Protests over Waqf (Amendment) Act escalate into violence in West Bengal; Calcutta HC intervenes

Three reported dead in Murshidabad clashes; court steps in, directs authorities to maintain peace and investigate violence. As political parties trade blame, locals allege involvement of unidentified outsiders, adding new layers to the unfolding crisis. None of the deceased – Ijaz Ahmed, a student, and a father and son of one Das family, Haragovinda and Chandan – were actively instigating violence or part of any political outfit, as their friends and neighbours claimed, and yet they were killed.
Image: The Indian Express

The violence that erupted in Murshidabad, West Bengal, in early April 2025, was a direct result of growing unrest linked to the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2024, which had sparked protests across various parts of the state. Initially, the protests were peaceful demonstrations against the Act, which critics argue undermines the autonomy of Muslim religious endowments. However, on April 8, 2025, the situation escalated, with the protests quickly turning violent, particularly in the districts of Suti, Dhulian, and Jangipur. Tensions allegedly reached a breaking point following Friday prayers on April 11, when protesters clashed with security forces, leading to stone pelting, vandalism, and widespread destruction of public property.

The violence resulted in the tragic deaths of three individuals, including a father-son duo, who were found brutally stabbed in their home, and a young protester who succumbed to bullet wounds inflicted during clashes with the police. None of the deceased – Ijaz Ahmed, a student, and a father and son of one Das family, Haragovinda and Chandan – were actively instigating violence or part of any political outfit, as their friends and neighbours claimed, and yet they were killed. The escalation of violence saw public outrage and large-scale disruptions, with protesters blocking roads, attacking police vehicles, and intensifying confrontations with security personnel. Despite the assurances from West Bengal’s Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee that the law would not be implemented in the state, the unrest continued to spread, further exacerbating the already sensitive political situation.

In response to the deteriorating law-and-order situation, the Calcutta High Court intervened on April 12, 2025, following a petition filed by BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari. The court directed the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) to restore order in Murshidabad and other affected areas. The court’s intervention highlighted the inability of local authorities to handle the violent protests effectively, leading to heightened concerns over the implications of the Waqf Amendment Act and the potential long-term consequences of the violence on the region’s communal harmony. The Murshidabad incident, along with the subsequent unrest in various districts, underscores the complex intersection of religion, politics, and law in India, further fuelling a sense of uncertainty among the state’s population.

Calcutta High Court orders deployment of central forces in Murshidabad

In an urgent hearing convened on April 12, the Calcutta High Court directed the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district, following violent clashes during protests against the recently enacted Waqf Amendment Act. The unrest, which has left at least three people dead, prompted swift judicial intervention in response to a plea moved by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Suvendu Adhikari.

Chief Justice T.S. Sivagnanam constituted a special division bench comprising Justices Soumen Sen and Raja Basu Chowdhury to hear the matter. The petition, filed by Adhikari and lawyer Tarun Jyoti, sought the immediate deployment of central forces in view of the escalating violence and deteriorating law and order in the region.

During the hearing, the court was informed that the protests in Murshidabad — particularly in areas like Jangipur and Dhulian — had descended into chaos, with violent mobs clashing with the police, pelting stones, setting police vehicles on fire, and injuring several personnel. The violence also disrupted railway services, as protestors damaged infrastructure and blocked tracks, leading to the cancellation and diversion of multiple trains. A railway crossing gate between Dhulianganga and Nimtita was also vandalised.

Acknowledging the gravity of the situation, the bench criticised the inadequacy of the state government’s response, stating that the measures undertaken so far were insufficient to contain the violence. “Action had to be taken on a war footing to arrest the rioters,” the court observed, as per the Scroll. It added that had central forces been deployed earlier, the escalation of violence could potentially have been avoided.

The High Court made it unequivocally clear that constitutional courts could not remain passive observers in the face of such internal disturbances. “Constitutional courts cannot be a mute spectator and embroil itself in technical defences when the safety and security of the people are at danger,” the bench remarked, as quoted by Bar and Bench.

Accordingly, the court directed the deployment of CAPF in Murshidabad district, with instructions that the forces coordinate closely with the state’s civil administration to restore peace and normalcy. Significantly, the bench clarified that this direction was not limited solely to Murshidabad — should similar situations arise in other districts, the central forces must be promptly deployed there as well.

In addition, the High Court instructed both the West Bengal government and the Union government to file detailed reports outlining the steps taken to manage the situation. The matter has been posted for further hearing on April 17, 2025.

The protests stem from widespread discontent with the Waqf Amendment Act, 2024, which was passed by Parliament on April 4 and received Presidential assent on April 5, coming into effect on April 8. The law introduces sweeping changes to the original Waqf Act of 1995, including amendments to 44 sections. Among its controversial provisions are the inclusion of non-Muslims on Waqf boards, restrictions on property donations, and changes to the functioning of Waqf tribunals — measures that many critics argue significantly dilute the autonomy of Muslim religious endowments and increase governmental control.

Despite the state government’s assertion that the plea was politically motivated and that law enforcement agencies had already taken adequate measures — including the deployment of six companies of the Border Security Force (BSF) — the High Court found that the reality on the ground indicated otherwise. It noted the persistence of unrest in multiple districts, underlining the need for urgent and coordinated action.

The full order may be viewed here.

Incidentally, Murshidabad has more than 66 percent Muslim population, as per the 2011 census, and TMC bagged all three parliamentary seats in 2024, including Jangipur at the epicentre of the weekend’s violence. Of the district’s 22 assembly seats, TMC has 20; the party controls all 26 Panchayat Samitis and nearly all of the 250 Gram Panchayats. Out of eight Municipalities of the district, TMC has seven, and the one that is left out – Domkal – is run by a TMC-appointed administrator. With such a heavy police domination, representatives of the party in power in the state do have questions to answer.

The Congress, the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), and other parties have already approached the Supreme Court to challenge the constitutional validity of the amended legislation. Meanwhile, the situation in parts of West Bengal remains tense, with Murshidabad emerging as an epicentre of the protests and related violence.

Arrests mount amid continued tensions

The situation in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district remained tense but relatively calm on April 13 following days of violent protests against the controversial Waqf Amendment Act. According to PTI, the West Bengal Police confirmed that 12 more individuals were arrested overnight in connection with the unrest, raising the total number of arrests to 150. Officials stated that prohibitory orders were still in effect and internet services had been suspended in the affected areas.

Police officers, quoted anonymously, reported that areas like Suti, Dhulian, Samserganj, and Jangipur—previously at the epicentre of the unrest—were under close surveillance and had seen no fresh outbreaks of violence. “Raids continued through the night, and 12 more people were taken into custody,” said one officer, as per the Hindustan Times. “The situation is currently peaceful.”

The protests began on April 8 and intensified after Friday prayers on April 11. Even as Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had stated on April 10 that the amended Waqf Act would not be implemented in West Bengal, violence struck again in the state. “I know you are aggrieved because of the enactment of the Waqf Act,” said CM Banerjee, as per Times of India.Have faith, nothing will happen in Bengal by which one can divide and rule.”

On April 11, violent protests erupted in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district following Friday prayers, primarily centred around opposition to the Waqf (Amendment) Act. Protesters argue that the Act has been imposed without sufficient consultation or consideration of the socio-economic priorities of the community, such as employment and healthcare. Tensions escalated when large gatherings defied prohibitory orders and blocked National Highway-12 from Dakbanglo More in Shamsherganj to Sajur More in Suti. Police reports indicate that the situation turned violent after stones were hurled at a police van, resulting in injuries to at least ten personnel. Security forces resorted to lathi charge and later used tear gas to control the situation. In some instances, officers were forced to take shelter in nearby mosques.

Fresh violence erupted in Dhulian under the Samserganj block on April 12. Police confirmed that one person suffered a bullet injury during the clash, though senior officials said they were still verifying the full details. The unrest also disrupted public infrastructure. Protesters damaged a railway crossing gate between Dhulianganga and Nimtita, forcing the cancellation and diversion of several trains, according to Eastern Railway officials.

In total, at least 18 police personnel were injured, and scores of civilians, including women and children, have been displaced. The district administration suspended internet services and imposed prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the BNSS, equivalent to Section 144 of the CrPC, to contain the situation.

In response, the state administration had deployed six companies of the Border Security Force (BSF).

Political fallout and government response

The political fallout has been swift. BJP leaders, including Suvendu Adhikari and state president Sukanta Majumdar, criticised the Trinamool Congress government for allegedly soft-pedalling on violence by “a section of minorities.” Majumdar asserted that a future BJP government would crush such “vandalism” within minutes and accused the current regime of appeasement politics.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee responded by stating that the Waqf (Amendment) Act would not be implemented in West Bengal, asserting that the state government would not allow any attempt to “divide and rule”. She urged for unity and calm, but her remarks did little to quieten the situation on the ground.

Opposition parties, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), were quick to capitalise on the unrest. Adhikari also alleged that over 400 Hindus were displaced and forced to flee to Malda district out of fear. He described the violence as “jihadist terror” and accused the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government of indulging in “appeasement politics”, further fuelling communal polarisation.

Current situation and outlook

The Murshidabad violence is a grim reminder of the fragility of communal harmony in politically polarised and socio-economically marginalised regions. The protests highlight growing discontent within sections of the Muslim community, who feel unheard in national policymaking. At the same time, the BJP’s sharp rhetoric and the high-pitched calls for action raise concerns about communal profiling and the danger of deepening divides.

As of April 13, 150 people have been arrested, and no fresh incidents have been reported. Police are conducting continuous raids, and security personnel are maintaining a tight vigil in the affected areas. However, the damage has already been done. Markets were looted, homes vandalised, and families displaced. Videos have emerged of victims recounting how mobs entered their homes and destroyed property, as residents now demand a permanent BSF presence in these vulnerable areas.

 

The State’s response has been reactive rather than proactive. The Chief Minister’s refusal to implement the law appears more a political manoeuvre than a principled stand. Meanwhile, the High Court’s intervention underscores a judicial acknowledgement of the failure of local law enforcement.

Ultimately, the incident points to a confluence of legislative opacity, administrative failure, and political opportunism, turning a policy dispute into a tragic episode of communal violence. It is also essential to highlight here that West Bengal will be seeing Lok Sabha elections in 2026, Murshidabad might not just be a law-and-order flashpoint but a symbol of a larger crisis in India’s secular fabric.

It is essential to note here that a different angle has also emerged regarding the violence in Murshidabad, with the locals of the area saying that there was a presence of unidentified young men during the violence who were not from the area. Several residents recounted that a group of boys, aged around 15 to 18, dressed in black hoodies and armed with rods and sticks, appeared just before the unrest broke out. “These were not our boys,” one person said, adding that both Hindu and Muslim youth from the locality had been working together to safeguard nearby temples. This observation has fuelled concerns that the violence may not have been entirely organic, but instead instigated by external elements with a vested interest in disrupting communal harmony. This lesser-reported aspect of the violence is now being brought to light by residents of the area. Questions are now being raised about who these young men were, who brought them into the area, and what their intentions were—an angle that demands serious attention amid the rush to communalise the incident.

 

A political fault-line exposed

The recent eruption of violence in Murshidabad, West Bengal, over the amended Waqf Act lays bare the volatile intersection of religion, law, and politics that continues to define India’s communal landscape. The April 11 unrest, which claimed three lives and left scores injured, has reignited political tensions ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. At the centre of the conflict is the controversial Waqf (Amendment) Act, passed by the Union government — a piece of legislation that critics, including West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, have denounced as a deliberate attempt to sow division and inflame religious sensitivities.

Banerjee, in a strongly worded statement, reaffirmed that Bengal would not implement the amended law. Urging for calm, she cautioned against “irreligious behaviour in the name of religion” and accused unnamed political actors of weaponising faith for electoral gain. Emphasising that the legislation was passed by the union — not the state — she distanced her government from the violence and warned of legal action against those spreading misinformation. Her message was unequivocal: the Waqf Amendment is not only unconstitutional but dangerously incendiary, and the Union government must be held accountable for its fallout.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), however, presented a starkly different narrative. State leaders alleged that Hindu families were being driven out of Murshidabad’s Dhulian area, citing “religious persecution” and accusing the TMC of “appeasement politics.” Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari claimed that over 400 Hindus had fled across the Ganga, while state BJP president Sukanta Majumdar criticised TMC MPs for remaining silent in the face of the crisis. Their rhetoric, framing the incident as the outcome of the TMC’s so-called minority appeasement, was in line with the BJP’s broader electoral messaging in Bengal.

Amid this escalating blame game, both the Congress and the Left mounted a scathing critique of the TMC and BJP, accusing them of exploiting the unrest for political gain. Congress MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury accused the state administration of being “asleep at the wheel,” while the CPI(M) condemned the police for being “mute spectators” and demanded Army deployment.

Caught in the middle of these political crossfires are the people of Murshidabad — whose lives have been turned upside down. Even if claims of a mass exodus remain unverified, the devastation on the ground is undeniable. Homes have been vandalised, shops looted, property destroyed, and public trust shattered. Three people have died, civilians and police personnel have been injured, and daily life has come to a standstill in many parts of the district. Children have missed school, local businesses have suffered, and fear has spread across communities. As politicians argue over narratives, it is ordinary citizens who continue to pay the highest price.

The violence in Murshidabad is more than a law-and-order issue — it is a stark reminder of how religious identity continues to be manipulated in Bengal’s political theatre. As national and regional parties jostle to control the narrative, what gets lost is the constitutional promise of justice, accountability, and equal protection under the law — regardless of religion.

Detailed story on the previous incident of violence in Murshidabad may be read here.

 

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