The communal riots in Nagamangala have once again shattered the myth about the invincibility of communal harmony in the Mysore region. The region as such was well known for its deep admiration for Tipu Sultan and the Wodeyars who during their rule, empowered the Dalits and the OBCs of the region through land distribution and reservation in the state services long before such reforms were initiated in Independent India.
Hence, as compared to other regions of Karnataka, the old Mysore region did not respond enthusiastically to the Sanghi agenda for these historical reasons. Thus, the BJP has not done well in this region so far.
But over the past thirty years, especially in the Modi era, the changes taking place in the socio-economic and political culture of Old Mysuru and Mandya district in particular, have begun to change this balance that has been shaped over a period.
Besides, the agrarian crisis, migration, unemployment, the crisis of livelihood leading to insecurity and identity crisis, personal and social anxieties generated by the neoliberal economy over the last three decades, coupled with the Brahminisation of the upper strata of the dominant castes, namely Vokkaligas and the Sanskritisation of the Nathapanthic Vokkaliga monasteries, the inertia and slow inaction of the progressive movements, and the zeal, resources and destructive zeal of the right-wing forces have brought about many fundamental changes in the politics of Mandya region which have become glaringly visible in the past few years.
Some Examples:
During the 2018 assembly elections, the upper strata of the dominant Vokkaliga caste declared their priorities as “Kumaraswamy for the state, Narendra Modi for the country,” the mobilisation of the dominant castes to defeat AHINDA (the acronym for Minorities (Alpasankhyata), Backwards (Hindulida) and Dalits) politics of Siddharamiah lead Congress. For the last 10 years, the Sanghis have kept Tipu’s capital Srirangapatna in a constant state of planned communal tension, with the BJP candidate who lost in that constituency in the 2023 elections getting four times more votes than the previous election.
They have tried unsuccessfully to change Tipu history during elections by fielding Uri Gowda and Nanje Gowda (the mythical characters created by the Sanghis to propagate their vicious narrative that these two Vokkaliga heroes assassinated Tipu and that he did not die a martyr in the battle field), the JD (S), which lost badly in the 2023 elections, not only aligned with the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, but also ideologically aligned with the Sanghi fascist Muslim-hating Brahmanical Hindutva.
The inauguration of the regional office of the RSS at Pandavapura, which was the main centre of the farmers’ union (Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha), the hoisting of the saffron flag at Keregodu and the manufactured communal tension in the area, which has been otherwise in the sphere of influence of the progressive movements like Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (DSS) and the farmers’ unions, soon after the elections, etc. are examples of the social and political changes that demonstrate that the Mandya-Mysuru region is increasingly turning towards Hindutva.
The communal violence in Nagamangala is a continuation of this phenomenon and not an exception. No matter from where the instant spark or stone fell to provoke communal riots on the day of Ganesh Utsav this year, the rest of the script was already planned as decided by the Sanghis. This is because this is part of the well-planned strategy of the Sangh Parivar to achieve its organisational and political hold over society.
In fact, thirty years ago in the coastal regions of the state—where polarisation has reached its peak today, there also existed communal co-existence like the Mandya-Mysuru of today. The Coastal Lab has provided the Sanghis a blueprint to root their politics of hate in society. They are now implementing the same experiment in Mandya in a phased manner, employing a strategic approach.
It is, therefore, imperative to understand the history of the growth of the Sanghis and its political arm, the BJP (Bharatiya Jana Sangh before 1980), and the strategies adopted by them at various levels, and move forward to build the political and grassroots organisations needed to defeat them.
The path treaded by the BJP and its growth in Karnataka
The Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the original form of the BJP in Karnataka, has been contesting elections in Karnataka since 1952. In the first two decades, the Jana Sangh, which contested in tens of constituencies in Hubli, Bidar, Bangalore, Kolar and coastal regions, had garnered an average 2-5 % of votes placing itself at a distant second or third place in some constituencies. In the 1967 elections, it won four seats in the Legislative Assembly for the first time. For comparison, except for the 1957 elections (in which the Jana Sangh got 1.34 per cent of the votes and the undivided CPI got 1.92 per cent of the votes) the left parties have never got more votes than the BJP in any of the elections until now.
In any case, after Emergency, the Jan Sangh, emerged as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) following the demise of the Janata Era in 1980. In 1983 it won 18 seats with a vote share of 7.83 percent. Its vote share fell in the 1985 election. But since the 1989 elections when the BJP won four seats with four per cent of the vote, continued to expand its vote base over the following decades as part of a several stages of Hindutva expansion projects across the state and country.
For example, in 1994, BJP got 17 percent of the vote and 40 seats. In 1999, 20.69 percent of the vote and 44 seats in 2004, 28.33 per cent of the vote and 79 seats, becoming the single largest party. In the year 2008, it received 33.86 percent of the vote and 110 seats. In 2013, though it splintered into three factions, the BJP’s total vote share remained the same if you include the vote share of the factions since all of them returned to the fold of BJP, subsequently.
In the 2018 assembly elections BJP secured 36.2 per cent of the vote and 104 seats. In 2023, although it got 36 percent of the votes, the number of seats fell to 66. However, in 2024 Lok Sabha elections it gained 46 percent votes and 17 out of 28 parliamentary seats well beyond the expectations of all pundits.
Therefore it can be concluded, in general that after 1989, the Sangh Parivar and the BJP have grown in Karnataka and the country in three stages, without major setbacks to their political and ideological agenda.
The first stage -hidden agendas, high dramas
In the first phase, in the new territories it enters, this combine will project itself as a cultured, honest, god-fearing, anti-corruption, patriotic party to enhance its image and influence. In this regard, it strengthens its image by bringing into its fold the elite of other parties and the elite of society, film actors, retired army officers-bureaucrats etc. And, also lures those castes and communities ignored by the mainstream party, i.e., the Congress, with party positions and other allurements.
In 1989, when the Congress made Bangarappa the chief minister after removing the Lingayat leader Veerendra Patil from the chief minister’s post, the BJP realised that the dissatisfaction of the Lingayats with the Congress was at its peak and immediately made Yeddyurappa, the Lingayat leader of the party, as the president of the BJP and thereby captured the support of Lingayat Mutts.
At the same time, LG Havanur, who was known as the harbinger of social justice in the state, economist Venkatagiri Gowda and other renowned people joined the BJP. At that time, they were only promoting pro-people, pro-farmer issues on the face of it while the combine was secretly carrying out its Hindutva campaign through other organs of the Sangh Parivar.
That’s the first phase.
In this first phase, it behaves such that its communal agendas go unnoticed in the region. Those who join the BJP are also at first joining only on the basis of caste, personal prestige etc. But while all parties do the same, the BJP is different because of its RSS structure and approach system and ideological agenda.
The second stage is consensual Hindutvaisation
Once the Lingayats migrated to the BJP for anti-Congress reasons in a significant way, the Sangh Parivar’s affiliate organisations began to organise the community on a number of issues, keeping in constant touch with the Lingayat mutts and its social elites and also the masses. For example, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) unifies all Lingayat-Veerashaiva seers as Hindus and brings them on a single platform for ‘Hindu protection’. Gradually, the anti-Brahminism among the Lingayats is vanquished and converted into Hindutva. The “Vachan Darshana’, the Sanghi interpretation of 12th century verses of the founders of Lingayatism, brought out by the Sanghis recently is a continuation of this project. Although the entrepreneurs and upper classes of the community have built up empires in the educational and other service sectors and are dependent on the support and cooperation of the state, these sections within the community have become Brahmanised, forgetting the Kayaka culture and pursuing their coveted business interests.
It is as a result of all this that it becomes an acceptable spokesperson for the Hindutva agenda.
This is the second stage.
The same trend is now prevalent in South Karnataka, especially among Vokkaligas. The erstwhile senior seer of the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt, worshipped by the Vokkaligas, was made the vice-president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. Their mutts are not only Sanskritising and Brahmanising, but also socially and culturally complementing Hindutva, without taking a politically overt stand. While the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt took a clear stand on the Uregowda-Nanjegowda issue as senior Vokkaliga leaders of the Congress and the JD (S) were influential, the Mutt and the Vokkaliga community continue to have a soft spot for Modi on Hindutva. During the course of the text revision initiated by the VHP to undo secular texts and introduce Hindutva lessons, Lingayat mutts talked about only Basavanna, Vokkaliga mutts talked about Kuvempu, a great writer incidentally hailing from the community and after it was revised with minimal changes, there was silence. Moreover, none of them condemned the BJP’s removal of the text about Tipu Sultan. Neither did they stand in opposition when the name of a popular train bearing the name Tipu Express was changed by the then BJP government.
This is another example of the second phase of Hindutvaisation. It is not a coincidence that the Vokkaligas in South Karnataka voted for the BJP more than ever in the last elections. After the official alliance of BJP-JD (S) for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Hindutva mobilisation of the Vokkaliga community has gained momentum. It is also fuelled by the latent intolerance and suspicion towards Dalits and Muslims harboured by Vokkaligas
The third stage is militant Hindutva
The third phase is the phenomenon we are seeing in the coastal region and in Uttar Pradesh. At this juncture, the victims of Hindutva’s politics of hate are blinded to the extent that any amount of corruption, injustice, problems of life and the startling cruelty that shakes humanity are unable to wake them up.
The relative reduction of votes for the BJP in the coastal belt in 2023 and 2024 is rather a sign of dissatisfaction that the BJP is not as militant Hindutva as they would like it to be not the sign of coastal belt getting secular. The BJP’s vote share is also steadily increasing as it is moving smoothly from phase one to phase two and phase two to phase three.
And except for the usual sporadic protests by democrats and resistance by Dalits and Muslims to communalism there is no effective opposition to communalism in Karnataka.
Sanghi politics in Karnataka is in the second phase in Kittur and Central Karnataka and is speedily moving towards third phase. The coastal region is already in the third phase.
The Bengaluru, Kalyana Karnataka and South Karnataka where Mandya district and Nagamanagla is situated is moving towards the second phase with great speed.
The incidents in Srirangapatna, Keregodu, and now Nagamangala are examples of that.
In the first stage, it expands its base by using caste, prestige, defection. Soon the second phase begins. So even though ostensibly communal polarisation is not as visible in south Karnataka as in the coastal belt, it should not be forgotten that it is the first step in the same process. Therefore, the increase in the vote share of the BJP in all the constituencies of South Karnataka, even where the BJP has lost its deposits, and the visible characteristics of the second phase of Hinduisation in all these places, should be a cause for concern among the democrats and not a consolation.
At least the occurrences of planned communal riots in the Mandya region should shatter that false sense of relief.
Sanghi fascism is not invincible – but there is no alternative to people’s organisation
This does not however mean the BJP is unbeatable.
However, the last year-and-a-half of Congress rule has made it clear that the party’s politics, ideology, and organisation – even in the Rahul Gandhi era – have no intention of defeating or countering the Sangh’s Hindutva. It is, thus, a historical fact that it is the Congress’s compromising, soft Hindutva politics that has contributed to the growth of Sanghi politics.
Fascism is not just a cultural phenomenon as many liberals of Karnataka make it out to be. Even though Fascism as an ideology can be found in the society and the polity for a long time, it finds its social base and grows feeding on the growing social and economic crisis in society, fuelled by the failure of existing forces to resolve it.
The corporate crony, neo-liberal economic policies, Brahminical social policies, which the Congress and the BJP have all unanimously implemented, are exacerbating the crises and anxieties of the majority of the people and opening the highway to the fascists and fascism The growth of fascists cannot be stopped unless these are radically transformed into pro-people and socialistic policies. In the meanwhile its speed can only be controlled occasionally and temporarily but unless a formidable, credible ideological, political and organisational alternative is provided, fascism thrives.
Thus, Hindutva fascism can be defeated only through a popular democratic movement rooted in the oppressed people who can change both the capitalist and Brahminical system.
But unfortunately, the Left parties, which had previously built such movements, are now gasping. Today, the BJP is getting ten times more votes than the Left parties in their own strongholds.
On the other hand, no mass movement in Karnataka is today left with the capacity to mobilise people in great numbers to challenge both the government and Sangh fascism. Not only during the BJP government, but also during the present Congress government, protests have been reduced to tokenisms. The blockade at Freedom Park (a designated place in the Bangalore city for the protests) needs to be broken, people’s power resoundingly displayed as resistance power to jolt the government. This is not meant as a criticism of anybody but is meant as a collective self-criticism.
Therefore, until the time that we are able to build a strong mass movement and eradicate Hindutva from the minds of the people, until we are able to build true democratic aspirations among all peoples, neither will Hindutva be defeated nor the BJP could be unseated in the country.
The recent Nagamangala communal riots also sends out the same warning for those who can see and hear.
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