The report identifies the reported disappearance and killing of journalist Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in early January as emblematic of the dangers faced by those who speak truth to power. Chandrakar had reported on poor-quality road construction in the region shortly before he went missing; his body was later found in a septic tank. The FSC notes that this incident set the tone for a year in which nine people were killed for exercising their right to free speech, including eight journalists and one social media influencer. It underscores that violence against journalists—particularly those working in rural and semi-urban districts—remains one of the most visible and brutal forms of silencing.

Journalists as primary targets

The FSC report records 40 attacks on free speech actors in 2025, of which 33 targeted journalists. It notes that reporters covering local corruption, illegal mining, liquor mafias, and administrative failures were especially vulnerable. In several cases, the police initially attempted to attribute killings or deaths to personal disputes, accidents, or intoxication, even when the journalists had recently published sensitive stories. The report highlights the case of Uttarakhand-based YouTuber Rajeev Pratap, whose body was recovered from the Bhagirathi, river days after he aired a video exposing liquor consumption inside a local hospital. Despite colleagues raising serious doubts, police claimed he had driven into the river while drunk.

The FSC further draws attention to the continued incarceration of journalists Irfan Mehraj and Rupesh Kumar under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, noting that their prolonged detention without trial exemplifies the use of counter-terror laws to suppress journalism. Threats and harassment accompanied physical violence: at least 14 of 19 harassment incidents and 12 of 17 recorded threats were directed at journalists engaged in professional work. The report cites, as illustrative, a threat by TDP MLA Gummanur Jayaram to force journalists “to sleep on railway tracks” if they published allegedly false information about him.

The return of sedition and criminal lawfare

One of the most troubling findings of the report is the resurgence of sedition prosecutions, despite repeated assurances that colonial-era speech offences had been rendered obsolete under the new criminal codes. The FSC documents multiple sedition cases filed in 2025 against satirists, journalists, and political commentators for online posts questioning state action.

The report details how satirists Neha Singh Rathore, Madri Kakoti (Dr Medusa), and Shamita Yadav (Ranting Gola) were charged with sedition for social media commentary following the Pahalgam attack. It flags the Allahabad High Court’s rejection of Rathore’s anticipatory bail as a significant departure from earlier judicial reluctance to allow sedition prosecutions for speech. The FSC also records the filing of sedition FIRs by Assam police against the leadership and columnists of The Wire, including founding editor Siddharth Varadarajan and consulting editor Karan Thapar, as well as against journalist Abhisar Sarma for a YouTube programme that relied on publicly available judicial observations.

According to the report, these cases exemplify “lawfare”—the strategic use of criminal law not necessarily to secure convictions, but to intimidate, exhaust, and silence critical voices through prolonged legal processes.

Mass censorship and platform control

The largest category of violations documented by the FSC in 2025 relates to censorship and internet control, with 11,385 instances recorded. The report highlights mass government takedown requests to social media platforms, particularly X (formerly Twitter). In May and July 2025 alone, over 10,000 accounts were withheld in India. Citing X’s submissions before the Karnataka High Court, the report notes that the platform received 29,118 takedown requests from the Indian government between January and June 2025 and complied with the overwhelming majority of them.

The FSC identifies the Sahyog portal as a key institutional mechanism enabling decentralised censorship by allowing state agencies, district officials, and local police to issue takedown notices directly to platforms. Following the Pahalgam attack, numerous accounts belonging to journalists, news organisations, and international media outlets—including The Wire, Maktoob Media, Reuters, and many senior journalists—were withheld without public disclosure of reasons. The report notes that the Karnataka High Court’s decision upholding the Sahyog portal effectively legitimised large-scale, opaque censorship of online speech.

The ‘Hidden Hand’: Self-censorship and corporate influence

Beyond formal orders, the FSC report devotes significant attention to what it terms the “hidden hand” of censorship: informal pressures, verbal directives, and institutional intimidation that rarely leave a documentary trail. The report cites instances of journalists receiving “friendly calls,” media houses quietly dropping stories, and investigative platforms being financially crippled through regulatory action, such as the revocation of The Reporter’s Collective’s tax-exempt status.

Corporate power, the report notes, increasingly intersected with state censorship. It documents the September 2025 ex-parte injunction obtained by Adani Enterprises leading to the takedown of over 200 pieces of online content critical of the company, as well as sustained attempts to suppress reporting on the Vantara wildlife project linked to Reliance Industries. Even where courts later set aside gag orders, the report observes that the chilling effect on media coverage persisted.

Academia, cinema, and the right to think

The FSC records at least 16 serious instances of censorship in academia, including the cancellation of conferences, denial of permissions, deportation of visiting scholars, and the revocation of OCI status of academics critical of the government. In Kashmir, the report notes, authorities banned 25 books on the region’s history and politics and raided bookstores.

In cinema, the report documents excessive cuts, prolonged certification delays, and outright denial of certification to films addressing caste violence, state abuse, or social injustice. It notes that even internationally acclaimed films and centenary classics were barred from screening, underscoring how certification had become a tool of prior restraint rather than classification.

An uneven judicial response

While acknowledging some notable judicial interventions in favour of free speech, the FSC concludes that the judiciary’s overall response in 2025 was inconsistent. The report contrasts strong Supreme Court observations protecting poetry, satire, and art with orders that imposed gag conditions, endorsed expansive censorship mechanisms, or demanded apologies from artists. This inconsistency, the report argues, has failed to provide a stable constitutional shield for free expression.

A shrinking democratic space

In its concluding assessment, the Free Speech Collective warns that the cumulative impact of violence, lawfare, mass censorship, corporate pressure, and regulatory overreach has fundamentally altered the conditions under which speech is exercised in India. The report cautions that free expression has not been extinguished outright, but increasingly conditioned, surveilled, and constrained, creating a climate in which self-censorship becomes a rational act of survival.

As the report starkly concludes, the “hidden hand” shaping India’s speech landscape in 2025 is no longer subtle—it has become structural.

The complete report may be read here.

Related:                                                            

The ‘Shastra Poojan’ Project: How the ritual of weapon worship is being recast as a tool of power and hate propaganda

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

Kerala: Protests erupt after RSS-BJP man’s alleged attack on children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad

‘Brutal intimidation of Christians’ all India condemned: Bombay Catholic Sabha

The post Free Speech in India 2025: What the Free Speech Collective report reveals about a year of silencing appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Criminal antecedents of accused from right wing outfits 

The statement reads:

“The hardened criminals who have been arrested for leading the attack have been identified as activists and supporters of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). They are said to have actively campaigned for the BJP in the just concluded local body elections. They are history-sheeters with cases including attempt to murder against them. The first accused Anu son of Appunni has 9 criminal cases against him in the Valayar police station involving serious charges including attempt to murder for gravely injuring CPI (M) and DYFI workers 15 years ago. (FIR No. 336/2015, 419/2015, 002/2009, 106/2012, 569/ 2012, 829/2013, 364/2012, 30/2007, 04/2023 all in Valayar Town North and Kasaba Police stations).

“Another accused, Prasad son of Chandran has 2 cases (FIR No. 996/2014, 821/ 2015) and Murali son of Chathu has 3 cases (FIR No. 106/2012, 2/2009, 569/2012). During the court proceedings local BJP leader R Jineesh, an accused in another murder case visited the accused and arranged support.

In a detailed analysis of the state of affairs in the country has not spared the top leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP.) Says the statement, “The hate-campaign unleashed by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah raising the false bogey of illegal “Bangladeshi infiltrators” for electoral benefits through communal polarisation is responsible for creating such an atmosphere. In the context of widespread murders of innocent people especially after Narendra Modi become the Prime Minister, AIKS once again reiterates the demand for a law against mob lynching with strong deterrent punishment and state support to victim families.”

“Widespread attacks against the Christian and Muslim minorities across India are going on in a way damaging national unity.  Christmas celebrations also were targeted by the Sangh Parivar organisations even in the capital city, New Delhi. The United Christian Forum (UCF) in a letter to the Home Minister had pointed out that there were 843 incidents of crime in 2024 alone against Christians across India, meaning 70 violent incidents per month. In 2025 till November 706 such incidents were recorded.”

The AIKS has appealed to all political parties, mass and class movements across the country to unite against hate politics and communal polarisation being spearheaded by the Sangh Parivar and the BJP. Let us all unite against hate and divisive communal polarisation.  The statement was signed by AIKS president, Ashok Dhawale and general secretary, Vijoo Krishnan.

Related:

Kerala Lynching: Migrant worker lynched in Palakkad a ‘victim of Sangh Parivar’s hate politics’ says state government

The post Demand that Modi provides Rs 1 crore compensation for migrant worker, Ram Narayan Baghel killed by right wing goons in Kerala: AIKS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He is survived by his wife Shobha, their younger son Dhananjay (their elder son Devtosh unfortunately passed away in 2017 due to cancer) and other family members.

Kishore Theckedath’s family hailed from Perinjanam village of Thrissur district of Kerala, but he was born and brought up in Mumbai. His father was a textile mill worker in the Dhanraj Mills in Mumbai and his mother was a home maker. Kishore was born on November 8, 1936, did his B.Sc. with Physics and Mathematics, M.Sc. in both Pure and Applied Mathematics, and much later in 1987 he completed his Ph.D. with the subject ‘Dialectical Materialism and Modern Science, with special reference to the Theories of Relativity and Quantum Mechanics’. But despite all his erudition, Kishore was always very proud of his working-class roots.

He first joined state government service as a clerk. After his first M.Sc. in 1958 he taught in various schools and colleges, and then from 1965 in the famous Wilson College in Mumbai for 30 years, until he took voluntary retirement in 1994. He was always a much-loved teacher.

Theckedath was among the founder members of the Bombay University and College Teachers Union (BUCTU) in 1966. He put in tremendous pioneering efforts to build the college teachers’ movement in Mumbai by personally visiting several colleges regularly, meeting teachers, learning about their problems, and organising them to fight against injustice. He was elected without a break to the BUCTU Executive Committee for half a century from 1966 to 2016. He was elected BUCTU General Secretary for over a decade from 1974, and later its President.

In 1975 he was elected the founder General Secretary of the Maharashtra Federation of University and College Teachers Organisations (MFUCTO), and later its President for many years. He was also elected President of the All India Federation of University and College Teachers Organisations (AIFUCTO) in 1987.

Many were the valiant and victorious struggles of teachers that were collectively led during those years against the injustice done by the managements of various universities and colleges, and against the educational policies of the then Congress-led central and state governments (policies which pale in comparison with the disastrous atrocities on education being perpetrated today by the RSS-BJP-led central and state governments). Theckedath was always a staunch and inveterate opponent of the RSS, BJP and the Sangh Parivar. This was evident in all his writings and public speeches, and in his interventions in Party forums.

Thekedath was one of the leading lights of the united teachers’ movement in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He took the lead in bringing together various teachers organisations from KG to PG for united struggles. He was one of the founders of the Coordination Committee of the Teachers of Bombay (CCTOB) in 1977. Under his leadership, the BUCTU and MFUCTO became active participants in the united trade union movement and the employees’ movement.

Theckedath was ideologically attracted to Marxism after studying the work of J B S Haldane, a scientist of international fame, who was a Marxist. He joined the CPI(M) in 1966 after his contact and discussions with senior Party leaders P B Rangnekar and M V Gopalan. The first state secretary of the CPI(M) in Maharashtra, S Y Kolhatkar, was his mentor.

He was also elected to the Party’s Mumbai district committee in 1977, the state committee in 1982, and then to the state secretariat in 2012. He was a special invitee to the state committee till his demise. His contribution to the Party was valuable and multi-faceted. He pioneered the building of the Party among teachers and students in Maharashtra.

Theckedath was a prominent Marxist intellectual with several books and articles to his credit. He was also a Marxist teacher par excellence. Some of his books are: A First Course in Marxist Economic Theory; Dialectics, Relativity and Quantum; and Frederick Engels and Modern Science. His articles have been published in journals like The Marxist and Social Scientist.

Besides, he was the Vice President of the Kerala People’s Education Society (KPES), which has been running the large Adarsh Vidyalaya in Mumbai very well for several decades.

I was fortunate to have had an extremely close political and personal relationship with Kishore for the last 47 years, ever since I joined the Party in 1978. He was in charge of the Mumbai Students’ Party Branch, of which I was first a member and then the Branch Secretary. I feel happy that he was elected to the Party’s state secretariat during my tenure as the Party’s state secretary. Numerous are the fond memories which I have of this wonderful comrade and human being, which, alas, have to be withheld due to constraints of space.

Theckedath’s funeral was held near his home in Borivli, Mumbai on December 21. It was my privilege that I could pay my personal homage to him and try to console his family. The funeral was attended by CPI(M) former state secretariat member and teachers’ union veteran leader Tapati Mukhopadhyay, state secretariat members S K Rege, Shailendra Kamble, and Prachi Hatiwlekar, state control commission chairperson and teachers’ union veteran leader Madhu Paranjape, and several leaders of the Party, the teachers’ movement, and other mass fronts.

The CPI(M) lowers its red flag in memory of its remarkable leader Dr Kishore Theckedath.

Related:

‘You left us a decade too soon, when India needed its body healed and soul rejuvenated’: a farewell to comrade Sitaram Yechury

Calendar dedicated to Comrade Tera Singh Chan released

The post Kishore Theckedath: an exceptional Marxist intellectual and mass organiser appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Clearly emboldened by some recent poll gains by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in local elections in the state, RSS-BJP worker Aswin Raj allegedly assaulted the children who participated in the carol and damaged their musical instrument. The band used by the carol group belonged to the CPI (M) area committee. The state police have promptly arrested Mr. Raj following a complaint.

This attack on Christians follows a ghastly incident of lynching of a Muslim migrant labour in Kerala on December 13. Reports of this may be read here.

Protest carols by DYFI

In a strong condemnation of the attack, the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) –affiliated to the CPI-M- has announced that it would organise protest carols across the district. All 2,500 DYFI units celebrate through protest carols, the youth organisation said. Challenging the RSS and the BJP to prevent or disrupt the protest carols, the DYFI warned that it would “respond in an appropriate manner.”

In a questionable reaction, the BJP State vice-president C. Krishnakumar justified the attack, claiming that the carol was organised by the CPI (M) area committee and that the participants were intoxicated. He alleged that the members of the carol group had “deliberately attempted to create trouble.” The BJP leader’s remarks have drawn sharp criticism. Describing Krishnakumar as “the Praveen Togadia of Palakkad,” the DYFI said he had “exposed his true communal face.”

Meanwhile, Palakkad Bishop Mar Peter Kochupurackal condemned the attack, saying he hoped that “those responsible will handle the matter legally.”

The Congress—at loggerheads with the CPI-M otherwise, has described the attack as the BJP’s “natural response to its failure to secure the expected support from the Christian community” in the recent civic body elections. It termed the incident “an attack on communal harmony” and demanded that those responsible be brought to book.

The police said Mr. Raj was already facing charges under the Kerala Anti-Social Activities (Prevention) Act (KAAPA). He has now been booked under various sections, including those relating to causing hurt and promoting communal violence.

Related:

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

‘Brutal intimidation of Christians’ all India condemned: Bombay Catholic Sabha

The post Kerala: Protests erupt after RSS-BJP man’s alleged attack on children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A division bench of Justices Subramonium Prasad and Harish Vaidyanathan Shankar. Sengar was directed to furnish a personal bond of Rs 15 lakh along with three sureties of the same amount.

Several conditions were imposed by the high court on Sengar’s release. Among these, he has been barred from entering within a five-kilometre radius of the survivor’s residence and has been instructed not to threaten or contact the survivor or her mother. The court has also directed him to remain in Delhi during the period of bail and to report to the police every Monday. It stated that any violation of any of these conditions would result in cancellation of bail, LiveLaw reported.

The court held that at this stage the offence under section 5(c) of the POSCO Act was not made out. The judgement argued that at this stage the offence did not amount to aggravated sexual assault under Section 5 of the POSCO Act.

The Delhi High Court judgement overturns, in large part, the judgement dated December 16, 2019 passed by the learned District & Sessions Judge – West District, Tis Hazari Courts, Delhi [“learned Trial Court”] in Sessions Case No. 448/2019 arising out of FIR No. 96/2018 registered at Police Station Makhi, Unnao, Uttar Pradesh, reregistered as RC-08(S)/2018, PS CBI/ACB/Lucknow.

Sengar, reports The Hindu, who is currently lodged in prison, will, however, remain in jail as he is also serving a 10-year sentence in the custodial death case of the rape victim’s father. Sengar, it has been alleged, kidnapped the girl and raped her in 2017, when she was still a minor. The rape case and other connected cases were transferred to Delhi from a trial court in Uttar Pradesh on the directions of the Supreme Court in August 2019.

Now, following the December 23 order, the suspension of sentence will remain in force during the pendency of Sengar’s appeal challenging his conviction and sentence awarded by a Delhi trial court in December 2019. In that verdict, the trial court had convicted him for the rape of a 17-year-old girl and sentenced him to life imprisonment, along with imposing a fine of Rs 25 lakh. The trial court observed, that there were no mitigating circumstances and noted that Sengar, an elected public representative at the time, had breached public trust.

The rape case and three connected cases were transferred from Uttar Pradesh to Delhi by order of the Supreme Court on August 1, 2019 with directions for day-to-day hearings. The survivor was provided court-mandated protection measures following the conviction, including the option of a safe house and change of identity.

Sengar’s appeal against his separate conviction in the custodial death case of the survivor’s father is still awaiting a judicial outcome. In that case, he has been sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. He has sought suspension of sentence on the ground that he has already spent a substantial period in custody.

There is also a third case reports The Times of India– a collision on the road in which the survivor and her lawyer were critically injured and two of her aunts were killed – a separate case had been registered against Sengar. In December 2021, a Delhi court discharged him in that matter, holding that there was no evidence linking him to the incident.

Yesterday, Tuesday December 23, Delhi police detailed the protesting family members of the Survivor at India Gate. Visuals of the Delhi police manhandling protesters have been circulating on social media.

Rapist & former BJP MLA Kuldeep Singh Sengar:

>Raped a 17-year-old minor girl.
>Police did not act against him.
>Girl attempted self-immolation.
>Case was later taken up by CBI
>Killed victim’s father
>a court convicted him of rape.
>sentenced to life imprisonment.
>a truck of… pic.twitter.com/QPOFwaDfeb

— Mohit Chauhan (@mohitlaws) December 23, 2025

Unnao rape survivor protesting at the India gate against the Delhi High Court order suspending sentence of ex-UP BJP MLA Kuldeep Singh Sengar was bundled in a van by the police. pic.twitter.com/KPybock3LI

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) December 24, 2025

A battery of close two dozen advocates represented Kildeep Sengar in the Delhi High Court: these were N Hariharan Sr Adv, SPM Tripathi, Amit Sinha, Deepak Sharma, Rahul Poonia, Mr. Ambuj Singh, Ashish Tiwari, Gaurav Kumar, Saurabh Dwivedi, Ms. Punya Rekha, Ms. Angara, Ms. Vasundhara N, Aman Akhtar, Sana Singh, Vasundhara Raj Tyagi, Mr. Arjan Singh Mandla, Ms. Gauri Ramachandran, Manish Vashisht, Sr. Advocate with Ms. Aishwarya Sengar, Mr. Vedansh Vashisht and Mr. Swapan Singhal.

The judgement of the Delhi High Court may be read here.

Background

Sengar, from Bangarmau in Uttar Pradesh, was accused in connection with a 2017 case involving a teenage girl from Unnao district. An FIR was eventually registered against him under the criminal law and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act following the allegations. On April 3, 2018, the girl’s father was allegedly assaulted by individuals linked to Sengar and later died on April 8 after falling ill while in custody. A local shopkeeper, who had reportedly witnessed the assault gave a statement to the CBI and later died under unexplained circumstances on August 18, 2018.

The case drew national attention and outrage after the girl attempted self-harm outside the Uttar Pradesh chief minister’s residence and was subsequently critically injured in a road collision that resulted in the deaths of two family members. In 2019, the Supreme Court transferred the case and three related matters from Uttar Pradesh to Delhi and ordered expedited hearings. In December 2019, a Delhi trial court convicted Sengar in the main case. He was also sentenced separately to ten years’ imprisonment in the custodial death case relating to the girl’s father.

Now

On December 23, 2025, the Delhi High Court suspended Sengar’s life sentence and granted him bail pending the outcome of his appeal. The order was passed by Justices Subramonium Prasad and Harish Vaidyanathan Shankar, subject to Sengar furnishing a personal bond of Rs 15 lakh with three sureties.

The court directed that Sengar must not enter within a five-kilometre radius of the complainant’s residence, must not contact or intimidate her or her family, must remain in Delhi during the bail period, and must report to the police every Monday. It stated that any breach of these conditions would lead to cancellation of bail. To be precise, the high court has suspended the life sentence awarded to Sengar for the duration of the pendency of his appeal. The suspension is what legally allows the court to grant him bail.

Related:

Unnao rape case: Kuldeep Singh Sengar convicted

Ex-BJP MLA Kuldeep Sengar, brother convicted in Unnao rape survivor’s father’s death

Will Sangita Sengar talk about BJP’s beti bachao slogan when campaigning in UP?

The post Delhi HC grants bail pending appeal to Unnao rape convict Kuldeep Singh Sengar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The statement says that “there are videos galore of such tactics by right wing actors and actresses and some belonging to the ruling party.” One such video is attached (in the BCS’ spokesperson Dolphy D’souza’s social media post) showcasing such shameful tactics. The organization has already brought this to the attention of Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi, “seeking his intervention to stop this madness.”

Besides, the organization that represents close to 70,000 Catholics in the Mumbai region has also, through the social media, drawn attention to the serious matter of spiralling attacks against Christians, of Rahul Gandhi, Leader of Opposition, Ms Mamta Banerjee,TMC , Akhilesh Yadav, Samajwadi Party, Sharad Pawar , NCP (Sharad Pawar), Uddhav Thackeray, Shiv Sena (UBT), M. K. Stalin, DMK and. Pinarayi Vijayan of the CPI (M) for their immediate attention and intervention. The BCS has also tagged Chief Minister (CM), Maharashtra, Devendra Fadnavis pointing out that there were incidents of attacks of Christians in Maharashtra too during 2025.

To Fadavis, BCS has urged that he ensures that Christians in Mumbai, Maharashtra have a peaceful Christmas season. Police need to be instructed to strictly ensure enforcement of rule of law equally for all. We demand that such goonda elements responsible for such tactics must be arrested and prosecuted.

Dear Hon’ble Prime Minister,
Merry Christmas
This video of attacks on Christians during the Christmas season anguishes & pains all citizens.
We seek yr immediate intervention to prevent such atrocities. https://t.co/WnEseiAQMG @narendramodi @PMOIndia @AmitShah @Dev_Fadnavis

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Dear Hon’ble Rahul Gandhi, LoP,
Merry Christmas.
Need your intervention to stop this brutal and intimidating madness! @RahulGandhi @kharge @SoniaGandhiiINC @priyankagandhi @chennithala @kcvenugopalmp @DrAMSinghvi @Jairam_Ramesh @thecaravanindia @thewire_in @scroll_in https://t.co/aee04DyO36

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Dear Hon’ble C.M. Mr. Devendra Fadnavis
Merry Christmas
There hv been incidents of Anti- Christian violence in Maharashtra during this year. We urge you this Christmas season, the police are instructed to ensure that Christians are able to celebrate peacefully. @Dev_Fadnavis https://t.co/aee04DyO36

— Dolphy Dsouza (@dolphydsouza) December 23, 2025

Citizens for Justice and Peace (cjp.org.in) has, over the past few days been highlighting these systemic attacks against Christians especially in Delhi, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. These can be read here.

Related:

MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

Documenting a national pattern of vigilantism & targeted action against minorities

The post ‘Brutal intimidation of Christians’ all India condemned: Bombay Catholic Sabha appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The scattered incidents observed around Dussehra are not, as they might first appear, spontaneous expressions of religious fervour. They are the visible markers of a deeply entrenched, highly coordinated “hate agenda.” This agenda involves a network of right-wing organisations, explicit political patronage, and the strategic co-option of state and secular institutions.

This investigation, based on an analysis of dozens of events across India in 2025, will argue that the modern Shastra Poojan campaign is a multi-pronged political project. It is designed to (1) subvert secular public spaces, including universities and police stations, (2) normalise the public display of weapons as a symbol of religious-political power, (3) provide a sanctioned platform for anti-Muslim hate speech and communal incitement, and (4) indoctrinate a new generation—targeting young girls and children—by framing violence and weapon-bearing as a religious and civic duty. This is not about faith; it is about fomenting fear, asserting dominance, and preparing the ground for future conflict.

The breach of the secular citadel: co-opting universities and state machinery

The most concerning aspect of this pattern is its audacious encroachment into spaces that are, by design, secular and non-partisan: government institutions and universities. This tactic serves a dual purpose as it legitimises the weapon-centric ritual by stamping it with the state’s seal of approval, and it simultaneously attacks the very foundations of secularism in public life.

The Rajasthan University RSS event: a microcosm of conflict

The incident at Rajasthan University (RU) on September 30, 2025, stands as a revealing example of how the ritual is being politically instrumentalised. The university administration, with the Vice-Chancellor’s approval, granted permission to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to hold a Shastra Poojan ceremony within the campus premises—effectively allowing a partisan socio-political organisation to occupy an academic space. This decision marked a serious institutional lapse, blurring the line between education and ideology. Reported Times of India.

The sequence that followed was both avoidable and foreseeable. Student leaders from the NSUI staged a protest against what they viewed as the communalisation of their university. The situation spiralled when a section of NSUI members reportedly vandalised the event stage set up by the RSS, triggering clashes between the two groups. 

राजस्थान यूनिवर्सिटी में RSS के कार्यक्रम के शुरू होने से पहले NSUI कार्यकर्ताओं ने मंच पर चढ़कर पोस्टर फाड़े और पोडियम गिराया

यह ताकत है कांग्रेस की संघियों देख लिया

pic.twitter.com/u4xLPyA4Xw

— Sandeep Singh (@ActivistSandeep) September 30, 2025

The police, instead of intervening impartially, allegedly stood by during the confrontation and later detained several NSUI members, including State President Vinod Jakhar. They were held for nearly 48 hours and booked under serious, unrelated charges.

Former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot later remarked that “no action” was taken against RSS members accused of initiating the violence. 

राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय में RSS द्वारा शस्त्र पूजा का कार्यक्रम रखना ही आपत्तिजनक है। शिक्षा के स्थान को इस तरह की राजनीतिक गतिविधियों के लिए इस्तेमाल करना कैसे उचित माना जा सकता है? जब NSUI के कार्यकताओं ने इसका विरोध किया तो पुलिस ने बल प्रयोग किया। इसके साथ ही, RSS के… pic.twitter.com/Ew6d2doKen

— Ashok Gehlot (@ashokgehlot51) September 30, 2025

The episode, in essence, reflects a chain of administrative misjudgements—had permission for such an event not been granted in the first place, the confrontation and its aftermath might never have escalated into a larger controversy. The Rajasthan University incident thus encapsulates a troubling pattern that secular institutions are being repurposed as ideological venues, dissent is criminalised, and impunity becomes institutionalised.

State sanction from law enforcement: the Gwalior police incident

If the RU incident demonstrates the subversion of education, the events in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, demonstrate the co-option of law enforcement itself. On October 2, 2025, At the DRP line, a Shastra Poojan event was not just permitted; it was actively participated in by the highest-ranking police officials. The Inspector General (IG), Deputy Inspector General (DIG), and Superintendent of Police (SP) were all present, firing celebratory shots from service weapons. The event was further legitimised by the presence of top political figures, including Assembly Speaker Narendra Singh Tomar, as Dainik Bhaskar reported.

This event shatters the illusion of a neutral police force. When the state’s guardians of law—those entrusted with a monopoly on legitimate violence—publicly and ritualistically worship weapons alongside partisan politicians, the line between law enforcement and ideological militia evaporates. It sends an unambiguous message to the public and to the officers themselves: the state’s power and the party’s ideology are one and the same. On many occasions, police permissions are granted because, in many cases, the police themselves are participants.

The organisational machinery:  coordinated national campaign

The incidents might appear as “scattered incidents” actually belies the reality of a highly coordinated, nationwide campaign. The list of events from September and October 2025 reveals a clear organisational footprint, dominated by a familiar network of Hindutva groups. This is not a grassroots phenomenon but a top-down strategy.

The key players: VHP, Bajrang Dal, AHP, and Durga Vahini

The key organising force behind this nationwide campaign appears to be the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its youth wing, the Bajrang Dal. Their operational footprint is vast, creating a dense cluster of events across Madhya Pradesh. 

On October 2, in Indore, they conducted a Shastra Pujan displaying and worshipping swords and guns. 

This was mirrored in multiple Bhopal events on October 2, including one on Vijay Dashami where dozens of guns and swords were displayed and a speaker called weapons “essential for the protection of dharma” while peddling “love jihad” conspiracies.

On October 2, at another Bhopal event participants brandished guns and swords, chanting, “Who will protect the country, women, and cows? We will.” 

The pattern continued in Sihora, Jabalpur on October 2, where members brandished guns and swords while speakers justified keeping weapons for self-defense.

On September 29, a similar event unfolded in Bina Etawa, which also featured members brandishing guns and swords as speakers justified weapon possession for self-defense.

This template was replicated across the country. On October 2, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh guns and swords were worshipped and religious slogans were raised. 

Likewise in Jammu participants worshipped guns and swords and raised religious slogans on October 2, 2025

In Odisha, VHP-Bajrang Dal events followed the same script. The event in Godabhaga, involved brandishing and worshipping weapons. 

On October 2, the ceremony in Gudbhela also involved displaying and worshipping weapons.

On October 2, in Dhanakauda, a rally was held after the puja where participants brandished their weapons.

Operating in parallel, on October 2, the Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP) and its arm, the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal, led by Pravin Togadia, organised their own series of weapon worship events. Togadia glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, calling it “an act of bravery,” and declared, “Until we started the Ram Mandir movement, only temples were demolished and mosques built over them. This was the first time we demolished that Babri structure and made a temple.” He warned, “To the dreamers of Ghazwa-e-Hind, remember — it is on your chest we built the Ram Mandir. That is just the start; Kashi and Mathura are waiting to be constructed on your chests.”

On September 28, in Mandla, Madhya Pradesh, their ceremony involved public processions and martial demonstrations with weapons. 

On September 28, in nearby Seoni, MP, their event also included a procession with members brandishing swords, while a speaker justified violence in the name of religion by citing religious texts. 

On September 30, in Simbhaoli Hapur, Uttar Pradesh, AHP leader Gaurav Raghav explicitly linked the ritual to protecting “dharma, daughters and sisters, and cows,” peddled the “Love Jihad” conspiracy, and urged followers to arm themselves against “Jihadis.”

Targeting women and children: the role of Durga Vahini

Crucially, the concern about “young girl students being manipulated” is substantiated by the central role of the VHP’s women’s wing, Durga Vahini, and its partner group, Matru Shakti. Their involvement is a deliberate strategy to frame weaponisation as “empowerment” and “self-protection.”

• On September 28, in Rampura, Neemuch (MP), Durga Vahini and Matru Shakti members organised Shastra Puja at multiple Garba pandals, brandishing weapons.

• On September 26, in Hatta, Damoh (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal event explicitly “involved children in exhibiting weapons,” with Durga Vahini members in attendance

• On October 2, in Adegaon, Seoni (MP), VHP, Bajrang Dal, Matrushakti, and Durga Vahini organised a program where “young children and girls” worshipped swords.

• On September 30, in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, a VHP-Durga Vahini event on Durga Ashtami, attended by “large numbers of women and children,” featured speakers who peddled the “love jihad” conspiracy, explicitly linking the need for such “awareness” to the Vahini’s founding.

This organisational synergy, replicated from state to state, proves that these are not isolated events. They are the planned execution of a national agenda, sharing a common script, common targets, and a common goal.

From ritual to rhetoric: the weaponisation of hate speech

This leads to the crux of the matter: these events “evolve into platforms for hate speech and inflammatory remarks.” The Shastra Poojan is merely the stage; the main performance is the propagation of communal hatred and open calls for violence. The weapons are not just symbolic props; they are a backdrop that physically underscores the violent rhetoric being delivered.

A platform for vile, anti-Muslim incitement

The speeches delivered at these events are not subtle. They are direct, eliminationist, and consistently target the Muslim community.

• Bhopal, MP (Sadhvi Pragya): On September 28, at a VHP-Durga Vahini event, former BJP MP Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur delivered a virulently anti-Muslim speech. She urged Hindus to “assault non-Hindu sellers” near temples, referred to all Muslims as “jihadis,” and claimed they “could never consider Hindu women as sisters”

This speech was given in front of an arsenal of displayed guns, swords, and other weapons.

• Indore, MP (Tannu Sharma): On October 1, VHP-Bajrang Dal leader Tannu Sharma used his Shastra Pujan speech to promote the “love jihad” conspiracy in its most graphic form, claiming Muslim men are “trained in mosques to target Hindu girls” for trafficking and to be used as “baby-making instruments.” He then issued a direct call for beheading: “He urged Hindu women to follow Kalka Mata and ‘behead’ anyone who dares to target them”

• Kanpur, UP (Madhuram Sharan Shiva): October 3, at a Ramlila forum, the leader of the “armed-monks group” Shiva Shakti Akhada, Madhuram Sharan Shiva, declared, “To destroy sin, the sinner must be destroyed.” He explicitly called on youth to “fight and eliminate ‘jihadis,’ likening them to demons (rakshas).”

Mainstreaming conspiracy and glorifying violence

The hate speech is built upon a foundation of well-worn conspiracy theories and the glorification of past violence.

• “Love Jihad” and “Land Jihad”: This theme is ubiquitous. On September 30, in Hapur, UP, AHP leader Gaurav Raghav linked the ritual to protecting “dharma, daughters and sisters” and peddled the “Love Jihad” theory to justify arming against “Jihadis”

October 2, in Nagod, Satna (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal speaker, with guns displayed on stage, targeted Muslims by invoking both “love jihad” and “land jihad” conspiracies.

• Glorifying Babri Demolition: October 2, in Surat, Gujarat, AHP President Pravin Togadia used a “Trishul Deeksha” event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition as an “act of bravery.” He then issued a direct threat for future action: “That is just the start; Kashi and Mathura are waiting to be constructed on your chests.”

• Worshipping Godse: The glorification extends even to the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi. October 2, in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, the Hindu Sena held a Shastra Pujan “chanting slogans in praise of Nathuram Godse.” 

This was repeated in Ujjain, MP on October 2, where Hindu nationalists “worshipped weapons and a portrait of Nathuram Godse.”

This evidence confirms the analysis completely. The Shastra Poojan is the legitimising framework for events whose primary purpose is to spread hate, dehumanise Muslims, and openly call for their elimination, all while normalising violence as a sacred duty. This directly leads to events like the Cuttack clashes and other riots, as the weapons and the incitement from these events spill over into the streets.

A pedagogy of violence: indoctrinating the next generation

Perhaps the most insidious component of this agenda is the focus on “young girl students” and children. This is not about self-protection; it is a systematic “pedagogy of violence.” It seeks to indoctrinate children at their most impressionable age, severing their connection to a secular society and re-forging their identity around the twin poles of weaponry and communal hatred.

The evidence for this is widespread and deeply disturbing.

• Giving weapons to children: On October 2, in Ujjain, MP, the indoctrination was explicit: “swords were given to young girls.” 

On September 26, in Hatta, Damoh (MP), “Children were involved in exhibiting weapons” at a VHP-Bajrang Dal-Durga Vahini event.

• Martial demonstrations: On September 29, in Udaipura, Raisen (MP), a VHP-Matrushakti event featured “many children performing martial demonstrations using” weapons.

This was also seen in Mandla, MP on September 28, at an AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal event. This normalises the weapon as an extension of the child’s body.

• Chants of hatred: The indoctrination is both physical and verbal. On October 2, in Maharashtra, far-right influencer Sangram Bapu Bhandare, at a Shiv Pratisthan Hindusthan Shastra Pooja, “led armed children in chanting, ‘Tu Durga ban, tu Kali ban, kabhi na burke wali ban’ (You become Durga, you become Kali, never become one in a burqa. This is a direct, hateful chant that pits one religious identity against another, taught to armed children.

• Posing with weapons: On October 1, in another event in Maharashtra, “Children, including young girls, posed with trishuls” under the guidance of an AHP leader. 

On October 2, in Adegaon, Seoni (MP), “young children and girls” were documented worshipping swords.

This strategy aims to create a future generation for whom public weapon-bearing is normal, communal hatred is righteous, and violence is a celebrated tool for religious assertion. It is a long-term project to ensure the pipeline of cadres for this extremist agenda never runs dry.

The architecture of impunity: egal legality and political patronage

The legal basis for stopping these events is clear, rooted in existing statutes that are routinely ignored. The core of the issue lies in The Arms Act, 1959, which is not just about firearms.

• Section 2(1)(c) defines “arms” to include “sharp-edged and other deadly weapons… as the Central Government may… specify.”
• Section 4 strictly prohibits the acquisition or possession of any firearm without a license.
• Section 5 controls the manufacture, sale, and transfer of arms.

The argument that trishuls are merely “religious symbols” is a deliberate smokescreen, one that has been legally challenged and documented for decades. Reports from as far back as 2003 noted that items distributed at Trishul Deeksha events were often “cleverly disguised Rampuri knives, six–eight inches long and sharp enough to kill.” This led the Rajasthan state government itself, in April 2003, to issue a notification “prohibiting people from distributing, acquiring, possessing or carrying double or multi-bladed sharp pointed weapons” as per a report in The Times of India.

This ban was openly defied by organisations like the VHP, setting a long-standing precedent of conflict between these events and state law. The illegality extends far beyond just possession. The Arms Act provides clear authority for law enforcement to act:

• Section 20 allows police to arrest anyone “carrying or conveying any arms under suspicious circumstance” without a warrant.
• Section 22 empowers the District Magistrate to order a search and seizure of any arms believed to be for an “unlawful purpose.”
• Section 25 outlines punishment for the unlicensed sale or transfer of arms.

The claim that these processions are protected as an “essential religious practice” under Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution has also been tested and refuted by the Supreme Court. In the landmark 1983 case Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta v. Commissioner of Police, Calcutta (1983) 4 SCC 522, the Court ruled that the Ananda Marga’s Tandava dance with items including a trishul and a knife was not an essential religious rite that could be performed in a public procession. 

The Court affirmed that such public displays are subject to regulation by the state for “public order,” a precedent that directly applies to today’s armed processions.

The copy of judgement Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta v. Commissioner of Police, Calcutta (1983) can be found here

Despite this clear legal framework, attempts to enforce it on a macro level have been thwarted, contributing to the architecture of impunity. 

Following widespread communal violence during Ram Navami processions in 2022, a PIL was filed in the Supreme Court by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) in May 2022. This petition sought the creation of national guidelines to regulate these armed religious processions.

The plea was dismissed by the Supreme Court on December 9, 2022. The bench, led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, declared that law and order is a “state subject” and that the court could not be “dragged into every area.” The court also remarked that one should not “portray that all religious festivals are the time for riots.” 

This dismissal effectively denied a national-level regulatory framework, placing the onus back on the same state and district-level authorities—the DMs and police—who, as seen in Gwalior and Rajasthan University, are often participants or enablers. This judicial deference, while procedurally sound, in practice grants a free pass, ensuring that the law remains on the books but is rarely, if ever, enforced on the streets.

The argument that these are merely “religious symbols” like trishuls is a deliberate smokescreen. The evidence from 2025 shows this is patently false. These events openly and proudly feature modern firearms, transforming the ritual into a menacing display of force.

• Guns and Rifles as centrepieces: The public display of firearms is a consistent theme. 

On October 2, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal event on Vijay Dashami saw participants displaying “dozens of guns, swords, and other weapons.” 

On September 28, at another Bhopal event featuring ex-MP Sadhvi Pragya Thakur, the proceedings “also featured guns, swords, and other weapons” as a backdrop to her inflammatory speech.

On October 2, in Indore, Madhya Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shastra Pujan involved the worship and display of “swords, guns and other weapons.”

This was mirrored in Jammu, where on October 2, VHP and Bajrang Dal members organised a Shastra Pujan “worshipping swords, guns, and other weapons” 

On October 2, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh, a VHP-Bajrang Dal event was characterised by the “displaying [of] guns, swords and other weapons.”

On October 2, in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, an AHP and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal procession “worshipped and displayed guns, swords and other weapons.” 

On September 29, in Bina Etawa, Madhya Pradesh, VHP-Bajrang Dal members “brandished guns and swords.”

On October 2, in Nagod, Satna (MP), a VHP-Bajrang Dal event featured “several guns on stage” while speakers targeted Muslims.

• Political displays of massive firepower: This display of weaponry is not limited to militant organisations; it is also a tool for political strong-arming. On October 2, in Kunda, Uttar Pradesh, the event was a staggering show of force at the residence of a sitting politician. MLA Raghuraj Pratap Singh, popularly known as Raja Bhaiya, “held a Shastra Pujan displaying hundreds of guns and rifles at his residence.”

This act, involving an arsenal far beyond any symbolic need, demonstrates a fusion of political power and a capacity for violence, sending an unambiguous message of dominance.

The mass distribution of trishuls, particularly in states like Rajasthan, also contravenes the law, as these are often sharpened and designed as weapons. But the open display of hundreds of unlicensed (or even licensed) firearms in a public, politically charged gathering is a blatant violation of The Arms Act and provisions of the CrPC related to unlawful assembly.

The enablers: political patronage and state impunity

This illegality thrives because it is protected from above. The involvement of “influential figures—MPs, MLAs, and politicians” is not a suspicion; it is a documented fact.

• Elected officials: MLA Raja Bhaiya (Kunda, UP), Assembly Speaker Narendra Singh Tomar (Gwalior, MP), and ex-MP Sadhvi Pragya Thakur (Bhopal, MP) all actively participated in and legitimised these events.
• Government Llegitimisation: A key part of this legitimisation is the government’s formal decision to lift long-standing bans on employees participating in such events, removing any professional consequence for state actors who align with this agenda. This process reversed decades of policy. The initial ban, which barred central government employees from participating in the activities of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), was first imposed on November 30, 1966, and pointedly reiterated on October 28, 1980, to ensure a secular outlook in the bureaucracy. 

This 58-year-old prohibition was officially lifted by the central government via an office memorandum from the Department of Personnel and Training on July 9, 2024. This move paved the way for state governments, such as the BJP-led government in Rajasthan, which, around August 24, 2024, issued its own circular lifting a similar 52-year-old ban, thereby granting explicit permission for state employees to participate in RSS activities. As per reports in the The Hindu.

• Systemic impunity: The “no legal action” outcome is the rule, not the exception. The Rajasthan University incident is the most damning proof that the victims are jailed, and the attackers walk free. In Cuttack, as has been noted, rioters with weapons faced no consequences. This is a deliberate tactic, one that draws parallels to the Gujarat Riots: the state machinery steps back (or actively assists) to allow “religious celebrations” to morph into organised violence, knowing that the legal system will be deployed to protect the perpetrators and punish any resistance.

This is how permissions are granted. This is how the law is ignored. The agenda is state-sanctioned, protected by powerful politicians, and enforced by a compromised or complicit law enforcement and legal system.

A year of weaponised faith: the continuum from Ram Navami to Ganpati

While the Shastra Poojan events of Dussehra 2025 present the most recent manifestation of this trend, they are merely the crescendo of a year-long symphony of hate. To view them in isolation is to miss the systemic nature of the rot. An analysis of events stretching back through 2025—encompassing Ram Navami, Ganpati Visarjan, and Durga Puja—reveals that the weaponisation of religious festivals is no longer an anomaly, it has become the standard operating procedure of the right-wing outfits. 

This sustained aggression is not accidental. It is the inevitable yield of over a decade of the current regime’s governance, a period characterised by the systematic dismantling of constitutional values and the emboldening of majoritarian forces. The frequency and ferocity of these displays are direct metrics of how deeply the “Hindu Rashtra” project has penetrated the social fabric, sanctified by political patronage and shielded by a compromised state machinery.

The Ganpati festival: from devotion to macabre propaganda

The Ganpati festival in September 2025 witnessed a disturbing shift where the celebration of the deity was side-lined for the promotion of gruesome political propaganda. 

In Madhya Pradesh, a state that has become a laboratory for right-rings’ experimentation, religious tableaux (jhankis) were utilised to broadcast graphic Islamophobic imagery. In Mahidpur, Ujjain, on September 5, a tableau explicitly promoted the “Love Jihad” conspiracy theory, depicting Muslim men slaughtering women. This was not a subtle dog whistle but a visual scream designed to provoke, leading inevitably to communal tension and stone-pelting. 

In Mahadevgarh, Khandwa, on September 5, another tableau featured a refrigerator with mutilated dolls—a crude exploitation of a high-profile murder case—to suggest that Muslim men are inherent butchers of women. 

In Kasravad, Khargone, on September 7, similar gory visuals were paraded through the streets. These were not religious processions; they were mobile hate-speech units, designed to instil fear in minorities and radicalise the majority, turning a festival of joy into a procession of trauma. 

The “Decade Plus” of impunity: the state as an extension of the mob 

This was explicitly articulated in Karnataka during the Ganpati Visarjan. In Raichur, on September 16, VHP-Bajrang Dal State Convenor Shivananda Sattigeri delivered a speech that stripped away any remaining veneer of the rule of law. He did not just threaten violence; he claimed ownership of the state apparatus, asserting that “the police and army are all Hindus” and that the Prime Minister is aligned with the RSS. He threatened to “chop off the hands” of dissenters and warned that legal challengers would be “beaten and sent to Pakistan.” 

The rhetoric is echoed by elected representatives, further blurring the lines. On September 10, in Maddur, Mandya, BJP MLC C.T. Ravi publicly threatened Muslims with “beheading” and “cutting,” reminding them of the consequences of “showing strength.” When lawmakers speak the language of lynch mobs, the weaponisation of festivals ceases to be a law-and-order issue and becomes a state-sponsored project of intimidation. 

Durga Puja: the gendered radicalisation 

The narrative of 2025 also highlights how this weaponisation is deeply gendered, using the imagery of the Goddess to militarise women and children against a fabricated “other.” During the Durga Puja festivities, the VHP and its wings, Durga Vahini and Matru Shakti, intensified their campaign to frame Muslim men as existential threats. 

In Gaya, Bihar, on September 30, women were made to brandish weapons, while in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, on the same day, speakers used the platform of Durga Ashtami to peddle “Love Jihad” conspiracies to a captive audience of women and children. The message was clear: your faith requires you to be armed. 

This indoctrination has reached the level of hate-filled conditioning for children. 

In Maharashtra, on October 2, far-right influencer Sangram Bapu Bhandare led armed children in a chant that pitted the identity of the Goddess against the identity of the Muslim woman: “Tu Durga ban, tu Kali ban, kabhi na burke wali ban” (Become Durga, become Kali, never become the one in the burqa). By weaving hate into the rhymes and rituals of children, the regime’s ideological affiliates are ensuring that the cycle of violence continues well beyond the current political tenure. 

The calendar of hate: how a decade of impunity weaponised 2025

The festivals of 2025 have ceased to be mere celebrations of faith but they have morphed into a synchronised calendar of intimidation. This year’s timeline—stretching from the aggressive posturing of Ram Navami, through the macabre tableaux of Ganpati Visarjan, to the open weaponisation of Durga Puja—reveals a terrifying new normal. 

In Madhya Pradesh, the sanctity of Ganesh Chaturthi was desecrated by floats depicting gruesomely mutilated women, designed solely to incite anti-Muslim hysteria under the guise of “Love Jihad.” In Karnataka, the mask of democracy slipped entirely when BJP leaders publicly threatened beheadings, and VHP convenors declared the police and army to be extensions of the RSS.

This unchecked aggression is not spontaneous but it is the toxic harvest of a “Decade Plus” of the current regime. Ten years of majoritarian party rule have systematically dismantled the firewall between the state and the street. 

The normalisation of a violent public square

The 2025 Shastra Poojan campaign, as documented here, is not an expression of Hindu faith. It is the tactical expression of a political agenda that views violence, intimidation, and communal hatred as legitimate tools. It is the “weapon agenda” in its most tactical form.

The evidence is overwhelming. We are witnessing a systematic effort to subvert India’s secular institutions, transforming universities into ideological battlegrounds (Rajasthan University) and police forces into partisan participants (Gwalior). We are seeing a coordinated, nationwide campaign by the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and AHP to use these events as platforms for the vilest, eliminationist hate speech, explicitly calling for the assault (“assault non-Hindu sellers”) and murder (“behead,” “eliminate jihadis”) of Muslims.

Most chillingly, we are watching the deliberate indoctrination of children. By placing swords in the hands of young girls (Ujjain), making children chant anti-Muslim slogans (Maharashtra), and having them perform martial demonstrations (Udaipura), this agenda is attempting to create a new generation for whom violence is not just normal but sacred.

This entire enterprise is shielded by a formidable architecture of political impunity, where MLAs (Raja Bhaiya), MPs (Sadhvi Pragya), and Assembly Speakers (Narendra Singh Tomar) provide cover. The law is rendered meaningless, as police either participate in the rituals or, as seen in Rajasthan, arrest the very students protesting the illegality.

This is the terrain. The ritual of Shastra Poojan has become the chosen vehicle for normalising violence, mainstreaming hate, and asserting a militant religious supremacy over the public sphere. The parallel to pre-riot tactics in places like Gujarat is not just an academic reflection, it is a clear and present warning.

When a mob leader can openly claim the state apparatus as “theirs” without fear of arrest, it proves that impunity has been institutionalised. The most chilling aspect of this year’s agenda was the targeted radicalisation of families, women brandishing swords and children chanting hate before they can fully understand faith. 

We are witnessing the solidification of a “militant piety,” where the sword replaces the prayer, and the Constitution is quietly suspended in favour of the rule of the mob. These incidents stand as a warning that the secular citadel is not just being breached, it is being dismantled, festival by festival, under the protective gaze of the state.

Related:

Speaker at VHP weapon worship event openly targets the religious minorities of India, calls them top enemies

Arm yourself with knowledge, not tridents, swords or knives

FIR over hate speech and brandishing of swords at Udupi Durga Daud event

The post The ‘Shastra Poojan’ Project: How the ritual of weapon worship is being recast as a tool of power and hate propaganda appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Relentless attacks carried out by right-wing outfits inside churches in Madhya Pradesh, resulting in violence, have surfaced this week ahead of Christmas. On Monday, December 22, a controversy over alleged religious conversion of visually impaired students escalated into a political flashpoint in Jabalpur after a video surfaced showing a local BJP functionary in a physical altercation with a visually impaired woman inside church premises.

The incident occurred at a church located behind Hawabagh Women’s College, where members of several right-wing organisations, accompanied by BJP district vice-president Anju Bhargava, entered the premises alleging that visually impaired children were being coerced into religious conversion. The allegations triggered a confrontation inside the church, culminating in scenes later captured on mobile phones and widely circulated on social media.

Viral footage available on social media shows Bhargava confronting a visually impaired woman seated inside the church. At one point, Bhargava is seen violently holding the woman’s face and engaging in a heated exchange. At this point, the woman responds by grabbing and twisting Bhargava’s arm, repeatedly asking her not to touch her and to speak without physical contact. Other people present intervene as tempers flare, following which police arrive at the spot and defuse the situation.

Meanwhile, in Odisha, lumpens on the loose are evident in a social media that shows a group of men bullied and arm twisted street vendors in Odisha, objecting to their sale of Santa hats on the occasion of Christmas. A video of this assault has gone viral on social media. It shows the men getting out of a white car, with one of them – dressed in an all-yellow ensemble – asking the vendors where they are from, what their religion is, before shouting at them for selling the hats.

The Video may be viewed here

This is what BJP’s ‘New India’ looks like in 2025. A de facto ban on Christmas in Odisha, enforced by mobs emboldened by power.

Poor roadside vendors selling Santa hats are being harassed, bullied, and threatened by self-appointed custodians of religion who arrogantly declare… pic.twitter.com/c2avKGB0Jz

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) December 23, 2025

In Delhi too, Bajrang Dal goons were seen abusing women who sported Santa hats

In Odisha, a group of men questioned street vendors in Odisha for selling Santa hats. In Delhi’s Lajpat Nagar, the Bajrang Dal cornered women and children in Santa caps, accusing them of attempting to convert people. In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur, a BJP leader harassed a visually… pic.twitter.com/kuvJwzVa84

— Spot On (@Spotnews_media) December 23, 2025

According to police officials, related to the attacks in Madhya Pradesh –specifically the one at Hawabagh National College—the gathering involved visually impaired students who had been invited for a meal as part of Christmas-related charitable outreach by members of the Christian community. The students told officials that they had been brought from a government-run hostel for lunch and prayers, and denied any attempt at religious conversion. “At this stage, there is no evidence of forced conversion. Statements of the students are being recorded,” a senior police officer said, adding that the children were safely sent back after the commotion.

This has not deterred right-wing organisations from “lodging a complaint”, questioning how students from a government hostel were taken to a religious site without prior intimation to authorities. They have also alleged that prayers conducted at the venue were exclusively Christian in nature and claimed that non-vegetarian food was served.

This is the second such incident in Jabalpur this week. On Sunday morning, December 21, a prayer service at a church in Madhotal descended into mayhem after members of a right-wing organisation entered the premises, leading to violent confrontations and multiple detentions. The confrontation occurred around 11 am at a church near Shiv Shakti Nagar, where a prayer meeting was underway. What began as questioning about the size and composition of the congregation quickly escalated into physical violence, with chairs thrown and slogans shouted inside the place of worship.

Members of the Hindu Seva Parishad allege they approached the church after receiving information about an unusually large gathering that included attendees from outside districts. They claim they were questioning potential religious conversion activities when violence erupted.

Worshippers present at the service tell a markedly different story. They assert that 15 to 20 young men forcibly entered the church during prayers, chanting “Jai Shri Ram” and creating panic among the congregation.  According to media reports Jitendra Barman, who was present during the incident, stated: “Worship of the Lord happens in the church, not conversion. For years, people have been coming here of their own will and praying. Today when the prayer meeting was going on, young men barged in shouting. They assaulted women and children.”

Police said several youths were detained for creating a disturbance, and investigators are working to establish the sequence of events based on testimonies from both sides.

Senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai has tweeted this on X:

Have been receiving a few videos of Christians being threatened ahead of Xmas. This verified video has shocked and angered me. A BJP district vice president Anju Bhargav assaulted and abused a visually impaired girl in MP’s Jabalpur, claiming she was enabling ‘religious… pic.twitter.com/2O4k1eqX9b

— Rajdeep Sardesai (@sardesairajdeep) December 23, 2025

Related:

No right to live, or die: Christians in Chhattisgarh, and India under attack

Christians face escalating attacks as far-right Hindu groups intensify persecution

Tensions rise as Chhattisgarh sees frequent attacks on Christians

The post MP, Odisha, Delhi, Rajasthan: Right-wing outfits barge into 2 churches ahead of Christmas, attack vendors selling X’mas goodies, tensions run high appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the news report, Additional District Judge Saurabh Dwivedi also directed that the case be categorised as “most important” and heard on a daily basis. The Court also directed the prosecution to record evidence in the case at the earliest. The case will be heard next on January 6.

Akhlaq (50) was lynched by a mob over rumours of alleged cow slaughter and storing its meat at his home in Dadri’s Bisada village on September 28, 2015. This lynching, among the most prominent to dot the Modi era in Indian politics had caused a national outrage at the time.

Citizens for Justice and Peace has tracked the case closely and in this detailed legal overview questioned the state’s motive to withdraw the case, a decade after the shameful and ghastly lynching at Dadri in Western Uttar Pradesh. This analysis may be read here.

On October 15, the UP government had moved an application to withdraw prosecution in the case, citing reasons from ranged from allegedly “inconsistent statements by Akhlaq’s relatives” in naming the accused; the fact that no firearm or sharp weapon was recovered from the accused, to the lack of any enmity or hostility recorded between the accused and the victim.

Yesterday, the Indian Express had reported that the UP government has now made essentially the same argument that two of the accused had presented earlier. The Indian Express reported Monday that in its application to withdraw the case against the men accused of lynching Mohammad Akhlaq, the Uttar Pradesh government has made essentially the same argument that two of the accused had presented when they applied successfully for bail more than eight years ago

On September 28, 2015, a mob gathered outside his house after an announcement from the village temple alleged that he had slaughtered a cow. Akhlaq and his son Danish, who tried to intervene, were dragged out of their home and assaulted until they fell unconscious. Akhlaq later died at a Noida hospital, while Danish survived after suffering severe head injuries and undergoing major surgery.

Police had registered an FIR at Jarcha police station under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC ) 302 (murder), 307 (attempt to murder), 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting with deadly weapon), 149 (unlawful assembly), 323 (assault), 504 (intentional insult to disturb peace), among others, based on a complaint by Akhlaq’s wife, Ikraman.

The state police filed the charge sheet on December 23, 2015, before the magistrate court in Surajpur, naming 15 people, including a minor, in connection with the lynching. All the accused are currently out on bail. However, the charge sheet had not specifically mentioned cow meat, as the final forensic report was not available at the time.

Related:

The Lynching of Mohammed Akhlaq

Victims of Gautankwad: Pehlu Khan

Victims of Gautankwad: Alimuddin Ansari

Lynched in India

The post Dadri lynching: UP Court rejects state govt plea to withdraw charges against Akhlaq murder accused appeared first on SabrangIndia.

We bring you the exclusive transcript of the latest episode of “Cross Bat,” the high-octane, metaphor heavy talk show hosted by the ever ebullient Balancedeep Sabchangasi. Known for his penchant for framing national crises through the nostalgic lens of 1970s Bollywood melodies and the technical nuances of a late-cut at Eden Gardens, Balancedeep attempts to find “balance” even when the pitch is clearly crumbling.

His guest is none other than Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala, a man who exemplifies the delightful charm of a bygone era. A veteran carpenter and restorer of vintage teak and rosewood, Cyrus operates from the old money enclave of Colaba. However, he is perhaps better known for his missives to the highest echelons of power, penned with the elegant precision of an antique dealer and the sharp wit of a seasoned observer. Cyrus represents the Model Citizen of the Amrit Kaal. He is a man who claims to be most law-abiding citizen, while using a strategic “naïve” voice to dissect the shenanigans of our times.

In this exchange, the duo tackles the controversial new MGNREGA Bill. The proposed legislation seeks to fundamentally transform rural employment by repealing the historic 2005 Act and replacing the legal right to work with a supply-driven, centrally capped model. This new framework shifts a significant 40% of the material funding burden to state governments and introduces mandatory 60 day work pauses during agricultural seasons, potentially curtailing the scheme’s responsiveness to local distress. Perhaps most symbolically, the bill removes the “Mahatma Gandhi” prefix from the program’s title, signalling a substantive ideological shift in India’s social safety net.

Cyrus, in his signature style, defends the government’s overhaul of the rural employment guarantee^, discussing key aspects such as democratic checks and socioeconomic security. ^.

The Transcript: Cross Bat with Balancedeep Sabchangasi

Balancedeep Sabchangasi: Welcome to Cross Bat! Today, we’re looking at the new MGNREGA Bill. Is it a masterstroke, a ‘Helicopter Shot’ over the boundary, or are we witnessing a hit wicket for rural India? To help us navigate this, we have the legendary restorer of both furniture and public discourse, Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala. Cyrus, the government says extreme poverty has fallen faster than a wicket on a green top pitch. Yet, they’ve extended free food grains to 800 million people under PMGKAY until 2028. Is this a classic Bollywood double role, or a contradiction that even Kishore Kumar couldn’t harmonize?

Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala: Balancedeep, may I call you BS? You approach the subject with the frantic energy of a bowler in the final over. Please, decelerate. In the hallowed halls of governance, this is not a contradiction. This is Strategic Surplus. You see, the world should see that the house is sturdy to maintain the shining veneer. Yet we keep the pantry stocked with 800 million bags of grain just in case the floorboards collapse^. It is a “pre-emptive philanthropy” that ensures the masses are sufficiently fed so they do not have the ungrateful urge to demand their “legal right” to work. We are polishing the image of prosperity while acknowledging, in a hushed whisper, that the wood may be a wee bit termite-ridden.  

BS: But Cyrus, let’s talk about the “repair” job. Social audits show that, post Digital reforms, misappropriation of funds is less than 0.3%. That’s a cleaner record than most mid table teams! Why do a complete structural overhaul and repeal the legal right to work when a bit of digital “varnishing” would have sufficed?

Cyrus: My dear boy, a legal right is a very cumbersome piece of furniture. It is like a heavy Victorian wardrobe that refuses to fit into a modern, streamlined apartment. It is unwieldy. By repealing the right and shifting to a centrally capped model, the government is merely practicing administrative minimalism. We are de-sanctifying the labour of the commoner. Why should the state be legally bound to provide work when it can simply offer normative allocations based on the prevailing mood in the capital? It’s about flexibility! Should the timber refuse to align with the Amrit Kaal décor, the state can simply withhold the varnish of central allocation.

BS: Flexibility? Studies show no widespread farm labour shortages, yet the bill introduces mandatory 60 day pauses during harvest seasons. Isn’t this like telling a batsman he can’t score during the Powerplay? You’re depriving workers of income exactly when they’re most vulnerable.

Cyrus: It is a rhythmic intermission. We must ensure the rural folk do not become addicted to the stability of a government wage. It spoils the entrepreneurial spirit of the impoverished! By forcing a pause, we encourage them to explore the “free market” of private exploitation, err, I mean, private enterprise. It is a lesson in character building. If they cannot find work in the fields, they can always practice coloured spit accuracy while chewing paan or while their time near garbage piles, which, as I have hitherto suggested, are the new benchmarks for a simplified citizenship.

BS: Let’s talk about the funding. The 60:40 split is a heavy bouncer for states like Punjab or Tamil Nadu. If a state is fiscally strained and can’t meet its 40% share, the workers suffer. Did the government model this risk, or is this “trickle-up” economics where the states are left to fend for themselves?

Cyrus: It is Fiscal Darwinism, BS. We are fostering a healthy competition in destitution. If a state cannot afford its share of the material costs, it simply proves that its administration lacks the visionary zeal of the centre. The Union Budget remains stagnant at ₹86,000 crore, while dues exceed ₹21,000 crore. This is a masterclass in aspirational accounting. We promise the glory of Amrit Kaal while ensuring the material reality is as thin as a cheap plywood veneer. It’s about the feeling of employment, not the actual payment.

BS: But what about the consultation, Cyrus? The original bill was debated for a year with unions and civil society. This one was passed in a midnight session amidst a walkout, debated for barely a few hours. Is this thorough scrutiny or a quick single taken while the wicketkeeper wasn’t looking?

Cyrus: Consultation is such a “pre-digital” concept. Why consult the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha or Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan when their views might cause a cognitive dissonance with the government’s perfect plan? Consulting a worker about a labour bill is like asking the rosewood if it wants to be chiselled. The wood has no macro-perspective. The carpenter knows best! Passing it after midnight is a stroke of nocturnal genius. It ensures that only the most law-abiding and awake citizens are present to witness the unanimous voice vote.

BS: Cyrus, opposition members have suggested looking at Brazil’s Bolsa Família, Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net, or similar schemes in Mexico and South Africa to mitigate concerns. Could we not have learned from these global best practices to build a more robust, less controversial bill?

Cyrus: Brazil? Ethiopia? My dear BS, those are foreign timbers. We are building an Atmanirbhar cabinet here. Why look at a South African model that might favour equity or transparency when we can have a uniquely Indian model of opaque benevolence? To learn from others is to admit that our unparalleled wisdom has a limit. We don’t need best practices from abroad. We have kick-ass creativity at home! Besides, international schemes often involve accountability, which is a very difficult stain to remove once it sets into the wood.

BS: Speaking of accountability, there were no time-bound, measurable goals added. No specific targets for poverty reduction or narrowing the inequality gap. Isn’t a bill without a deadline just a dead rubber match?

Cyrus: A time-bound goal is a trap for the unwary! If you set a goal, people expect you to reach it. That is very un-Sanskari! By keeping the goals vague and the rhetoric high, we maintain a permanent state of “becoming.” We are always about to reduce inequality. We are always on the verge of ending poverty. It keeps the privileged class, of which I am a senior member, in a state of comfortable anticipation while the “trickle-up” continues to the penthouse. Why have a poverty reduction target when you can have a glory expansion target? It also makes the Supreme Leader’s role easier.

BS: Finally, the name. Mahatma Gandhi’s name has been dropped. No discussion. Just a “symbolic” exit. Is this a substantive reform or an ideological renovation?

Cyrus: The Mahatma, with his spinning wheel and his truth, was a bit too austere for the high-gloss finish of the modern era. We needed something that reflects the supply-driven reality of our times. In fact, I have drafted a proposal for a new, more fitting acronym for the scheme: S.C.R.A.P.

BS: SCRAP?

Cyrus: Indeed! The “Strategic Centrally Restricted Allocation Program.” It is honest. It is efficient. And it tells the rural poor exactly what the government thinks of their legal rights, that they are bits of old wood to be scrapped and replaced with the shiny, hollow plastic of modern governance.

BS: Cyrus, as always, you’ve left us with much to polish in our minds. Whether this bill is a century or a duck remains to be seen, but the craftsmanship is certainly unique.

Cyrus: Just remember, BS, that in the Amrit Kaal, if you can’t fix the rot, you simply apply a thicker coat of varnish and call it an “antique”!

Balancedeep Sabchangasi: As we wrap up this intense session of Cross Bat, I find myself feeling like a batsman who’s survived a fiery spell from a vintage pacer like Malcolm Marshall. I feel bruised, bewildered, but certainly enlightened. What have we learned today from the inimitable Cyrus Behramji Puranafurniturewala? Is this the Amrit Kaal renovation of our rural safety net? Is it a complete structural overhaul that replaces legal rights with central discretion?  Is just the surface being polished to a high gloss finish? Is the underlying grain of security for the most vulnerable being shimmied down to nothing^? Is the 60:40 funding split a Fiscal Darwinism? How does one view the nocturnal efficiency of a midnight voice vote? Is the craftsmanship of this bill a sophisticated exercise in rhetorical engineering?

As the haunting notes of “Zindagi Kaisi Hai Paheli” echo in the background, I ask you, our audience: Is this new S.C.R.A.P. model a visionary leap toward efficiency, or are we simply applying a thick coat of varnish over a deepening crisis? Is accountability such difficult stain to remove? We want to hear your views. Please send us your feedback via our digital channels.

Don’t forget to support Cross Bat. Like a classic Kishore-da melody, we strive to hit the right notes, even when the lyrics are difficult. Stay balanced, stay questioning, and we’ll see you at the next delivery.

 (A regular contributor to SabrangIndia, the writer is a conscientious citizen and a man of science and letters)

Related:

The Cross Bat Conversation: Air, antiques and force majeure

The Nation needs an Ethanol Republic – A Satire

A Satirical Imperative Request (SIR) to the CEC of India

Cyrus Seeks a Right to Multiple Voter Ids

A Satirical Plea, Dripping with Envy, to President Xi Jinping of China

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