The Indian American Muslim Council’s second quarterly report for 2024 highlights the intensifying violence and persecution faced by India’s religious minorities, particularly Muslims and Christians, following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s re-election for a third term in June 2024. The report underscores how Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has continued to exploit anti-Muslim hate speech and divisive propaganda to polarise voters. This polarisation, combined with the government’s control over mainstream media and its use of state institutions to target political opposition, undermined the fairness of the elections. The Modi regime also abused its power by jailing opposition leaders, freezing the Congress Party’s bank accounts, and suppressing Muslim voters, with many reporting violence, intimidation, and manipulation of voter registries during the polls.
The report documents a worrying trend of anti-minority violence both during and after the elections, with a spate of anti-Muslim mob lynchings occurring soon after Modi’s third term began. Structural violence also persisted, including punitive demolitions, discriminatory policies, arbitrary detentions, online censorship, and unchecked police brutality. The state has failed to curb rising cow vigilantism and routine violence against minorities, which continues to fuel communal tensions. IAMC’s report calls for immediate action to address these grave human rights violations, emphasising the urgent need to protect India’s religious minorities from further persecution and uphold the country’s constitutional commitment to secularism.
Brief details of the report
- Persecution and discrimination against Muslims
The report provides that between May and August 2024, incidents of persecution and violence against Muslims in India continued to rise, driven by both police brutality and vigilante attacks by Hindu extremist groups. Muslims across various states faced brutal assaults at the hands of law enforcement, often for minor or fabricated offenses. For instance, on May 2 in Gujarat, a 28-year-old Muslim vendor was violently attacked by police, leading to his paralysis and eventual death. In other incidents, Muslims were targeted over accusations of cattle transportation or minor infractions, such as a man in Delhi who was tortured by police on May 30 simply for riding a motorcycle without a license plate. These incidents reflect an alarming trend of police forces acting with impunity, often accompanied by hate speech and anti-Muslim slurs.
Hostility towards Muslims extended beyond police actions, with Hindu extremist mobs frequently engaging in violence. These attacks were often fuelled by accusations of “love jihad” – a conspiracy theory alleging Muslim men are attempting to convert Hindu women through marriage. In June, a Muslim man in Uttar Pradesh was stripped and beaten by a mob for speaking to a Hindu girl, while in Uttarakhand, two men were falsely accused of abducting a Hindu girl, leading to the forced exodus of 41 Muslim families from their town. These incidents demonstrate how hate-filled rhetoric and false accusations are used as tools to justify violence and drive communal tensions.
In addition to physical assaults, Muslims also faced economic and social discrimination, as Hindu supremacist groups continued to push for their exclusion from housing and public spaces. In Vadodara, Gujarat, residents protested against a Muslim family renting an apartment, and in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, posters and protests urged Hindus not to sell property to non-Hindus. Similarly, Muslim labourers and professionals were attacked for their religious identity, such as the case of a Muslim lawyer in Uttarakhand who faced harassment for representing interfaith couples.
The targeting of Muslims was further amplified by far-right propaganda outlets like OpIndia, which launched smear campaigns against Muslim journalists and critics of Hindu nationalism. These media outlets play a significant role in inciting harassment and violence, as seen in the case of journalist Meer Faisal, who was falsely accused of spreading anti-Hindu hate, triggering a barrage of threats. This pattern of violence and discrimination illustrates the deeply entrenched Islamophobia in both institutional structures and community actions, resulting in a widespread environment of fear and exclusion for India’s Muslim population.
Violence and discrimination in schools: Anti-Muslim violence and discrimination have deeply infiltrated India’s educational system, where Muslim students, teachers, and administrators face widespread abuse and harassment. This prejudice often stems from Hindu supremacist ideologies, with incidents of discrimination becoming increasingly frequent. One such example occurred on May 7, when Parveen Shaikh, the principal of a Mumbai school, was fired for sharing pro-Palestinian views online. Her dismissal followed an aggressive harassment campaign led by the Hindu extremist website OpIndia, which labelled her as “pro-terror” and “pro-Islamist.” Such targeted campaigns have become tools for silencing dissenting voices, especially those opposing Hindu supremacy.
Beyond individual cases, systemic anti-Muslim practices are evident across multiple institutions. In Maharashtra, a college banned students from wearing hijabs, and the Bombay High Court upheld this discriminatory rule. Similarly, Muslim students in Karnataka and Rajasthan have been harassed, denied entry to exams, or expelled from schools for wearing traditional religious attire, such as hijabs or beards. Muslim educators are not immune either; a West Bengal professor was forced to resign due to pressure from colleagues for wearing a hijab. These actions reflect a broader agenda to erase Muslim identity within the academic space.
The violence is not limited to harassment but also includes brutal physical attacks, particularly in Hindu-majority regions. In Uttar Pradesh, Hindu extremists have attacked Muslim students for associating with Hindu classmates, while mobs have also targeted madrasas, disrupting religious activities. In Telangana, Muslim girls were assaulted for offering prayers at school, and in Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim teacher was suspended due to unproven allegations of bias against Hindu students. These incidents illustrate a concerted effort by Hindu supremacist groups to intimidate and marginalise Muslims in the educational environment, reflecting growing communal tensions in society at large.
Overall, these examples show a consistent pattern of exclusion, harassment, and violence targeting Muslims in India’s education system. Whether through discriminatory dress codes, physical attacks, or media-fuelled campaigns, Muslims are increasingly being pushed to the margins of Indian society. The involvement of Hindu extremist groups, alongside passive or complicit authorities, has only exacerbated this trend, creating a hostile environment for Muslim students and educators alike.
Violence and harassment on Eid: On Eid-al-Adha, an Islamic holiday marked by animal sacrifice and distribution of meat to the needy, Hindu supremacist violence against Muslims escalated across India. On June 15, militants from the Bajrang Dal harassed Muslim families in Mumbai’s Mira Road for bringing home sacrificial lambs, and a mob of over 100 extremists attacked Muslim residents in Telangana’s Medak, injuring several and targeting Muslim-owned establishments. Similar incidents occurred on June 17, when a Muslim teen in West Bengal’s Birbhum was brutally beaten by a mob after being falsely accused of throwing meat near a Hindu temple. In Uttar Pradesh, police arrested 11 Muslims, including minors, for offering Eid prayers in an open space, while two Muslim clerics in Gujarat were detained for posting about the religious significance of animal sacrifice. Communal violence also erupted in Odisha, where Hindu mobs attacked Muslim homes over allegations of cow slaughter, and in Himachal Pradesh’s Nahan, where Hindu extremists looted a Muslim shop, forcing several Muslim businessmen to flee the town.
Mob lynchings and murder of Clerics: As per the report, throughout the three months, Hindu supremacist mobs have engaged in a series of mob lynchings targeting Muslim men, often fabricating accusations of theft to justify these brutal murders. The first lynching under Prime Minister Modi’s third term occurred on June 6 in Odisha, where cow vigilantes followed a truck carrying three Muslim men—23-year-old Chand Miyan, 35-year-old Guddu Khan, and 23-year-old Saddam Qureshi—before causing a fatal accident. Their bodies were later discovered beneath a bridge, indicating they may have been thrown or jumped. By the end of June, police arrested a BJP leader and four others for their involvement in the mob lynching of three Muslim men in Chhattisgarh, further inciting Hindu extremists who rallied in support of the perpetrators. West Bengal also witnessed a surge in lynchings starting June 19, with four individuals from marginalised communities killed and ten others injured across twelve incidents, all labelled as thieves by their attackers.
In addition to these incidents, several Muslim clerics were murdered during this period. On June 9, 70-year-old Maulana Mohammad Farooque was beaten to death in Uttar Pradesh over a land dispute, and on June 11, the imam of a mosque in Moradabad, Maulana Akram, was shot dead. In another tragic case, on June 30, a mob in Jharkhand lynched Maulana Sahabuddin after a minor bike accident involving a Hindu woman escalated into fatal violence. The violence continued in August when cow vigilantes lynched 22-year-old Sabir Malik in Haryana, accusing him of cooking beef in his home. Malik, a migrant worker from West Bengal, was attacked and abducted before being killed, leaving behind his wife and young daughter.
Cow vigilantism: During Prime Minister Modi’s third term, violent incidents of cow vigilantism surged, with perpetrators often escaping legal consequences for their assaults on Muslims involved in cattle-related activities. Despite India being the world’s third-largest beef exporter, a combination of government backing and extremist groups fostered an environment where Muslims were frequently targeted on mere suspicions of cattle transportation or consumption. In May, the report depicted the violence to be particularly rampant, with numerous incidents reported across states. For instance, Bande Nawaz, a Muslim cattle trader in Karnataka, was viciously attacked by Bajrang Dal members, leaving him severely injured. Similar assaults occurred in Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, where victims were brutally beaten for alleged cattle transportation, highlighting the increasing impunity with which cow vigilantes operated.
The report shows how the violence persisted into June and July, with multiple incidents of cow vigilantes attacking individuals accused of cattle smuggling or slaughter. In Rajasthan, Hindu extremists tied up a suspected cattle trader and assaulted him, while in Haryana, a group forced men to kneel and filmed their humiliation. In another disturbing incident, cow vigilantes set fire to a vehicle transporting cattle in Jharkhand. The situation escalated with state authorities invoking the National Security Act against Muslims over unfounded allegations of cow slaughter, and vigilante groups raiding businesses accused of selling beef. Instances of mob violence culminated in the tragic beating of a 72-year-old Muslim man on a train, illustrating the pervasive culture of fear and violence directed at religious minorities under the guise of cow protection.
Violence and hate speech after political upheaval in Bangladesh: Following the political upheaval in Bangladesh that led to the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024, Indian Hindu extremists exploited social media to spread false claims regarding attacks on the Hindu minority in Bangladesh. The report states that while there were indeed violent incidents against Hindus, the disinformation incited violent retaliation against Indian Muslims throughout the month. BJP leader Nitesh Rane threatened retribution against Bangladeshi Muslims, asserting, “We will kill them one by one,” which sparked attacks on scrap collectors in Delhi who were wrongfully labelled as Bangladeshi immigrants. The atmosphere of hatred intensified, with Hindu extremists in Uttar Pradesh attacking slum dwellers, setting their homes ablaze under the pretext of retaliating for violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. In multiple states, extremist leaders called for boycotts and expulsions of Muslims, targeting Bengali-speaking communities and demanding their eviction from homes, contributing to a climate of fear and escalating anti-Muslim sentiment across India.
Hate speech and calls for violence: Hindu extremist leaders and BJP officials have consistently promoted hate speech against Muslims, often accompanied by explicit calls for violence. During a Hindu extremist event in Solapur, Maharashtra, a militant leader threatened to “kill many Afzals, Akbars,” referring to common Muslim names, and urged Hindus to take up arms to protect their sisters from interfaith relationships. In another incident in Mumbai, extremist group leader Dhananjay Desai described non-Hindus in India as a “disease,” and referred to Rohingya refugees as “termites.” Furthermore, leaders from groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad vowed to reconvert those who convert away from Hinduism, while threats of violence against Muslims became increasingly pronounced, with one leader stating that if one Hindu were attacked, hundreds of Muslims should face retaliation.
As the climate of hate escalated, calls for violence proliferated across various states. A prominent BJP leader suggested that India’s biggest mistake was allowing Muslims to reside in the country, echoing sentiments from Assam’s Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who claimed that the “changing demography” of Assam was a “matter of life and death.” Extremists called for the targeting of Palestinians, with one leader urging followers to “hunt down” their supporters. Additionally, the term “love jihad” emerged as a rallying cry to justify violence against Muslims, with threats to inflict physical harm and intimidation echoing through speeches by several leaders. This pattern of hate speech and incitement to violence against Muslims reflects a disturbing trend in contemporary Indian politics.
Minority representation in general election: Although the BJP did not secure an absolute majority in the elections and had to form a coalition government, minority representation significantly declined. Notably, for the first time in India’s history, the ruling party established a government without any Muslim cabinet members. Muslims, who constitute nearly 20% of the population, saw their representation in elected legislatures drop to just 4.42%, with only twenty-four Muslim lawmakers in the 543-seat Parliament. At the state level, Muslims hold approximately 6% of the 4,000 legislative seats across twenty-eight states. The report provided that activists attribute this sharp decrease in political representation to the BJP’s anti-Muslim policies and inflammatory rhetoric.
Election-related violence and voter intimidation: Between April and June, during India’s general elections, reports emerged of violence and intimidation directed at Muslim voters and other marginalised groups at polling stations. Many Muslims found their names inexplicably removed from electoral rolls, raising suspicions that the BJP was deliberately suppressing their votes. In one case, the names of 700 Muslim voters were deleted after their homes were demolished the previous year, while in Uttar Pradesh’s Sitapur, over a hundred Muslim voters were similarly missing from the list. Additionally, on May 7, police in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, beat Muslims attempting to vote, and reports indicated more than 500 Muslim names were removed from the voter list in Gujarat’s Devbhoomi Dwarka, with those affected stating they had voted in previous elections.
The intimidation continued as BJP candidates reportedly harassed Muslim voters at polling booths. On May 13, Dharmapuri Arvind, a BJP electoral candidate, confronted Muslim women wearing burkas in Telangana, demanding they reveal their faces for identification. A similar incident occurred in Hyderabad, where another BJP candidate insisted that Muslim women lift their veils. Reports also indicated that Dalit voters faced violence for not supporting the BJP, while police used force to prevent Muslims in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh, from voting. After the elections, BJP supporters celebrated by targeting Muslim establishments, including an attack on a Muslim-owned news channel in Kerala and chanting slogans outside mosques in Karnataka.
Throughout the election campaign, the report depicts that hate speech against Muslims surged, despite legal prohibitions against communal rhetoric. High-profile BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Modi, made numerous inflammatory remarks designed to demonise Muslims and the opposition. Campaign speeches contained a notable prevalence of Islamophobic statements, with claims that voting for Congress would benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindus. Additionally, BJP leaders encouraged violence and espoused anti-Muslim conspiracy theories, threatening the safety and rights of Muslims in India. The atmosphere of fear and hostility created by these tactics reflects a broader strategy of voter intimidation and suppression, particularly against minority communities.
Hate speech during elections: The 2024 general election campaigns in India were marred by a surge of anti-Muslim hate speech, particularly from BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Despite laws prohibiting communal rhetoric during elections, Modi and his party repeatedly employed Islamophobic language to undermine the opposition. According to Human Rights Watch, over 110 of Modi’s campaign speeches contained Islamophobic remarks. Similarly, the report emphasised that as per the documentation of Hindutva Watch, hundreds of rallies where BJP leaders targeted Muslims. On May 1, the BJP’s official Instagram account shared a campaign video demonising Muslims, falsely claiming that if the Congress Party were to win, it would seize the wealth of non-Muslims. BJP leaders, including Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, made incendiary statements, accusing the opposition of attempting to “Islamize” India and threatening to seize Muslim property. Federal Minister Amit Shah further fuelled communal tensions, referring to the opposition as a “government of Mullas, Madrassas, and Mafia” that would favour Muslims. Modi continued to spread anti-Muslim propaganda, calling for the removal of Muslims from affirmative action benefits and propagating conspiracy theories like “love jihad” and “land jihad.”
Throughout the election season, BJP leaders across India amplified hate speech, often inciting violence against Muslims. In May, BJP leader Sakshi Maharaj warned of an alleged Muslim invasion of India, while candidate Navneet Rana told crowds that anyone refusing to chant “Jai Shri Ram” should move to Pakistan. Several BJP officials, including T. Raja Singh, called for direct violence against Muslims, with Singh urging Hindus to boycott halal products and use bulldozers as punishment. Meanwhile, Modi stoked fears by claiming that infiltrators with a “jihadi mind-set” endangered Hindu woman, and he accused the opposition of engaging in “vote jihad.” Other leaders, like Yogi Adityanath, boasted about curbing religious freedoms for Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and framed the elections as a battle between Hindus and “anti-nationals.” At a rally, BJP leader Kapil Mishra threatened mass violence, likening Muslims to termites and diseases, while T. Raja Singh openly encouraged Hindu youth to shoot Muslims. These statements underscore how hate speech was central to the BJP’s election strategy, fostering an environment of hostility and violence against Muslims.
Anti-Muslim laws and policies: The report highlights that at both the state and union levels, the Indian government has introduced policies that specifically target the safety and property of Muslims, exacerbating their vulnerability to Hindu supremacist violence. On July 9, the BJP-led union government lifted a long-standing ban that prevented government employees from associating with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India’s oldest Hindu supremacist paramilitary organisation, which has been banned twice due to its fascist ideology and involvement in mass violence. Following suit, the BJP-led government in Rajasthan also lifted similar restrictions for its employees. On July 30, the Uttar Pradesh government announced plans to impose harsher penalties under its stringent “anti-conversion” or “love jihad” laws, including life imprisonment for those converting away from Hinduism for marriage. Assam’s BJP-led government later followed with its own announcements of stricter enforcement of anti-conversion laws, which criminalise conversions to Islam and Christianity and are often used to target Muslim men in consensual relationships with Hindu women. Concurrently, Assam proposed a requirement for the Chief Minister’s consent for land transactions between Hindus and Muslims, aiming to limit land sales to Muslims. On August 8, the federal government introduced the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, which seeks to diminish Muslim control over their own lands by mandating non-Muslim members on boards managing Muslim religious properties, thereby enabling significant interference from the Hindu nationalist government. The bill is currently under review by a Joint Parliament Committee. Additionally, on August 13, the Madhya Pradesh government mandated the inclusion of works by prominent RSS leaders, known for their advocacy of fascism and visions of a Hindu ethno-state, into college curricula across the state.
Economic apartheid: On July 13, in BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh, police issued an unconstitutional mandate requiring vendors and business owners in Muzaffarnagar and other cities to publicly display their religious identity by placing their names in front of their establishments ahead of a Hindu religious procession. Authorities claimed that the move aimed to avoid confusion among the kanwariyas (Hindu devotees) during the procession. However, legal experts criticised the mandate, warning that it could pave the way for an economic boycott of Muslims. Critics, including Muslim politician Asaduddin Owaisi, labelled the mandate as a form of “apartheid,” raising concerns that it would further marginalise Muslims and increase the likelihood of hate crimes and mob violence. Although the Supreme Court eventually stayed the order following protests from opposition leaders, Muslim groups, and rights experts, Hindu extremists continued to harass Muslim vendors who had not displayed their names and religious identities.
This discriminatory practice spread to other states, with officials in Madhya Pradesh issuing similar orders for businesses to display their owners’ names, effectively forcing religious identification. Civil society leaders drew parallels to apartheid and Nazism, condemning the targeting of Muslim vendors. In Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh, Hindu supremacists took matters further by placing nameplates on all Hindu-owned shops, distinguishing them from Muslim vendors. This growing trend reflects a troubling pattern of economic and social exclusion of Muslims in India under the guise of maintaining order during religious processions, heightening communal tensions and fostering an atmosphere of discrimination and fear.
Illegal demolitions and evictions: According to this report, throughout this quarter, numerous demolitions targeted Muslim-owned properties, including homes, shops, mosques, and shrines, in BJP-ruled states. Amnesty International has condemned these actions, widely referred to as “bulldozer justice,” as violations of international law. For instance, in May, a Hindu extremist mob demolished Muslim graves and installed Hindu idols in a centuries-old shrine in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, exacerbating communal tensions. In Uttar Pradesh, authorities began a militarised demolition drive in Lucknow’s Akbar Nagar, a predominantly Muslim locality, leading to a suicide after a resident lost his livelihood. Similarly, homes and mosques were demolished in Madhya Pradesh, often without proper investigation, following pressures from Hindu supremacist groups over incidents like alleged cow slaughter or interfaith relationships.
The demolition spree also spread to Assam and Delhi, where Muslim homes and places of worship were destroyed under the guise of illegal encroachments. In Assam’s Morigaon, around 8,000 Muslims were left homeless after their homes were bulldozed, while Hindu-owned structures on the same land remained untouched. In Delhi, two mosques were razed after claims of illegal construction, despite protests from local communities. The trend of demolishing Muslim homes in response to communal tensions, such as accusations of involvement in cattle trade or interfaith relationships, persisted, highlighting systemic targeting of minorities through illegal evictions and demolitions.
- Suppression of dissent
Dissent against the policies and ideology of the current far-right government, whether through protests or academic criticism, was systematically repressed by the union. In particular, police across India cracked down on expressions of solidarity with Palestine, reflecting the Indian government’s staunch support for Israel’s actions in Gaza. Such incidents of suppression were reported in both BJP ruled as well as Congress run states. In June, Karnataka police detained 15 activists at a pro-Palestine protest, with some alleging they were assaulted. Similarly, in Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi and Bihar’s Nawada, Muslim men were arrested for raising the Palestinian flag during religious processions, with more arrests following in Madhya Pradesh and Kashmir. This suppression extended to academic spaces as well. In Kerala, five students at the National Institute of Technology (NIT) were fined over $4,000 for protesting the suspension of their peers who had opposed the Ram Temple consecration, which was built on the site of the demolished Babri Mosque. In Delhi, a scholar faced disciplinary action for citing Noam Chomsky’s critique of Prime Minister Modi in his research proposal, leading to an inquiry into his supervisor, who subsequently resigned.
Online censorship: In addition to its physical repression of dissent, the IAMC report also provides data on the intense crackdown of the Indian government on critics online. As per the report, a cumulation by the Free Speech Collective revealed 134 violations of free speech in 2024, highlighting how disinformation and hate speech dominate, leaving little room for verified information or debate. In June, police in Uttar Pradesh filed charges against the YouTube channel Hindustani Media for reporting on a mob lynching, while two Muslim journalists and others were detained for sharing details on social media. In August, the government introduced the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill, 2024, aiming to classify online content creators discussing current affairs as broadcasters, sparking criticism for tightening government control over digital content. Additionally, Uttar Pradesh implemented a digital media policy threatening legal action against platforms that post content critical of the government, while incentivising those who promote government achievements.
Arrest and ongoing detention of prisoners of conscience: In the months provided in the report, the Indian government continued its crackdown on political opponents, activists, and prisoners of conscience, with many remaining imprisoned long after their arrests. In August, the Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms (CJAR) raised concerns about prolonged delays in bail hearings for Muslim activists arrested for protesting the discriminatory Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). CJAR highlighted the cases of Gulfisha Fatima and Khalid Saifi, who were detained under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in 2020. Rights activist Umar Khalid, jailed since the 2020 Delhi pogrom on fabricated charges, has been denied bail, spending over 1,300 days in prison. Similarly, 72-year-old E. Abubacker, former chairman of the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), continues to be denied bail despite his deteriorating health, including cancer and Parkinson’s disease.
Political retaliation against opposition leaders has also been rampant since the announcement of the general election of 2024. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal remained in judicial custody throughout the said quarter after his March arrest, which critics allege was motivated by his party’s opposition to the ruling BJP. Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren similarly faced imprisonment for five months before his release in June, in what many view as BJP-led political retaliation. In June, tribal human rights defender Sunita Pottam, known for protesting police and paramilitary violence against tribals, was arrested by the BJP-led Chhattisgarh government over alleged Maoist ties.
- Persecution and discrimination against Christians
As per the IAMC report, Christians in India continued to face routine attacks from both state and non-state actors associated with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Accusations of “forcible conversion” were frequently weaponised to justify violence and legal persecution. In states like Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh, Hindu supremacist groups, particularly the RSS-affiliated Bajrang Dal, disrupted Christian prayer meetings, assaulted worshippers, and accused them of converting Hindus to Christianity. In May, Hindu extremists in Chhattisgarh disrupted a Christian prayer gathering and, later in the month, six Christians were arrested on conversion allegations. Similar disruptions occurred in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, where a mob attacked a prayer service, injuring several people, including women and children. In Maharashtra, three Christians were assaulted by Bajrang Dal members on suspicions of conversion.
Throughout June and July, the violence escalated. In Chhattisgarh, Hindu extremists forced Christian families to sign a pact renouncing their faith, while in Rajasthan, a mob led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad assaulted Christians during a prayer meet, leaving several injured. Similar attacks occurred in Uttarakhand, where a mob harassed worshippers and demanded proof of their Hindu faith. In Bhopal, three Christian nurses were arrested on baseless conversion charges, while in Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, Christian events were disrupted by Hindu militants, with local police often complicit in the violence. Despite the lack of evidence supporting these conversion claims, Christians continued to endure harassment and legal action.
- Jammu and Kashmir
The last quarter marked four years since Muslim-majority Jammu and Kashmir came under the direct control of Prime Minister Modi’s government following the revocation of its special autonomous status in August 2019. During this period, the report underscored how the Kashmiris faced heightened government surveillance, frequent arrests, and ongoing human rights violations. Journalists and human rights defenders were particularly targeted under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The Kashmir Law & Justice Project reported multiple custodial killings in May and June, with Indian forces often labelling the victims as “terrorists.” Additionally, there were numerous instances of property expropriation, and Eid prayers at the Jamia Masjid were once again banned, with prominent cleric Mirwaiz Umar Farooq placed under house arrest. A viral video in July highlighted the use of Kashmiri civilians as human shields by Indian forces, further emphasising the region’s plight. The retaliatory arrests of activists continued, including the midnight arrest of lawyer Nazir Ahmad Ronga, who was detained under the draconian Public Safety Act (PSA).
Recommendations for protecting religious minorities in India
Based on the data collated and presented by the IAMC report, the following suggestions are made with the objective of improving the situation in India:
- The Indian government must enact and enforce comprehensive legislation that protects the rights of religious minorities. This should specifically address hate speech, communal violence, and targeted attacks, while ensuring that individuals responsible for such acts are held accountable. Legal measures must also uphold the right to religious freedom, allowing individuals to practice their faith without fear of persecution.
- Independent oversight bodies should be established to monitor human rights violations, ensuring impartial investigations into abuses against religious minorities. These bodies should have the power to conduct thorough inquiries, prosecute offenders, and recommend preventive measures, helping to restore trust and demonstrate the government’s commitment to human rights.
- A national anti-lynching law must be passed to protect minorities from violence by alleged Hindu militias and cow vigilante groups. Additionally, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) should be repealed to prevent the disenfranchisement of minorities.
- BJP-led state governments should halt the demolition of Muslim homes, businesses, and places of worship under the guise of anti-encroachment efforts, ensuring every citizen’s right to a secure home.
- The government must prevent police or civic authorities from enabling economic discrimination against minorities. Calls for economic boycotts against minorities should lead to swift and appropriate penalties for those responsible.
- The international community must actively engage with India to address concerns over the treatment of religious minorities and incidents of transnational repression. If the Indian government fails to act, sanctions or trade measures should be considered. The U.S. government should explore imposing sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act on those responsible for severe human rights abuses, particularly targeting leaders of Hindu militant groups.
- The U.S. Department of State should also follow the recommendation of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) by designating India as a “Country of Particular Concern” for its serious violations of human rights and religious freedoms, making these issues integral to U.S.-India relations.
The complete report may be read here:
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