and 324 (Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapon) among others, including The Gujarat Police Act. Seven accused have been arrested in the matter, and the court has given seven days remand for all these accused (Maktoob Media, 2024).

Bindu Sodhi (22) was lynched by her own uncle and others in the village of Toylanka in Chhattisgarh, on 24^th June, 2024. She and her family had adopted Christianity. Sodhi’s uncle and other villagers were not allowing Sodhi to plough her own fields if she didn’t give up Christianity. Sodhi’s mother, brother and younger sister managed to escape the attackers (Carvalho, 2024).

List of Communal Riots in 2024

1. In Shajapur in Madhya Pradesh, on 9th January, some Muslims in Magaria locality allegedly pelted stones on a procession where youth associated with Hindu organizations distributed yellow rice for the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. According to the complainant, Mohit Rathore, some Muslim men near a mosque on the Naag-Naagin Road stopped the procession taken out ahead of the Ram Temple consecration since it was a Muslim inhabited area and the youth in the procession were raising slogans (Aafaq, The Scroll, 2024). One person was seriously injured during the riot. The police filed a case under provisions of the Indian Penal Code pertaining to rioting, promoting communal enmity, and hurting religious sentiments. The first information report has been filed against 24 named persons and 15-20 others. All the named persons are Muslims.

2. In another incident in Maharashtra, communal riot took place in Garib Nawaz Nagar of Nagpur on 21st January. The incident took place during a celebration of the `Pran Pratishtha’ ceremony in Ayodhya. According to the police, an altercation broke out between groups from two communities on 22nd January during a program organized to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Both groups pelted stones and around 10 to 12 persons sustained injuries (Bose, 2024)

3. In Mira Road locality of Mumbai, Maharashtra, Muslims allegedly vandalized four cars and 10 motorbikes which had flags with the words ‘Jai Shree Ram’ on them. The incident took place on 21st January at Naya Nagar of Mira road. After this episode of violence, members of some Hindu groups retaliated next day by damaging stationary autorickshaws in the area of the Muslims and pelting stones. Interestingly, though the attacks were made from both sides, Mira Bhayander Municipal Corporation used bulldozers on 23rd January afternoon to demolish about 15 structures in the Muslim-dominated Haidary Chowk area in Mira Road. Nine persons were injured in the incident (Indian Express, 2024).

4. In Bhoj village of Vadodara district in Gujarat, on 22nd January, stones were allegedly pelted on a Shobhayatra that was undertaken to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Reportedly, the situation was already tense in the village before this yatra and thus a meeting was held with members from both the communities to ensure peace. However, stone pelting took place when the procession reached a particular street. Thirteen of the 16 accused booked for attempt to murder were arrested (Indian Express, 2024). Similar incident was reported from Kheralu town of Mehsana district in Gujarat in the same month (The Hindu, 2024)

5. Two days after the Pran Prathisthan at Ram temple in Ayodhya, communal riots erupted in Howrah, West Bengal. On 24th January, members of the Muslim community had organized a procession of Urs to celebrate the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Prophet Mohammad at Belilious road in Central Howrah. However, clashes took place when some Hindus raised the slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. Some Hindu groups alleged that the Muslims pelted stones and tore their religious posters. Over 20 persons were injured. Police imposed section 144 to prevent further violence (Financial Express, 2024).

6. The most significant communal riot which claimed six lives was that of Haldwani in Uttarakhand on 8th February, 2024. The violence erupted over an anti-encroachment drive in Haldwani’s Banphoolpura area to demolish what Nainital District Administration claimed was an ‘unauthorised’ madrassa and a prayer site. The violence that ensued claimed six lives- five Muslims and one Hindu. Fourteen were critically injured. The police imposed a curfew in the area and also issued shoot at sight orders in response (Mishra I. , 2024)

7. On February 9th, communal riots erupted in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, when stones were thrown at the followers of Tauqeer Raza, a prominent cleric and leader of the Bareilly-based political party, Ittehad-e-Millat Council. The incident occurred as Raza’s followers were returning from a demonstration he had organized to protest the permission granted for prayers in one of the cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque. During the protest, pamphlets were distributed by the followers, and they also shared posts on social media. In response, the police filed an FIR against unidentified individuals under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, two FIRs were registered for rioting, one filed by members of each community involved (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024).

8. Seven communal riots were reported from the state of Bihar related to the Saraswati idol immersion on 9th February. Communal riots were reported from Bhagalpur where stone were pelted took place at a procession en route to immerse the Goddess Saraswati idol in the Lodipur area. Gunshots were also fired during the clashes in which about 15 people who were part of the procession were injured (Kumar, 2024).

9. In Saharasa, Bihar, a clash between two groups in Nariyar Lataha Tola locality left four people injured on 9^th The trigger was the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol (Kumar, 2024).

10. In Sheikhpura, Bihar, six people were injured in a similar clash on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

11. In Sitamarhi, Bihar, violence erupted in the Kanhauli police station area on 9^th February, 2024 leaving half a dozen people injured. Gunshots were also fired (Kumar, 2024).

12. In Darbhanga, Bihar, a clash broke out between members of Hindu and Muslim communities in Bahera market during the immersion of Goodess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024. Reportedly, police have lodged separate first information reports with Bahera, Bishanpur, Hayaghat and Bhalpatti police stations against 170 named accused and 400 unidentified people (Kumar, 2024).

13. In Bahuara village of Siwan district, six people were injured in stone pelting during a riot on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

14. More than 10 people were injured in a clash in Jamui district of Bihar over the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

15. In Vadodara, Gujarat, on 22^nd February, 2024, stone pelting took place between two groups in Navapura are. Communal tensions were fanned when allegedly a derogatory post about Lord Ram was posted on instagram from ID named Sahid Patel. When some Hindus went to the Navapura police station to file the FIR and demand action against the accused, a mob of 150 of Muslims reportedly gathered. Clashes took place between two groups. The police resorted to lathi charge. Sahid Patel, the accused was arrested along with 11 others who were booked for rioting. A total of 22 have been booked for rioting (Times of India, 2024).

16. In an incident that took place in Pahuna village of Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, on 19th March, a Hindu religious procession was underway. When the procession reached a mosque, prayers were taking place. The dispute began because of the noise of the drums that accompanied the procession while the prayers were underway in the mosque. Following an altercation, the two sides hurled stones at each other, leading to injuries. Police arrested 18 people for stone pelting. The police reported that one Shyam Lal Chhipa died of a heart attack during the scuffle (The Hindu, 2024)

17. Communal riot took place on 28^th March in Shirsoli in Jalgaon in Maharashtra when stones were allegedly pelted on persons who participated in the procession to celebrate the birth anniversary of Shivaji. Upon reaching a mosque in the evening, stones were pelted on the procession where six people got injured. Police detained six persons (Chavan, 2024).

18. Two communal riots took place on the occasion of Ram Navami- one in Murshidabad in West Bengal and other in Palamu in Jharkhand. In Murshidabad, stones were pelted on the Ram Navami procession in Rejinagar area on 17th April. A blast was reported from the Shaktipur area near the procession injuring one woman (Times of India, 2024)

19. In Palamu district of Jharkhand, clashes were reported between groups of Hindu and Muslim residents on 17th April. The Muslims of the village of Kajru had opposed the passing of the Ram Navami procession through the mosque. The Muslims argued that Ram Navami wasn’t celebrated in this manner in the past. However, two groups reportedly attacked each other and around five two-wheelers were damaged in the clash. The police arrested ten accused, five from each group (Deccan Herald, 2024)

20. The shrine which had the graves of Imamshah Bawa and his family members in Pirana, Gujarat was flattened by Hindu trustees of the shrine on 7th May, 2024. The Shrine was hailed as a symbol of Hindu- Muslims amity in the region. The destruction of the shrine led to clashes between members of both religious communities where stones were pelted and four persons were reported injured. The police arrested 37 persons booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) pertaining to attempt to murder, rioting, and damage to public property among others (Ghosh, 2024)

21. On 29^th May, 2024, groups of students from two communities clashed at the Guru Nanak Dev Degree College at Mailur on the outskirts of Bidar city, Karnataka. The scuffle broke out during a practice session in the college against the backdrop of a youth festival that was organized by the college. When the students were practicing for a play, two of the actors raised the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’ which was part of the play. This was objected by the students of another community and two of them allegedly attacked the students who had raised the slogan. Meanwhile, the students of both the communities started quarrelling on the campus, which led to manhandling and fisticuffs between them. The police controlled the tensions and the festival was cancelled (Badseshi, 2024).
22. On 14th June 2024, the severed head of a calf was discovered at the Jagannath Mahadev temple in Jaora, Ratlam district, Madhya Pradesh. This led to communal tension and blockages of roads by groups protesting against this mischief. The protestors also clashed with the police. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds and arrested four Muslims and charged them under the National Security Act. The accused were paraded in the town and portions of houses of two of the accused- Salman Mewat and Shakir Qureshi were demolished by the state claiming they were illegally constructed (Mohan, 2024)

23. One communal riot took place in Telangana on the occasion on Bakri Eid on 16th June. The incident took place in Medak district where the Mirajul Uloom Madrasa’s management had purchased cattle for sacrifice for Bakri Eid. Soon after they brought in the cattle, a mob gathered around the madrasa and started protesting against the sacrifice. Clashes took place in three different locations in Medak. The police arrested BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha President, and seven others in connection with the violence in Medak. There were allegations that thousands of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and Hindu Vahini members attacked the madrasa and severely injured the members of the management (The Scroll, 2024).

24. In another incident on Bakri Eid, communal riots took place in Balasore town of Odisha when a group of people protested in Bhujakhia Pir area over presence of animal sacrifice blood on the road on 17th June. It is alleged that the group of Muslims pelted stones on the protestors and houses and also torched vehicles. These clashes turned violent (Times of India, 2024).

25. Similarly, in Maharashtra, demolitions of around 70 Muslim properties took place in Vishalgad Fort near Kolhapur on 14^th These demolitions came on the heels of the communal riots that took place near the Vishalgad fort when Hindu right-wing organizations alleged that the Muslim community was encroaching on the land near the Vishalgad fort and organized a protest against the same. The mob during these “protests” attacked Muslim properties and a dargah and adjacent mosque in the nearby Gajapur village. Despite these attacks on Muslim owned properties, the state ordered and carried out demolitions the very next day under lashing rains (Doshi & Mutha, 2024). The Courts had to intervene to halt the demolitions.

26. In Bareilly’s Gausganj area, the Muharram procession came under attack while passing a temple on 18^th It reportedly led to confrontation and stone pelting from both the sides. The videos of this violence circulated widely and clashes took place again next day, resulting in injuries to many people. One Tej Ram (23) died in the violence. Ironically, the administration in Bareilly demolished eleven houses of Muslims alleging that they were illegal. 35 accused- all Muslims were arrested and sent to jail (Singh, 2024).

27. In Bareilly, UP, on 2^nd August, a mob attacked and torched the house of Mohammad Saddam who eloped with a Hindu girl from his neighbourhood on 29^th The couple was traced and brought to a police station. The girl was handed over to her father while Saddam was detained for questioning as his house was set on fire. An FIR was registered against the perpetrators — 21 identified and 30 unknown — under the BNS section of rioting, and another FIR was registered against Saddam for abduction on the complaint of the woman’s father (Singh & Ansari, Times of India, 2024).

28. In Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, on 10^th August, 2024, Bhupendra Tomar alias Pinki Choudhary, leader of Hindu right wing organization, along with his associates, attacked several Muslim families living at a JJ cluster in the Madhuban Bapudham area. He accused them of being illegal Bangladeshi migrants, a claim that was investigated into by the police and rejected. He justified his actions citing the ill treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. The FIR was registered against Tomar and his men under BNS sections 191(2) (rioting), 354 (sexual harassment), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 117(4) (group of five or more persons acting in concert commits murder on the grounds of race, caste or community), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) and 324(5) (damage to property). He was arrested (Times of India, 2024)

29. Similarly, in the state of Maharashtra, the Sakal Hindu Samaj organized bandh and protests in the towns of Nashik,

30. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar,

31. Jalgaon and

32. Ahmednagar on 16th August to protest against the violence suffered by Hindus in Bangladesh. These places witnessed vandalism and violent clashes between the protestors and other groups which opposed these protests. The protestors and leaders including Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a prominent Hindu religious leader raised derogatory slogans and made derogatory statements about Islam in these rallies (Indian Express, 2024)

33. In Udaipur, Rajasthan, state authorities demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16th August. The Hindu right-wing organized protests in the city and raised anti-Muslim slogans and torched vehicles. The accused boy was rightly arrested. However, the state authorities went ahead to demolish the house the family was living in and owned by his uncle. The authorities claimed that the house was illegally built on forest land and that they had served notice one day before demolition (Mateen & Meena, BBC, 2024)

34. On 24^th August, twelve people, including a pregnant woman, were injured in a communal clash in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district. Qureshi (28), who was in an inebriated state, got into an altercation with Wahid Ahmed (30) of the same village over an issue while returning home. While both were fighting, a local doctor, Sitaram, 62, tried to intervene. The doctor’s intervention irritated both Qureshi and Ahmed, who then allegedly jointly attacked Sitaram. It soon flared into a communal clash as Hindus and Muslims allegedly threw bricks at each other and attacked with sharp weapons, resulting in injuries to around a dozen people. The police filed an FIR and arrested one person (Indian Express, 2024).

35. In Bhilwara, Rajasthan, a chopped tail of a cow was found in the premises of a temple in Bhavani Nagar on 26th August. Thousands gathered outside the temple to protest and demand police action. Some protestor pelted stones and vandalized shops (The Hindu, 2024).

36. Communal riot broke out in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced on 26th August. Clashes took place between groups of Hindus and Muslims. Miscreants burnt down at least 12 homes and looted at least three shops in addition to vandalising a place of worship. Fifteen displaced families were provided shelter in a government school. At least two persons were injured (Syed, 2024)

37. Properties of Muslims were vandalized and attacked by a mob of two thousand on 4^th September in Jainoor situated in Asifabad district of Telangana state. The violence was triggered by allegations that a Muslim man had sexually assaulted a tribal woman in the district. According to reports, a video circulated on social media which showed the mob freely setting shops of Muslims on fire and pelting stones on a mosque. The violence occurred during a bandh called in protest against the sexual assault incident. The Muslim accused of sexual assault has been booked under the SC/ST Act for attempted rape, attempted murder, and murder (Maktoob Media, 2024).

38. The festival of Ganesh Chathurthi and immersion witnessed four communal riots. In Ratlam of Madhya Pradesh, on 7th September, 2024, in Mochipura, stones were pelted on Ganesh idol which was taken for installation. Subsequently, nearly 500 persons gheraoed the Station Road police station demanding action against an unidentified person who threw a stone at the Ganesh procession in Mochipura area. One police van was damaged in the stone pelting. Heavy security was deployed and case registered by the police against unknown person (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024)

39. In another incident related to Ganesh festival, in Sayedpura of Surat in Gujarat, some people allegedly pelted stones at the Ganesh pandal on 8th September, 2024. Reportedly, all six people who were involved in stone pelting along with 27 others who encouraged the incident, were arrested by the police. According to the police, 1000 police personnel were deployed in the area to maintain law and order after tensions escalated following the stone pelting incident. Lathi charge, and tear gas was also used to disperse the protesters. Shortly after the riots, “anti-encroachment” drive was undertaken by the administration and demolished properties in the Muslim dominated Sayedpura (Times of India, 2024).

40. In Gokulnagar of Bharuch, Gujarat, communal clashes took place between two groups on 10^th September, 2024 over installation of religious flags in the area. Members of one community started putting up religious flags in anticipation of Eid-e-Milad. There was an altercation over this issue which led to stone pelting, injuring two. The police has filed an FIR against 20 persons and detained 17 for the violence (Times of India, 2024)

41. Karnataka too witnessed communal riot related to Ganesh Chaturthi. On 11th September, there was alleged stone pelting during the Ganesha immersion procession in Nagamangala town of Mandya district, which escalated into clashes. According to Mandya district administration, 20 shops and eight vehicles were torched by the mob. Violence broke out when the Ganesha procession stopped near a mosque and youths raised slogans. The opposing group also raised slogans leading to an altercation. 52 persons were arrested and prohibitory ordered were imposed in the town by the administration. 600 police personnel were deployed (The Hindu, 2024)

42. On 15^th September, six persons pelted stones on a mosque in Katipalla near Surthkal in Manguluru, Karnataka. The miscreants came on two motorcycles and threw stones on the Mosque, which was lit up for Eid. All six accused were arrested by the police (Indian Express, 2024).

43. In Bhiwandi of Thane district in Maharashtra, on 17th September, 2024 marking the immersion of Lord Ganesh day, communal tensions heightened when rumours spread that stones were pelted on Lord Ganesh procession. This led to an altercation between two groups. Police resorted to lathi charge to disperse the crowd. Some suspects were reportedly detained for questioning by the police (Indian Express, 2024)

44. On Eid Milad-un-Nabi on 16th September, 2024, communal riot was reported from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh. Hindu outfits alleged that stones were thrown at a temple from the Eid procession when it was passing the temple. They also alleged that an assistant of the Priest got injured in the stone pelting (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024).

45. Communal riots took place in Bhadrak district of Odisha on 27^th September over a social media post. The members of the Muslim community clashed with the police when they were denied permission for a protest march in response to social media comments about the Prophet, leading to stone-pelting by the agitated crowd. According to reports, government vehicles were vandalized and officers on law and order duty received injuries in the stone pelting (The Hindu, 2024).

46. A communal clash took place between two groups at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on 26^th October, when two groups confronted each other over an inter-faith couple. A Muslim girl and her partner were found arguing on the railway station while her father had filed a missing report. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) intervened when they saw the couple arguing and took them to the RPF police station for safety. Rumors of a communal incident began to circulate, leading to the formation of two groups at the railway station, one led by Vikas Verma and the other by Asif Qureshi, ‘president of the Dehradun city unit of Azad Samaj Party.’ Both groups engaged in heated arguments, and the situation escalated as they began pelting stones at each other. Eight two-wheeler vehicles along with police vehicle were damaged. A case was registered against 14 identified accused, including Vikas Verma and Asif Qureshi and around 100 unidentified with 50 each from both the sides, under sections 191(2) (rioting), 221(obstructing a public servant from discharging his duties), 223 (disobedience of order passed by public servant) and 324(4) (damaging property) of the BNS and Section 7 of the criminal law (amendment) Act (Das, Times of India, 2024).

47. In the state of Maharashtra, which witnessed a significant spike in communal riots in the recent years, trivial incidents including altercation over parking of vehicle in Akola district between a Muslim and Hindu and a small collision between a rickshaw and motorcycle in Hariharpeth in Akola led to communal riot on 8^th October, 2024. This indicates towards how sensitive and volatile the social atmosphere in Maharashtra has cascaded into against the backdrop of the hate speeches and political mobilization by the Sakal Hindu Samaj in the last three years in the state (Lokmat Times, 2024).

48. In Bahraich of Uttar Pradesh, one youth, Ram Gopal Mishra lost his life when he succumbed to his gunshot injuries received during a Durga idol immersion procession on 13^th October, 2024. He was shot at in the Maharajganj area of the district. The violence erupted over the playing of music during the procession. The clashes that ensued led to torching of homes, a motorbike showroom, Lucknow Seva Hospital and a medical store. Reportedly, the Public Works Department (PWD) served notices to 23 establishments — 20 of them belonging to Muslims — to vacate property after the communal riots. The police arrested over 89 persons related to the violence. At least 11 FIRs had been registered in connection with Mishra’s killing and over 1000 booked. Days later, two of the accused in the Mishra case were killed in encounter by UP police (The Hindu, 2024).

49. A Muslim ban was attacked and beaten up by a mob outside a temple of a local deity in Muthyalamma area in Secunderabad on 14^th He allegedly barged into the temple in the early hours of the day and damaged the idol. He was caught by the devotees who dragged him out of the temple and beat him up before handing him over to the police. The police has filed an FIR in the case against the accused man (Times of India, 2024).

50. Communal riots erupted in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand when individuals from two communities had a spate over parking space on 15^th October, 2024. According to reports, the incident took place around 9.30 am, when a Hindu local was parking his scooter in front of a Muslim shop owner. An altercation started when the shop owner reportedly asked the man not to park the vehicle there. Soon others gathered and beat up the Hindu man. The man went to the police and was sent for a medical check-up. However, members of some Hindu outfits gathered and took out a procession in protest. The mob created a ruckus, vandalised some shops, and damaged signboards. The ruckus went on till around 2 pm. Following the altercation, a large crowed from the two communities gathered at the Gauchar outpost.The police registered a case against the accused, Rizwan, Salman, Asif and 70-80 unidentified individuals, under sections 115(2), 191(2), and 352 of the BNS (Mishra, 2024).

51. In Dehradun, the shops of Muslims were attacked and vandalized and four police officers were injured when the members of ‘Sanyukta Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh Uttarakhand’- an umbrella body of Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and other right-wing Hindu organizations were stopped from marching to Jama Masjid to demolish the same on 24th October, 2024. More than 200 people have been booked in connection with a stone-pelting. The right-wing organizations claimed that the mosque is illegal much against the declaration made by the district administration recently that the mosque was legally registered in 1969. In September, the organizations had organized a protest to demand that the Muslim families living nearby the Mosque be expulsed from their homes. These events had contributed to escalated tensions in the area (Das, Times of India, 2024).

52. The houses and properties of Muslims were attacked in Kadakol village of Haveri district in Karnataka on 30^th October, 2024 after there were rumours that the houses of the Hindu residents around a shrine will be taken over by Wafq board. Reportedly, miscreants allegedly threw stones and ransacked houses, besides destroying a parked motorcycle in the village. Five people were injured. The authorities assured the families that their houses are not being taken over. Twenty two persons were detained for questioning by the police (Kattimani, 2024).

53. On 16^th November, communal riots broke out in Beldanga town in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Tensions erupted following reports of an allegedly objectionable message written on a neon signboard at a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanga. There was stone pelting, and shops and vehicles were attacked. Some people sustained injuries in the vandalism and arson. 17 persons were arrested (Singh S. S., 2024).

54. In Madhya Pradesh, communal riot broke out in Mauganj district on November 19, 2024, when BJP MLA Pradeep Patel reached land near the Devra Mahadevan temple which he alleged was encroached upon. An altercation ensued between BJP volunteers and Muslim residents of the area, leading to stone pelting which injured three people. The police teams upon reaching the spot reportedly took away Patel to Rewa and claimed to have acted against accused persons and bring normalcy (Times of India, 2024)

55. Another significant communal riot took place in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh when a survey team surveyed the Shahi Jama Masjid after claims were made by Hindu groups that a temple once stood on the very same site. Groups clashed with each other- one opposing the survey on 24^th November, 2024. The violence that ensued claimed four lives- all Muslims who were shot at. 20 police personnel were injured along with others. Groups of people clashed with each other and police near the Shahi Jama Masjid in Kot West and indulged in arson according to the police (Rehman, 2024).

56. A minor dispute between two individuals in Mehkar town of Buldhana district, Maharashtra escalated into a violent clash between two communities on 24^th November, 2024. The situation led to arson and stone-pelting. Violence erupted in the Marimata Chowk area of Mehkar when a quarrel broke out between two youths dining at a hotel on Janefal Road. The argument spiraled into a full-fledged riot, with mobs from both sides resorting to stone-pelting. During the clash, an Omni van, two motorcycles, and an auto rickshaw were set on fire. The police have filed cases against more than 50 individuals from both communities and arrested 23 suspects based on a FIR and counter FIR (Sable, 2024).

57. In Dehradun, Uttarakhand, members of Sanatan Sanskriti, a right-wing Hindu group demolished a mazaar situated within the campus of an influential reputed residential school in November. The miscreants livestreamed the demolition. The group also claimed they took permission from government officials to raze the structure, a claim denied by the administration. The group claimed that the mazaar was a new structure and stands in violation of the chief minister’s orders prohibiting religious structures in public institutions. However, according to locals the mazaar was very old. The school authorities clarified that during the civil work, the Mazaar was damaged and thus they were repairing the same (Tyagi, 2024).

58. On 1^st December, 2024, communal riot flared in Maharashtra’s Buldhana district after a procession celebrating Tipu Sultan triggered violent clashes between two groups. The dispute, which began over fireworks, quickly escalated into widespread violence, with stone-pelting and the setting of vehicles and shops on fire. According to reports, the clashes began following a disagreement related to fireworks during the procession. The situation spiraled out of control, resulting in significant property damage and injuries. Police used tear gas and lathi charges to disperse the unruly crowds. 18 individuals were arrested, and an FIR was filed against 70-80 unidentified people (Latestly, 2024).

59. On 25^th December, communal riot broke out in Rohtak, Haryana, when the members of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal stormed into the venue of a Christmas celebration and disrupted it. The miscreants alleged that religious conversion were taking place at the celebration. The miscreants climbed on the stage and recited ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and demanded that Christmas celebrations take place only in the confines of churches (Times of India, 2024)

[1][1] Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade and Mithila Raut

[2] One communal riot was reported outside of the Mumbai edition of the five mentioned newspapers used for collecting data. The communal riot took place in Howrah, West Bengal on 13^th October over a picture made during a drawing competition during a Durga Puja celebration. FIR was filed and arrests were made in the case (Indian Express 14^th October 2024).

[3] https://csss-isla.com/secular-perspective/peace-eluded-manipur-in-the-year-2024/

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The post Hegemony and Demolitions: The Tale of Communal Riots in India in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Jankar has also offered to resign if the ECI agrees to conduct fresh by-elections. Failing the same, the MLA will then decide the next step of the agitation within the next 15 days. Jankar’s constituency includes the village of Markadwadi that had made history post declaration of results in Maharashtra on November 23, 2024. Electors had attempted to conduct a mock-poll with paper ballots as only 300 votes were recorded from a village where Jhankar’s supporters claimed to be 2,000. They were stopped in the exercise by the local authorities and police. A press conference will be held to announce next steps on January 24, 2025, at the Press Club of India, New Delhi, at 3 P.M. Former Justice Kolse Patil speaking on behalf of the movement, said, “we are fighting for the nation and want to produce evidence before the ECI against EVM manipulation” seeks appointment with CEC

Jankar has made it clear that he is willing to resign if the Election Commission does agree to his demand for a re-election using paper ballots. It is his claim that he got less votes from every village that were put in by the people in his constituency. He is determined to step down if the ECI conducts a fresh poll by the legally prescribed method i.e. Ballot Papers. As evidence, he has gathered around 1,76,000 notarized affidavits from individuals who claim to have voted for him, further strengthening his case. Today he submitted a sample of 1,300 of these in a bound volume to the ECI.

This move is part of a larger battle against the illegal use of EVMs and VVPAT machines, which, according to Jankar, compromises the integrity of the election process. Retired Justice Kolse Patil, speaking on behalf of the movement, emphasised that they are fighting for the nation’s democratic principles and intend to present evidence before the ECI. 

Fighting in country’s interest, citing evidence of EVM manipulation since 2014

Justice (Retd.) B.G. Kolse Patil, former judge of Bombay High Court, has long been at the forefront of efforts to challenge the alleged manipulation of EVMs. Speaking to SabrangIndia, Justice Patil said that we are fighting completely for the interest of the country, and have been fighting since 2014. He alleges that post 2014, the government had through a variety of manipulations effected varations in the electronic voting system that allowed for non-transparency. He recalls how he had filed a petition in the Supreme Court before 2014, and Justice Ranjan Gogoi had remarked that, ‘EVM is not dependable.’ That is why the VVPAT was introduced. However limiting possibility of scrutiny of VVPATs and introduction of external elements through the SLU (internet linkages to the ECI website) have ensured vulnerability of the entire system.

Want to produce evidence before the Election Commission: Justice Patil 

Justice Patil, speaking about the ongoing fight against EVM manipulation, emphasised the need to present concrete evidence to the Election Commission. He explained, “Now that he (Jankar) has been elected as an MLA, even he feels that EVMs should not exist for the benefit of the country. This is an exceptional case. When we lose, the Election Commission says we (are raising issue of EVMs only when we lost), so we should accept it! But here, we haven’t lost. Jankar has won. We want to change this system. And we want to provide proof for that. It’s not that we are talking casually; we are bringing proof. He has collected an affidavit from every voter in every village, and we want to present this evidence before the Election Commission. In the village where he should have received 1200-1500 votes, he only got around 300 votes. So, where did his votes go? When we were trying to establish this through a mock poll, you stopped it, which means you are hiding something. 

“Recently, advocate Mehmood Pracha also sought video footage from all constituencies in Haryana, and the High Court approved it. After that, the government changed the law. So, the extent to which the government will go has crossed all limits of hiding and lying is beyond belief. We are fighting against this” justice Patil told Sabrang India

Trying to meet Election Commission Justice Patil

Justice Patil also expressed frustration over the Election Commission’s refusal tactics to meet with the delegation. He stated, “We are trying to meet with the ECI. We went to the Commission this morning, but we were not allowed to meet them. We will go again at 4 pm today. We know that the Commission will not meet us. If they don’t respect the Supreme Court, why would they meet us? But we will expose this no matter what. This is for the benefit of the nation; we don’t have any personal animosity with the Commission.”

It is to be noted that Uttamrao Jankar, sitting MLA and Justice Patil were not able to meet the Commission on the afternoon of January 23 as well, but were able to submit 1,300 affidavits as evidence to the Commission. As told by Justice Patil, they made it to the reception of the ECI, and submitted these sample affidavits to the ECI. Justice Patil said that they are ready to supply the truck full of the remaining affidavits to the authority as well, if they demand the same.

NSP (SP) MLA Uttam Rao Jankar announced press conference

MLA NCP (SP) Uttam Rao Jankar, Justice (Retd.) Kolse Patil and advocate & national convenor of Mission Save Constitution, Mehmood Pracha, under the banner of Mission Save Constitution, have announced a crucial press conference regarding the ongoing fight against the illegal deployment of EVM-VVPAT machines in India’s election process. This press conference will take place on January 24, 2025 at 3:00 P.M. at the Press Club of India, Raisina Road, New Delhi. 

PRESS CONFERENCE
The winner MLA (Markadwadi area) Maharashtra offers to resign if @rajivkumarec @ECISVEEP ready to hold elections by ballot paper. Another #TruthOrDare for @narendramodi @AmitShah @RSSorg @BJP4India
FYI @RahulGandhi @kharge @priyankagandhi @Mayawati… pic.twitter.com/sc6xlIKujt

— Mehmood Pracha (@MehmoodPracha) January 22, 2025

Markadwadi and the beginning of the protests

The controversy surrounding the 2024 Maharashtra State Assembly Elections began in the village of Markadwadi, located in the Sholapur district. Villagers in Markadwadi, a predominantly NCP (SP) supporting area, became increasingly dissatisfied with the election results, particularly with the outcome of the Malshiras constituency. On November 23, when the results were declared, NCP candidate Uttamrao Jankar emerged victorious, but many villagers questioned the voting patterns (as they emerged during the counting/results) in their own village. Markadwadi, with a population of approximately 2,000, had 1,900 voters, and the results showed that BJP’s Ram Satpute had received 1,003 votes while Jankar secured only 843 votes. This outcome seemed implausible to the villagers, as Jankar had historically enjoyed significant support in the region. 

The plan for a re-poll with ballot papers

The villagers, frustrated with the electronic voting machines (EVMs), decided to conduct a symbolic “repoll” with paper ballots on December 3 to challenge the results and the credibility of the EVMs. They set up makeshift booths and electoral rolls, mirroring the official process. However, the authorities intervened with prohibitory orders and a heavy police presence to halt the protest. Despite the legal backing for paper ballots under the Representation of People Act, the administration deemed the mock poll illegal. The authorities insisted that the election process had been conducted transparently and declared the villagers’ attempt to hold a re-poll as unlawful.

FIRs and legal action against the protesters

In response to the planned mock election and following the unrest erupted in Markadwadi, the Solapur Rural police, day after filed an FIR on December 4 against newly elected NCP (SP) MLA Uttam Jankar and around 200 others for breaching prohibitory orders issued under section 163 of the BNS This came after the district administration had cancelled the planned re-polling exercise, which aimed to challenge the EVM results of the November 20 election. Despite the administration denying permission, MVA supporters, led by Jankar, decided to proceed with the ballot voting.

In anticipation of potential unrest, the district authorities also imposed prohibitory orders and deployed heavy police forces in the village. Jankar, who had defeated BJP’s Ram Satpute from Malshiras, by 13,000 odd votes, was present to support the mock polling. While the MVA supporters set up a pandal and made necessary arrangements, police held several meetings with the villagers and Jankar to persuade them to call off the event.

Protests in Pune, Sholapur and Akola

The dissatisfaction with the EVM results spread beyond Markadwadi. On December 5, protests erupted in Pune, Sholapur, and Akola, where demonstrators gathered to voice their discontent against what they called a “manipulated and fixed election.” The protests coincided with the swearing-in of the newly elected Maha Yuti state government, which further fueled public outrage. Demonstrators in Pune included leaders from the Indian National Congress (INC) and the UBT-Shiv Sena, who joined forces to demand an investigation into the alleged manipulation of the EVM process.

Growing public unrest and the EVM controversy

Across the state, allegations of EVM malfunctions and voting discrepancies became more widespread. Winning candidates like Jankar and Varun Sardesai from Shiv Sena (UBT) also raised doubts about the reliability of the EVM results. Sardesai noted the discrepancy between the postal ballot trends and the EVM results, which showed a dramatic shift in favor of the Mahayuti coalition, a result that appeared incongruent with the earlier postal ballot data. The public outcry grew as many felt the election process lacked transparency and fairness. In Solapur, local activist Raju Kohli voiced strong dissatisfaction, equating the swearing-in of the chief minister to the swearing-in of the EVM, not the will of the people.

As protests spread, the calls for electoral reform grew louder. More than 34 candidates across the state filed requests for verification of VVPAT (Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail) slips, highlighting the deepening concern over the EVMs’ reliability. The protests also saw participation from national leaders, including Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, who led a rally in Delhi under the banner “Save Constitution, Save Waqf, Save Reservation, Remove EVMs.” These events marked a growing movement calling for the replacement of EVMs and a return to voting by paper ballots, which were seen as a more trustworthy method of voting.

Legal and Constitutional concerns over EVMs

The legal basis for the protests rested on the argument that the use of EVMs was not legally justified. According to Section 59 of the Representation of People Act, 1951, voting must be conducted through paper ballots unless the Election Commission issues a specific order under Section 61A to justify the use of EVMs. Critics also argued that the EVMs were being used without proper legal authorisation, leading to questions about the legitimacy of the voting process. This legal challenge formed the backbone of the protests, with activists and politicians calling for a revaluation of the electoral system.

Related

M’tra: Is the protest against ‘EVM system’ and irregular electoral practices is gaining momentum?

Markadwadi, Pune, Sholapur, Akola, are protests against ECI mounting in Maharashtra?

Congress raises alarm over manipulated voter rolls in Maharashtra Assembly elections

The post EVM row: Winning MLA from Malshiras (Markadwadi) issues ultimatum to ECI, demands elections by ballot papers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A protest was sparked by the desecration of a Constitution replica in front of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s statue. During a bandh called by the Dalit organisations to condemn the desecration incident, the perpetrator of which had been deemed as “lunatic” by the police before his arrest, certain outside elements came and indulged in violence. The police, which let the unruly crowd run amok for almost one hour, weaponised this incident to target Dalit colonies by conducting combing operations, using brute force and indulge in violence. While the police registered FIRs focusing on property damage caused during protests, following the desecration of the Constitution in front of DR BR Ambedkar’s statue, twelve detailed private complaints of police violence remain unacknowledged.

Key findings from the report

1. Custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi: Somnath, a 35-year-old law student and an LIC agent, was arrested on December 11 and subjected to severe custodial violence. He succumbed to injuries on December 15, with the post-mortem report citing “shock following multiple injuries.” Despite filing complaints, his family has seen no action against the police officers implicated. His mother, Vijayabai Suryawanshi, has rejected a government compensation offer of ₹10 lakh and has demanded life imprisonment for those responsible.
2. Widespread police brutality: The report documents harrowing accounts of police combing operations in Dalit-majority areas like Bhim Nagar, Priyadarshini Nagar, and Sarang Nagar. Residents reported police breaking into homes, assaulting men and women, including minors and elderly individuals, and using caste-based slurs. Women recounted instances of extreme violence, including injuries on their private parts, and detainees were allegedly tortured in custody with blows to their feet and palms to conceal visible injuries. The brute violence and unchecked brutalities displayed by police during the beatings of women and the young in their homes during the combing operations and after that in custody have violated all laws and statutes including directions by the Supreme Court on police conduct towards those in custody. 
3. Failure to address complaints: Victims and their families have filed twelve detailed complaints highlighting police atrocities and instances of police brutality, but none have been converted into FIRs. Instead, police FIRs focus on property damage caused during protests, ignoring complaints of custodial violence and abuse.
4. Administrative lapses: The team found that prior to the desecration, a far-right Hindutva event had taken place near the area of incident. At the said extremist event, incendiary speeches had been made. The report finds that the administration allowed the Hindu Ekta Morcha, an event organised by an outfit with with a history of inviting speakers who make incendiary speeches that violate the law and breach social peace, , to proceed without adequate preventive measures. No steps, such as videography of speeches or imposition of Section 144 of the CrPC (163 pf the BNSS), were taken to avoid unrest. The police also failed to investigate the role of Datta Sopan Pawar, who desecrated the Constitution replica and was swiftly declared “mentally deranged” without a formal psychiatric assessment.
5. Targeting of activists and Dalit leaders: Prominent Dalit activists and leaders were particularly targeted. Activist Vijay Wakode died of a heart attack shortly after attending deceased Somnath’s funeral, allegedly due to relentless police intimidation. Other victims include law student Dhammadip Mogale, who was assaulted and threatened into silence, and activist Vatsalabai Manvate, who faced brute violence during the combing operations.

Recommendations and demands

The fact-finding team has called for urgent and comprehensive action to address these violations:

• Accountability for police atrocities: Immediate FIRs must be registered against officers involved in violence, including under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Suspensions and investigations of the erring officers should follow, under the supervision of the judiciary.
• Transparency and public accountability: Publicly disclose police orders regarding the chain of command responsibility in police operation and deputation register to ascertain who was responsible for the combing operation that violated the law, the Indian Constitution and International Human Rights Law. Additionally, video recordings of the Hindu Ekta Morcha, and CCTV footage from police stations must be disclosed. Compliance with Supreme Court guidelines on CCTV installation in police stations should be ensured. 
• Public Disclosure of Police Personnel present at the Police Station at Parbhani where gross human rights abuses have been alleged to have taken place, the Case Diaries of Instructions given by SPs and their superiors behind all these actions. 
• Compensation and rehabilitation: All victims of police brutality should receive substantial reparation in the form of financial compensation and access to medical and psychological care. Somnath’s siblings should be given government jobs as part of rehabilitation efforts.
• Independent investigation into the Constitution desecration: The role of Datta Sopan Pawar and the possible involvement of others must be thoroughly investigated, with findings made public.
• Systemic reforms: The state must commit to ending caste-based discrimination within law enforcement, ensuring strict adherence to human rights laws and accountability for violations.

It was days after the tragic incidents in December 2024, Advocate. Abhay Taksal (CPI), Advocate Pawan Jondhale, Youth Ambedkarite Leader, Sudhir Salve, Comrade Vikas Gaikwad, Comrade Pritam Ghagave, and Ambedkarite leader, Rahul Pradhan spent hours in Parbhani interviewing victims, eye-witnesses and even interacting with the authorities. It is on this basis that the Fact-Finding Report has been prepared. Teesta Setalvad, secretary, Citizens for Justice and Peace and Raju Parulekar, poet, writer and political commentator guided the effort. 

The events in Parbhani represent a horrifying betrayal of constitutional values and the rule of law. The victims, primarily from marginalised Dalit communities, continue to await justice while the guilty remain shielded by systemic bias and administrative indifference. The fact-finding team emphasises the urgent need for accountability, transparency, and systemic reform to ensure such atrocities are never repeated. The nation must stand in solidarity with the victims and demand justice for Parbhani.

The Preliminary Fact-finding report may be read here:

Artwork by Sunil Abhiman Awchar

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Constructions such as 250 residences, one dargah, and nine mazars have been demolished. As per the Dwarka Superintendent of Police Nitesh Pandey, the structures were majorly “religious” or “commercial”, as reported by the Indian Express. More than seven islands of the Dwarka district have been freed from the illegal encroachments as part of the ongoing demolition drive in Dwarka. 

The Home Minister of Gujarat, Harsh Sanghvi shared a post on X, announcing the success of the demolition drive. He also shared aerial footage sharing the post demolition status of the cleared lands on the 7 islands that are 100% free from encroachments. He appreciated the coordinated efforts of the administration and the law enforcement authorities in the demolition drive by stating that “The historic bulldozer operation in Devbhumi Dwarka has yielded significant results.”

Targeting of minorities under pretext of removing illegal encroachments

While the demolition drive has proceeded peacefully, there have been concerns that have been raised that the Muslim minority of the region have been targeted unfairly and that the removal of encroachments has not followed the due procedure of law. The Gujarat Minority Coordination Committee wrote a letter to the chief minister Bhupendra Patel, requesting him to stop the “discrimination against the community.” The letter signed by Mujahid Nafees, convener of the Minority Coordination Committee also stated that “there should be no discrimination between Hindus and Muslims in the clearing of encroachments.”

The above allegations have been denied by the Superintendent of Police of Jamnagar, Premsukh Delu, stating that the Pirotan island is very sensitive due to its location. He claimed that “From a national security perspective, this island is critical due to its proximity to the international waters. Production facilities of Reliance Industries, Gujarat State Fertilisers and Chemicals Limited and Nayara Energy are located in Jamnagar, besides air force and navy base stations.” He further added that “There are concerns of narcotics landing here from international waters,” as reported by India Today.

Flouting of Supreme Court guidelines regarding issuance of notice before demolition

Local authorities have emphasized that proper and timely notices were issued before the demolition of the unauthorized constructions was carried out. They have claimed that legal action was only initiated after the expiration of the deadlines. 

While the authorities have claimed that the demolition drive has been conducted as per rules and regulations, the locals have contended that the first notice was issued to them on January 3, and the second notice was issued on January 7 for furnishing documents of their properties. Public hearings were conducted on January 8 and 9, and the demolitions began on January 10. They have argued that the given time is very little for people inhabiting these properties for furnishing their documents and presenting their case. 

It must be noted that, in 2022, the Supreme Court laid down guidelines with regards to demolition of structures, whereby the Court mandated that no demolition must be carried out without a service of notice, and within time provided by the local municipal laws or a period of 15 days from the date of the service of the said notice. A bench headed by Justices BR Gavai and KV Vishwanathan also said that “If the executive takes the role of a judge and orders demolition of a house without following the process of law, it is violative of the rule of law. The state cannot take arbitrary action against the accused or convict without following the due process of law.”

It can be seen here the local authorities have demolished the encroachments without providing proper notice and time for the people to present their case and challenge the demolition or to manage their affairs before the demolition is to take place.

Displaced locals left in distress

While the authorities have claimed that proper notices were issued, multiple locals have stated that they received little to no warning before the demolition took place. People were seen in distress as their homes were being destroyed while they desperately attempted to salvage their belongings.

Multiple critics have also claimed that the real motive behind the demolition drive in Dwarka, Gujarat seems like an attempt to clear out the Muslim community under the garb of environment protection. While the Government has made claims to provide compensation for the displaced families, many locals feel uncertain about their future, as reported by Kashmir Media Service News.

The Social Democratic Party of India has also commended the demolition drive and stated that “no need to say that Muslim places of worship and Muslim monuments are inevitably the target.”  

Demolition drive in Dwarka: Part of a larger scale demolitions across Gujarat

In a series of similar actions that started in October, 2022, the demolition drive in Dwarka, Gujarat is the latest. Illegal residences, 9 mosques and shrines in the coastal areas surrounding the Gir Somnath temple in late 2020. In Junagarh, a dargah and a temple encroaching on the government land were demolished in March, 2024. Similar drives followed in Kutch and Porbandar to allegedly free coastal areas of illegal structures and allow the police to regulate unauthorized movement in the region for national security and recent increase in the narcotics trade.

The increase in the frequency of such demolition drives and their supposedly accidental target towards the minority Muslim population raises serious concerns regarding the true intention behind such drives and if they really are for protecting national security and national interests. While the authorities have claimed that the removal of encroachments in Dwarka has been via due process of law, the locals seem to not have been given proper opportunity to present their case and there has been no action on behalf of the Government to rehabilitate or compensate the displaced families and people. These arbitrary actions seriously violate the human rights of the people.

Related:

Supreme Court rebukes “Bulldozer Justice,” plans to issue nationwide guidelines to prevent arbitrary demolitions

Spewing hate, slurring Muslims: an unchecked decade-long diatribe by Bharatiya Janata Party?

Supreme Court to hear urgent pleas against state-sanctioned bulldozer demolitions in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan

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We shall make an attempt to debunk the more “popular myths” associated with Bose through his own writings and correspondence. The three primary myths to be debunked are about one, Nehru and Bose’s relations, two, Bose and Patel’s relations and three, why and how Bose’s appropriation by the majoritarian communal forces reflects a greatest irony.

‘The rift between Nehru and Bose’

It is one of the most favourite pastimes of various right wing organizations to pit Bose against Nehru in their attempt to show how they were antagonistic to each other. However, the reality is contrary to what is being portrayed. Subhash Chandra Bose had been deferential to CR Das and Motilal Nehru since his inception in politics. With the passage of time, Subhash and Jawaharlal came to be seen in a similar light, both representing the left wing within the Congress. Both of them surged ahead as icons and the favourite leaders of youth. Their popularity could be gauged from the fact that the charismatic youth leader of the time, Bhagat Singh, himself wrote an article on the two titled, ‘New Leaders and their Different Ideologies’ in Kirti magazine in 1928. The two had opposed the dominion status of the Nehru Report and had been adamant to amend this clause at the Calcutta session of the Congress in 1928. The All India Congress Committee passed Gandhi’s resolution that, if the British did not accede to their demand for Dominion status within two years, then a call for complete independence should be given, by 118 votes. Subhash got 45 votes in his favour.

A meeting of the left wing within the Congress had taken place in Lucknow in 1928 attended by both Nehru and Bose. After the meeting both of them began organising branches of the Independence League all over the country. (Subhash Chandra Bose, An Indian Pilgrim: The Indian Struggle, 1935, pp.136-137) The first All Bengal Conference of Students was held in August 1928 at Calcutta presided by Jawaharlal Nehru. (Bose, 1935, p.137) The Independence League was formally inaugurated at Delhi in November and according to Bose it attained the importance that it did largely because of Nehru’s association with it. (Bose, 1935, p.152)

At the time when the Gandhi-Irwin pact was about to be signed, Bose hoped that Nehru would be successful in getting Gandhi to agree to more favourable terms for the nation. He wrote that there was no one with sufficient personality to force their views on Gandhi except Jawaharlal Nehru. (Bose, 1935, p.181)

The difference between Bose and Nehru regarding Gandhi was that while both were deferential to him, Nehru was not ready to break with him, unlike Subhash. We shall see this more vividly as we move forward. The relations between Nehru and Bose were extremely friendly during this time and as argued by Rudrangshu Mukherjee in his Nehru and Bose: Parallel Lives (2014), Bose had started to think of Nehru as an elder brother and mentor but Nehru was perhaps unaware about the change. Bose took great care of Kamla Nehru during her treatment in Europe and regularly kept himself updated regarding her health despite his peripatetic nature of stay. (Letter from Bose to Nehru dated October 4, 1935, p.121, Bunch Of Old Letters). He was also with Nehru in his hour of bereavement and wrote a letter to him to that effect on 4th March 1936 (Bunch Of Old Letters, p.166).

On his return to India, Bose was detained and shortly imprisoned. This did not go down well with the youth of the nation and their admiration for Bose was given expression by Nehru who declared the day, May 10, to be celebrated as Subhash Day. (Rudgranshu Mukherjee, Nehru And Bose: Parallel Lives, 2014, p. 213)

In Bose’s letter to Nehru dated June 30, 1936 he expressed his concern for Nehru’s health and went on to advise him a couple of things regarding his priorities as Congress President.(Bunch Of Old Letters, p.195) The two had grown e quite close and spoke in almost one voice over all matters of the Congress. When the infamous Tripuri incident took place and he saw no cooperation forthcoming from his Working Committee, Bose resigned. At the time, he wrote a letter to his nephew. This letter which is quoted by almost all the accusers as “evidence of Nehru’s malice towards Bose” should be read in context and in entirety. Though the letter says, no one had done more harm to me than Nehru in my cause, this comment was meant in the context to the Tripuri incident. This emerges from the fact that Bose despite his admiration for Gandhi was ready to part ways with him which Nehru was not. Rudrangshu Mukherjee points out that at this time Bose even invited Nehru to discuss the situation (Rudrangshu Mukherjee, Nehru and Bose: Parallel Lives, 2014, p.243)

We must also not forget that Nehru was made the chairman of the Planning Committee during Bose’s tenure as Congress President and Nehru makes it a point to mention this. (Nehru, Discovery Of India, Classic Reprint, 2010, p.412)  When the news of Bose’s death reached Nehru, he was moved to tears, one of the very few occasions when he cried in public. He even donned the lawyer’s coat after 25 years to defend the INA prisoners alongside Bhulabhai Desai. Nehru contrasts Bose’s heroic resistance from Japan with the lethargic attitude of a few Congressmen. (Nehru, Discovery of India, Classic Reprint, 2010, p.521). Bose on his part named one of the battalions of his army after Nehru. They had their differences but those were probably very few and their mutual respect and admiration was tremendous. As Rudrangshu Mukherjee highlights, it is their friendship, the partnership they had, which has been overlooked by historians.

‘Patel and Bose did not see eye to eye’

There can hardly be any misconception as great as this, for which, often, historians have been responsible. Bose and Patel had their differences and often quite sharp ones but they greatly admired each other. When Patel had become the ‘Sardar Patel of India’ after the Kheda satyagraha, Bose referred to his achievement at Kheda as a “glorious victory.”(Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, 1991, p.168). While Bose was closer to Nehru, when Nehru was made the president of Congress in 1929, Bose wrote in his Indian Pilgrim that the general feeling in Congress circles was that the honour should go to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. (p.169) The Karachi session, apart from vital interjection/inclusion of the section/chapter on fundamental rights, was notable for the unity displayed by Gandhi, Patel, Nehru and Bose. (Rajmohan Gandhi, 1991, p. 204)

Rajmohan Gandhi also narrates an incident which displays Patel’s curiosity to learn from Bose as well as a competitiveness between the two through Mahadev Desai’s diary. Mahadev Desai notes in his diary on May 29, 1932 that Patel asked him a question which he found interesting, even amazing. He asked who was Vivekananda?  Mahadev Desai thought that this thought might have risen because of Bose claiming Vivekananda his inspiration in an article in Leader. He suggested Romain Rolland’s books on Vivekanand and Ramkrishna Paramhans. While the latter part is correct, it appears to have transpired in June and not on May 29. Also, Mahadev Desai himself offers this suggestion to Patel and not on any particular query raised by Patel. If this fact, what was said is true, then Rajmohan Gandhi might have used a different version of Mahadev Desai’s diary –one which may be in physical existence —as against the one accessible on the Internet.

Vithalbhai Patel (Sardar’s brother) was in Austria where he met Bose. Vithalbhai’s health had been on a decline and in September 1933 it reached a position where he had to be attended by doctors most of the time, aound the clock. As his last but not insignificant political act, Vithalbhai Patel along with Subhash Chandra Bose signed a joint statement against Gandhi’s passive resistance stating that he had failed as a leader and India now needed new methods for its independence. (GI Patel, Vithalbhai Patel: Life And Times, Volume 2, 1950, pp.1217-1218) Vallabhbhai Patel was in prison at this time but he was deeply attached to his brother despite a few bitter memories which marred Vithalbhai’s move to Europe. Vallabhai rote multiple letters to Vithalbhai. It was probably the close monitoring (surveillance) by the the British that ensured these letters never reached Vithalbhai who thought that his brother had probably neglected him. (GI Patel, Vithalbhai Patel: Life And Times, Volume 2, 1950, p.1226) Bose who had this remarkable gift of nursing and doting on the ill, looked after him extremely well. Gandhi remarked on this aspect; observing that Bose had outdone himself in his care of Vithalbhai.

Vithalbhai made his Will at the Clinique de Linegeure, Gland in which he wrote that three fourth of his estates were to be used by Subhash for India’s political upliftment and publicity work on behalf of India’s freedom struggle. He appointed Dr. P.T. Patel and G.I. Patel as executors of the Will.(G.I. Patel, Vithalbhai Patel: Life And Times, Volume 2, pp.1250-1251) GI Patel further mentions that though he asked Bose for the original Will several times, he could only muster a copy of the Will that he sent to GI Patel. GI Patel met Vallabhbhai in Nashik prison and showed him the Will. Vallabhbhai subjected the Will to cross examination enquiring why Vithalbhai’s signature was not attested by a medical person when he was in failing health. Since he would not have been able to dictate the Will in one go because of his illness, why was the original handwritten copy not produced? He was also suspicious as to why all three men who attested Vithalbhai’s signature were Bengalis and two of them merely students when eminent people like Bhulabhai Desai and others were present nearby.

Despite this fact we must keep in mind that Gordhanbhai Patel and not Vallabhbhai Patel moved the Bombay High Court in January 1939. Bhulabhai Desai, Chimnalal Setalvad and Motilal Setalvad represented GI Patel and others whereas PR Das (CR Das’s brother) and Manekshaw represented Bose. Justice B.J Wadia held that the reference in the Will to objects on which Subhash was to spend Vithalbhai’s money was vague and thus invalid. Vallabhbhai Patel announced that the money would go to Vithalbhai Memorial Trust. Subhash Chandra Bose appealed against the judgement but Justice Sir John Baumont and Justice Kania reaffirmed Justice Wadia’s ruling. (Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel:A Life, 1991, p.237)

Now studying the relation between the two, Rajmohan Gandhi tells us about the Haripura session of the Congress at which the relation between Patel and Bose seemed free of friction and consensus marked the session’s decisions (Patel: A Life, 1991, p.265). When Khare had accused Patel of malicious intent towards him in side-lining him, Bose had defended Patel in this episode. Similarly, when the Muslim League headed coalition government fell in Assam, Patel backed Subhash who said Congress should make a bid to power as against Azad and Prasad’s opinion on the matter.(Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, 1991, p.277) When life was made difficult for Bose as president at the Tripuri session Sarat Bose (Subhash Chandra Bose’s brother) wrote to Gandhi that Patel had a hand in the mean, malicious and vindictive propaganda against Bose.( Patel: A Life, p.281) While Patel was apprehensive of Bose’s candidature for President at Haripura, at Tripuri, Patel and others were simply toeing the line of Gandhi.

When Subhash was leading the INA, Vallabhbhai claimed Subhash as a colleague and fellow-fighter and was willing to help the personnel and dependents of the INA. He also headed the Congress Committee set up to assist relatives of those in a members killed by the Allies. (Patel: A Life, p.348)

Thus, we find that despite all their differences Bose and Patel had immense respect for each other and assisted each other for the attainment of the goal of Indian independence.

‘Bose was closer to Hindu communalists’

This myth emanates from the fact that Bose had gone on a hunger strike in support of the Durga Puja celebration in Burmese jail. The entire episode is reproduced in Bose’s own book An Indian Pilgrim’s chapter 7, “In Burmese Prisons.” Bose wrote that “in October 1925, our national religious festival — the Durga Pujah …falling …, we applied to the Superintendent for permission and for funds to perform the ceremony. Since similar facilities were given to Christian prisoners in Indian prisons, the Superintendent gave us the necessary facilities, in anticipation of Government sanction.” (An Indian Pilgrim, pp.123-124) The Government, however, refrained from giving sanction and censured the Superintendent, Major Findlay, for acting on his own steam. Thereupon, Bose was forced to commence a hunger-strike in February 1926. Three days after the hunger-strike began, the Calcutta paper, Forward, published the news of the hunger-strike and also the ultimatum Bose had sent to the Government. Bose further wrote that, “about the same time Forward published extracts from the report of the Indian Jail Committee of 1919-21. Before this Committee a high official of the Prison Department, Lieutenant Colonel Mulvany, had given evidence to say that he had been forced by his superior officer, the Inspector-General of Prisons of Bengal, to withdraw the health reports he had sent of some state-prisoners in his jail and to send in false reports instead.”(An Indian Pilgrim, p.124) T.C. Goswami, a Swarajit member of the Legislature, moved an adjournment motion in the house over the hunger strike in Mandalay jail. This alongside the disclosures of the report and Lieutenant Colonel Mulvany’s evidence ensured that after 15 days of hunger strike Subhash Chandra Bose carried the day. This clearly shows, he was rooting for fundamental rights of freedom and appealing to reason as he gave the example of the cultural rights enjoyed by Christian prisoners.

Like Gandhi and Nehru, he too was a staunch believer of Hindu-Muslim unity and believed in the shared cultural heritage of India. His appeal for the demolition of the Holwell monument and celebration of July 3, 1940 as Sirajuddaula Day was not just a tactical move to gain Muslim League support but came from a deep conviction in Hindu -Muslim unity that he firmly believed in. He named one of the battalions of the INA after Maulana Azad. He accorded a place of honour to General Shahnawaz in the INA and adopted as the slogan of the army, Jai Hind, a secular slogan praised by Mahatma Gandhi himself. The man had no bigoted bone in his body.

Conclusion

Bose was a charismatic leader of the national movement who gave his all for the freedom of the nation. He might have had differences with people but was not an enemy with anyone. None of the leaders of the national movement acted with malicious intent against one another. They were all fellows in arms often with different views but with a common aim. These facts need to be reiterated frequently and often in the public domain so that myths regarding the national movement and the a-historicity of those myths can be countered.

(The authors are both PhD candidates at the department of history, Aligarh Muslim University-AMU)

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India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

PM Modi to attend Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations in Kolkata

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The Nanded blasts of 2006 and 2008 have been contentious due to their implications on communal dynamics, investigation processes, and judicial outcomes. The juxtaposition of the fact-finding report by a group of Citizens consisting of Justice BG Kolse Patil (former judge) and Teesta Setalvad, journalist and human rights defender back in February 2007and the recent judgment, which termed the explosions as “accidents,” raises questions about evidence interpretation, investigative integrity, and judicial reasoning. This report deconstructs the case using the available documents: the detailed fact-finding report and the Nanded court judgment pronounced on January 4, 2025

Members of the Concerned Citizens Inquiry: Justice (Retd) BG Kolse Patil, Pune (Chairperson) Teesta Setalvad, Mumbai (Convener) and Arvind Deshmukh, Nagpur (Member) Local Support: Vijay Gabhane, Altaf Ahmed, Riyaz Siddiqui, Pradeep Nagarpurkar, Suryakant Wani, Feroz Khan, PD Joshi Patodekar, PG Dasturkar, Chandrakant Gavane. Technical Experts: Medico-Legal and Forensic Experts, Pune (requested anonymity).

Interviews Conducted by CCI Team:  SP Fatehsingh Patil of the district, in the presence of DYSP (Home) Mohsin Khan, PI Ramesh Bhurewar, Assistant SP Sabde. On the spot interviews at the site with neighbours, many of whom chose confidentiality.

Interviews with the owner of the site, Shankarrao Shivram Mangalikar, and his son. Interview with the Civil Surgeon, Dr DL Gaikwad. Interview with the Fire Brigade Officer, Shri V. Jogdand.

Visit to the Itwara Police Station, Rangargalli, Nanded. Meeting with IG Dr Suryaprakash Gupta along with SP Fatehsingh Patil, DYSP Abdul Razzak and DYSP (Rural) Sunita Salunke.

Context and background

The blasts occurred on April 6, 2006, in the house of Laxman Rajkondwar, an RSS-affiliated individual, situated in Nanded, Maharashtra. The explosion resulted in the immediate death of two individuals, identified as Himanshu Panse and Naresh Rajkondwar, and left four others severely injured. Initial police reports attributed the incident to an accidental ignition of firecrackers, allegedly stored in the premises for business purposes. However, further investigations by the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) and subsequently by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) pointed towards a deliberate attempt to manufacture explosives, purportedly with the intent to carry out attacks on religious sites belonging to the Muslim community. Evidence recovered from the site included improvised explosive devices (IEDs), live cartridges, and documents associated with Hindu-extremist organizations like the RSS and Bajrang Dal. The focus of the case, however, gradually shifted due to procedural delays, inconsistencies in the investigative process, and varying judicial interpretations, raising questions about the impartiality and rigor of the investigative and judicial proceedings.

Observations from the citizen’s fact-finding report

Allegations of bias: The initial First Information Report (FIR) filed by the local police labelled the incident as an accidental firecracker explosion (referenced on page 4 of the fact-finding report), ignoring significant evidence at the scene. This characterisation reveals a potential overlooking of primary evidence, as it failed to account for preliminary findings that pointed to bomb-making activities, including the discovery of pipe bombs and splinters embedded in the victims’ bodies (detailed on page 6). The police’s approach raised concerns about a preconceived narrative aimed at protecting certain groups with a powerful presence in society while prematurely ruling out the possibility of deliberate acts of terror.

• Evidence found:
  • Bomb materials: The discovery of pipe bombs, improvised explosive devices (IEDs), and 10 live cartridges (as highlighted on pages 4-6 of the fact-finding report) clearly indicated deliberate preparation of explosives. These materials, found in various stages of assembly, underscored the existence of an operational bomb-making site, where explosives were being prepared with apparent intent for large-scale communal violence.
  • Organisational links: Documents recovered from the site included maps, blueprints, and literature associated with extremist Hindu organizations, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Bajrang Dal (as detailed on pages 5-7 of the fact-finding report). These documents pointed to a coordinated effort to create communal discord, highlighting a systematic approach toward inciting violence and disrupting social harmony.
  • Training records: Several of the accused were revealed to have undergone structured training in bomb-making, arms handling, and guerrilla tactics (as detailed on pages 6-8 of the fact-finding report). Training sessions reportedly occurred at institutions like the Bhonsala Military School in Nagpur, which has been linked to extremist activities in the past. These sessions included live demonstrations on manufacturing explosive devices and handling IEDs, underscoring the organized and premeditated nature of the activities.
  • Camouflaging tactics: The accused employed deliberate tactics to mislead investigators and the public, (as highlighted on pages 7-8 of the fact-finding report). Recovered items included artificial beards, moustaches, and other disguises, which were intended to impersonate Muslim individuals. These materials, coupled with plans and written strategies, revealed a concerted effort to frame Muslim groups for the planned attacks. The recovered evidence also suggested attempts to simulate typical markers of Muslim attire and behaviour, furthering the narrative of extremist involvement from the Muslim community. This orchestrated plan underscored the accused’s intent to sow communal discord while shielding their own affiliations. 

• Intent and targeting:
  • Evidence pointed to a clear intent to target Muslim places of worship, particularly mosques, as part of a broader strategy to foment communal violence. This assertion is supported by detailed maps and reconnaissance reports found during the investigation, as noted on pages 9-11 of the fact-finding report. These materials revealed meticulous planning, including sketches of mosque layouts and identified weak spots for maximizing explosive impact, indicating an intent to cause severe disruption and communal tension.
• Criticism of investigative agencies:
  • ATS and CBI conduct: Both the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) were criticised for failing to rigorously follow up on leads. Despite early indications of a well-coordinated extremist network, the investigation seemed to deliberately avoid exploring deeper institutional links and sources of funding.
  • Dilution of charges: Public outrage followed the decision to dilute charges against several principal accused individuals, casting doubt on the impartiality of the investigative process.
  • Institutional gaps: The investigating agencies failed to examine key elements such as the role of training centres, ideological indoctrination, and the logistical support behind the conspiracy. The report flagged these omissions as deliberate efforts to downplay the organized nature of the activities.
• Public reactions: The fact-finding report noted widespread criticism from secular organisations and civil society groups, who accused the agencies of systemic bias and shielding perpetrators affiliated with Hindu extremist organisations. This eroded public trust and highlighted the need for accountability and transparency in handling such sensitive cases.

These findings emphasise the critical importance of impartial investigations, robust evidence-gathering processes, and institutional accountability to ensure justice in cases involving communal violence and terrorism.

The report may read here:

4. Key findings from the judgment

• Prosecution’s case:
  • The accused were charged under IPC Sections 304 (culpable homicide not amounting to murder), 338 (causing grievous hurt by act endangering life or personal safety), 286 (negligent conduct with respect to explosive substances), and 120B (criminal conspiracy); UAPA Sections 18 and 23 (punishments for conspiracy and aiding unlawful activities); and Explosive Substances Act Sections 4(b) and 5 (making or possessing explosives under suspicious circumstances).
  • The prosecution argued that the accused conspired to manufacture bombs with the intent to commit acts of terrorism and disrupt communal harmony. Evidence of bomb-making materials, extremist literature, and records of targeted reconnaissance were presented to substantiate the charges.

• Court’s observations:
  • The court concluded that the prosecution failed to provide a direct and reliable nexus between the accused and the intent to commit terrorist acts. While materials such as explosives and extremist documents were recovered, the evidence presented was insufficient to demonstrate their connection to specific individuals or a larger conspiracy. The judgment underscored that possession alone, without corroborative intent or action, could not lead to conviction.
  • Forensic evidence deficiencies: Forensic reports failed to conclusively link the recovered materials to the alleged plans for mosque bombings. Splinters and explosive residues recovered at the site could not be attributed to the accused without doubt. Furthermore, mishandling of evidence by investigators was documented, further reducing its reliability.

There is no forensic report about the said articles and there is nothing on record to connect the above articles recovered by this witness with the alleged offences. Para 42 of the judgment

• Witness testimonies and inconsistencies: Key testimonies from investigating officers, forensic experts, and local witnesses were inconsistent. Some witnesses contradicted earlier statements regarding the discovery and handling of explosive devices. The absence of independent corroboration weakened the prosecution’s narrative.

In regard to the rival contentions noted above, it shall be profitable to mention observations of Hon’ble Apex Court in Inder Singh Vs. State [1978 (4) SCC 161] which read as underground –‘if a case has some flaws, the same has to be considered too inevitable because human beings are prone to err, proof beyond reasonable doubt is a guideline, not a fetish and guilty man cannot get away with it because truth suffers some infirmity when projected through human processes, contradictions and omissions are bound to occur in any case for trial but those cannot disturb or shake or challenge the basic fabric or the core of the case. From the above established position of law, minor aberrations and contradictions cannot harm otherwise believable prosecution case so long as the same does not occasion failure of justice by striking at the root of the case’. Para 67 of the judgment

• Procedural lapses: The court noted significant investigative flaws that compromised the case. Unprotected crime scenes allowed for potential contamination of evidence, raising doubts about the reliability of materials presented during the trial. The chain of custody for key evidence, such as recovered explosive devices and documents, was improperly maintained, with gaps in documentation and unexplained delays. Furthermore, critical forensic samples were either not preserved adequately or lacked proper analysis, diminishing their evidentiary value. Delays in recording witness statements further weakened the prosecution’s case, as memories faded and inconsistencies arose. These procedural deficiencies were highlighted as major contributors to the inability to establish a strong and credible case against the accused.

Rejection of witness intervention:

The application filed by Yeshwant Shinde, a former RSS pracharak, to testify as a witness was dismissed by the court. Shinde’s claims, which included receiving arms training and knowledge of extremist activities linked to the present accused, were deemed inadmissible on procedural grounds. The court ruled that his testimony lacked direct relevance to the charges under scrutiny, thereby excluding potentially crucial evidence from consideration.

To make the record clear, it is mentioned that the matter was stayed by the Hon’ble High Court vide order in Cri. Revn. Appln. No. 57/2012. However the said revision application came to be disposed off and the stay was vacated. Thereafter, on 29.08.2022 one person namely Yahswant Shinde filed an application (Exh.431) to array him as witness in the matter. The said application came to be dismissed on 17.01.2023 Paragraph 3 of the judgment

The judgment may be read here.

5. Comparative analysis

The Citizen’s fact-finding report) highlighted the presence of critical evidence such as pipe bombs, cartridges, and extremist literature. However, the judgment noted significant gaps in linking these materials conclusively to the accused. For example, forensic reports on explosive residues and splinters failed to connect them directly to the alleged plans for communal violence

This report also emphasised the discovery of documents suggesting organisational affiliations and planned targeting of religious sites. In contrast, the court dismissed these as insufficient, citing the lack of evidence to prove intent or actionable steps taken by the accused.

The judgment adhered to strict procedural and legal standards for evaluating evidence, emphasising the need for conclusive forensic proof and direct witness testimonies. This contrasts with the fact-finding report’s broader focus on circumstantial and contextual evidence. The court dismissed materials such as maps and organizational links as speculative in the absence of demonstrable intent or action by the accused.

The initial investigative findings by ATS pointed toward a deliberate attempt at bomb-making with religious targets. However, the subsequent dilution of charges by the CBI and reliance on procedural gaps in court altered the narrative, reducing the focus on organisational links and intent highlighted in the Citizen’s fact-finding report.

This comparative analysis underscores the differing priorities of the fact-finding report and the judicial process. While the report sought to establish a broader socio-political context and intent, the court adhered to stricter evidentiary and procedural standards, resulting in the acquittal of the accused.

(The legal research team of the organisation consists of lawyers and interns; this primer has been worked on by Shailendar Karthikeyan)

Related:

ARCHIVES: Hindutva Terror – The terror trail from Nanded to Malegaon and beyond

Nanded accused indict themselves

2007 – Nanded, Maharashtra: Preliminary Report Bomb Explosions

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