On October 12, 2024, during the Vijayadashmi (Dussehra) celebrations, traditionally observed as the foundation day of the RSS, its Chief (Sarsanghchalak), Dr. Mohan Bhagwat, delivered a significant speech. This address followed his earlier remarks after the BJP’s decline in the 2024 general elections. In that previous speech, Bhagwat had indirectly criticized Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who had claimed divine inspiration for his leadership. Following the BJP’s drop from 303 to 240 seats, Bhagwat had commented, “A man wants to become a superman, then a Dev (deity), then a Bhagwan (God).” This marked the first election where BJP distanced itself from its previous reliance on the RSS, asserting its growing independence.
Bhagwat’s speech served to humble Modi’s rising arrogance. The RSS (collectively known as the Sangh Parivar) became more active in the Haryana elections, and with favorable support from the Election Commission, the BJP defied expectations and returned to power, despite predictions of a Congress victory.
In his Dussehra speech, Bhagwat reaffirmed BJP policies, criticized non-BJP-ruled states, and laid out the deeper goals of the RSS and Hindutva politics. He claimed that terms like ‘Deep State,’ ‘Wokeism,’ and ‘Cultural Marxism’ are enemies of cultural traditions. According to Bhagwat, these ideologies infiltrate educational institutions, destroy societal values, create artificial problems, and instill a sense of victimhood, leading to aggression and anarchy. He warned that such movements aim to undermine governance and establish dominance over nations.
The term ‘wokeism,’ used derisively by right-wing groups, generally refers to an awareness of social and political injustice. Bhagwat’s critique of wokeism highlights the tension between progressive ideals and the conservative, hierarchical values promoted by the RSS. Through its network of shakhas, schools like Saraswati Shishu Mandir and Ekal Vidyalayas, and its influence over media—thanks to sympathetic corporations and BJP’s IT cells—the RSS has shaped a conservative social consensus in India.
Wokeism, in contrast, advocates for a just society, opposing discrimination based on caste, religion, color, and sexual orientation. It also supports LGBTQ+ rights. These principles challenge the Brahminical values central to Hindutva politics. Hindu nationalists, like other fundamentalist movements globally—whether the Taliban, the Muslim Brotherhood, or Christian fundamentalists—oppose equality and justice. Their goal is to maintain traditional hierarchies, as evidenced by the RSS’s historical admiration for the Manusmriti, a text that subjugates Dalits and women.
The RSS’s disdain for wokeism is part of its broader rejection of movements for equality. In India, Hindu nationalists look down on Dalit, women’s, and LGBTQ+ rights movements, just as fundamentalist forces in Muslim-majority countries target women’s rights. The RSS seeks to replace democratic values with those of an imagined “Golden Age” of inequality.
The RSS’s disdain for wokeism is part of its broader rejection of movements for equality
Though there may be internal tensions between the RSS and the BJP, their core values remain aligned, despite occasional clashes of ego. Bhagwat’s speech mirrored much of BJP’s current policies. He criticized non-BJP-ruled states, singling out Punjab, Jammu-Kashmir, Ladakh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and the entire northeastern region, from Bihar to Manipur, as areas of concern. Notably, he lumped Ladakh and Manipur together, despite the stark differences between the two regions.
Manipur has witnessed horrific violence, particularly against the Kuki community and women, with the BJP government showing disturbing apathy. Ladakh, on the other hand, has seen peaceful environmental and citizenship movements, led by figures like Sonam Wangchuk. The BJP’s neglect of Ladakh’s peaceful struggle is a dark chapter in India’s recent history.
Bhagwat’s selective outrage was also evident in his mention of the R.G. Kar Medical College tragedy, while remaining silent on the rising atrocities against women wrestlers and Dalit girls. His earlier statement that rape happens in “India” (urban areas) but not in “Bharat” (villages) is contradicted by the reality: most cases of sexual violence in BJP-ruled states occur in villages and small towns. A report from the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment shows that Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh had the highest numbers of atrocities against Dalits in 2022, revealing a disturbing trend.
Perhaps the most telling moment of Bhagwat’s speech came when he urged Hindus to unite and become strong, as “the weak cannot defend themselves.” But aren’t we already united as Indians? Is there any issue with unity as outlined in the Indian Constitution? Bhagwat’s remarks betray the RSS’s superficial adherence to constitutional values, which they invoke primarily for electoral gains.
Author is Political commentator
Courtesy: CounterView