Hyderabad: Rev. Joseph D’Souza, Moderating Bishop of the Good Shepherd Church of India and President of the All India Christian Council, responded to the terror attack on a New Zealand mosque on Friday.
 
Bishop Joseph D’Souza said, “Our hearts are with the Muslim community in New Zealand after this heinous attack on the Masjid Al Noor and Linwood mosques. We applaud the Prime Minister’s right decision to quickly condemn the attack. This is the latest reminder that our world has descended into a social media-fueled decadence that consumes the political and religious class. That this kind of violence could happen in a peaceful country like New Zealand exposes the great danger all nations face when religious extremists or extreme nationalists take advantage of platforms like social media to propagate their twisted, hate-filled philosophies and call for violence to be unleashed on innocent people like those in Christchurch on Friday. Our words and tweets and Facebook posts have an impact on vulnerable minds. We must remember that we reap what we sow. This attack is a reminder that the world is in dire need of peacemakers, who will sow peace and fiercely push back against the evil that aims to suppress the fundamental right of every human being to practice his or her religion as they would choose.”
 
Fifty people died and dozens were injured in the twin shootings on Friday. Brenton Tarrant, from the New South Wales town of Grafton, has been charged with one count of murder and is in custody in Christchurch. In a brief court appearance on Saturday, he flashed a neo-Nazi hand signal while on camera.
 
In a six-minute stretch, the man, wearing tactical gear and a camera attached to his outfit, shot hundreds of rounds into dozens of people while being live online.
 
His weapon was scrawled with neo-Nazi symbols and the names of white right-wing extremists who had killed others because of their ethnicity or faith. A manifesto released online laid his motivations bare: to kill Muslim immigrants.
 
 

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Their representation or proportion in education, services, judiciary is sometimes as low as less than one per cent and hence it is clear that some pro-active affirmative action is necessary.
 

The Christian leadership, which finally opposed religion-based reservation at the conclusion of the constituent assembly debates, met over this issue and has resolved to support the Muslim community in their decision, whatever it may be.
 

More importantly, we have discussed how, independent of State and government, we must involve ourselves in the uplift of the Muslim minority in India. We have discussed with the leadership how more convent schools need to be opened in Muslim-dominated areas so that Muslim girls can attend school within the safety of the convent. We have discussed how we should join hands to exert pressure on the government for more government technical schools to be opened in Muslim-dominated areas and how Wakf Boards can be encouraged to not only support moneyed and fashionable medical and engineering colleges but technology-based and polytechnic institutions.
 

At the conclusion of the debates within the constituent assembly, Jerome D’Souza ultimately refused religion-based reservation, satisfied that the interests of a minority could be well served without religion-based services. Christian representation at 2.5 per cent overall has recently begun to decline, however. Within this there is a domination of the Kerala or Naga Christian. To respond to this trend we have prepared a memorandum for the government so that Christians remain, not simply cooks and mechanics, but owners of restaurants and hotels and professional outfits.

List of demands put before the new government by the AICC:

1. Urgent steps to ensure that minority educational institutions are assured their autonomy at all times.

2. A permanent empowered Equality Commission/Equal Opportunities Commission to deal with the issues related to exclusion and discrimination.

3. Commission on backwardness and representation of religious and linguistics minorities in national life.

4. Benefits of affirmative action of the State to be available to all persons belonging to SCs irrespective of faith.

5. A comprehensive Central Law on Communal Violence for (i) Prevention (ii) Control (iii) Prosecution (iv) Adequate Compensation & Rehabilitation as recommended by the Concerned Citizens Tribunal 2002.

6. Basic reform of the police system to make it function independently, accountable in law for impartial law enforcement on the lines suggested by the National Police Commission (NPC 1978-81).

7. Basic reform of the administration of the justice system especially of the subordinate judiciary for delivery of prompt untainted justice.

8. Use of force and firearms by the police to be brought into conformity with human rights standards.

9. A comprehensive Right to Information law to make governance transparent and accountable.

10.  Review of the electoral system introducing measures enabling under-represented segments like women, religious minorities and certain social groups to get due representation in legislatures and other elected bodies.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 2004. Year 10, No. 99, Special Report 4
 

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• January 1: Father Vikas attacked at St. Mary’s School, Panipat, Haryana.
• February 18: Attack on a hospital and desecration of Mother Mary’s  statue, Dindigul, Tamil Nadu.
•  March 7: Copies of Bible snatched, devotees slapped during a prayer meeting, Ahmedabad, Gujarat.
•  March 9: Ish Mata Catholic Church looted, a portion of the rear wall destroyed, Samalkha, Haryana.
• March 12: A computer centre run by the Christians looted; inmates locked, Ghaziabad, UP.
• March 31: Two priests attached to the Archbishop’s House taken to police station on fake charges and detained, Agra, UP.
• April 6: St. Dominic’s School attacked and the principal abused for refusing admission to a few children, Mathura, UP.
• April 10: Sacred Heart School attacked by parents for not promoting  students who had failed in the examinations, Mathura, UP.
• April 11: Murderous attack on the principal and nuns of St. Teresa  School, Koshi Kalan, UP.
• April 21: Christian group from Hyderabad attacked, literature  they were carrying set on fire by Bajrang Dal activists, Haryana.
• April 25: Two nuns hit by a scooterist, Rewari, Haryana.
• May 2: Masked men assault nuns at a convent, Jhansi, UP.
• May 3: Christian group beaten up The Dangs, Gujarat.
• May 3: Break-in at a church, Sagarpur, Delhi.
• May 4: Mob attack on a catholic School, Patna, Bihar.
• May 6: Bajrang Dal men beat up Christians, Ahmedabad, Gujarat.
• May 6: 13 Christians arrested for holding prayer meetings and street plays without prior permission, The Dangs, Gujarat.
• May 9: The VHP, Bajrang Dal men barge into a girls’ hostel and assault those watching a film on Jesus Christ, Nasik, Maharashtra.
• May 11: A Jesuit stabbed, Basavanpura village near Bangalore, Karnataka.
• May 13: 3 churches attacked in Indore 
• May 16: A priest attacked, Bhind, MP.
• May 21: 30 people injured in a bomb blast at a prayer meeting, Machilipatnam, Andhra Pradesh.
• May 21: Prayer homes torched, Kandhmal district, Orissa.
• May 29: IED’s found in churches, Medak, Vikarabad, AP. 
• June 7: A priest murdered at Paulus Memorial School, Mathura,UP.
• June 8: Bomb explosion in churches, Karnataka, AP and Goa.
• June 11: A priest is killed, Jalandhar, Punjab.
• June 14: Priest beaten, paraded, in a village in Jagdalpur, MP.
• June 18: Eyewitness of priest’s murder dies in police custody, Mathura, UP.
• June 24: Graves dug up near church, AP.
• June 27: Miscreants ransack a church, Pusad, 
• July 5: Missionary school guard beaten up, Jhansi, UP.
• July 5: Bajrang Dal force closure of Christian school, Ahmedabad.

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 2000, Year 7  No. 60, Cover Story

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“Open the Doors!” is an epigram used by  Christians in this 2000th 
anniversary of the birth of  Jesus Christ (Yesu Krist Jayanti 2000 or YKJ 2000) accompanied by the symbolic gesture of opening the doors of cathedrals and churches to society and the world. 

This symbolises the Christian resolve to be fully open in the new millennium — to sincerely dialogue with all religions, with the sciences and with all peoples in a global endeavour to foster justice, fellowship and peace. However, for Christians in Gujarat, especially those in the southern tribal districts, Christmas and the New Year 2000 have been closed-door affairs as saffron squads held the Christian community hostage while arm–twisting the state BJP–government into acceding to their demands.

A close analysis of the events preceding Christmas week, with the insidious moves and double–speak of the BJP state government, gives cause for alarm.
As a prelude to the Christmas 1998 Christian–bashing and chapel-burning, incendiary pamphlets were distributed in the villages of the Dangs (See Combat, January 1999). This Christmas (1999), too, Janubhai A. Pawar, president of the Hindu Jagran Manch (HJM), master-minded the distribution of provocative pamphlets and called for a Hindu ‘dharma sabha’ precisely on Christmas Day. 

Feigning determination to protect the minority community and to curb violence, the home minister, Haren Pandya, issued a circular banning rallies of any community on the feast days of another community.

Janubhai Pawar was subsequently arrested on December 9 after the Christian community expressed its apprehensions. Surprisingly, with Janubhai’s arrest, about 200 BJP members including all party officers of south Gujarat resigned in protest against the circular and the arrest. Within hours, Pawar was released on bail. 

Janubhai Pawar is the main trouble–maker in the Dangs. The Citizens’ Committee Report on the Dangs published in New Delhi in March 1999 recommended that the HJM be banned from the Dangs since: “The HJM’s sole objective is to instigate people to create trouble on communal lines. It is this organisation that has been responsible for all the incidents in the Dangs. The leader of HJM, Janubhai Pawar, has found his organisation a convenient instrument to exploit, blackmail and terrorise people.

“Obviously he has the backing of the government as is evident from the way he took us to a government office to give his views — when the officials at his very sight stood up to receive him and thereafter waited outside literally in attendance. There are four cases registered against him and having regard to the activities he has been indulging in, he should have been externed from Dangs for the mere asking.” 

Interestingly, in the aftermath of the 1998 mayhem, to diffuse the focus of blame, Janubhai Pawar stoutly denied that the HJM was part of the Sangh Parivar (see Citizen’s Commission Report, p.21). This time, however, the ‘shilanyas’ and the rally were jointly organised by the HJM and the VHP who declared that the government would not ban their programmes as it was they themselves who launched it to power. Pushed against the wall, in a volte–face of its previous stand, the government lifted its ban on rallies with the VHP–HJM’s ‘verbal assurance’ to the home minister that they would call off the Christmas Day rally in exchange for allowing the ‘shilanyas’ at Halmodi on December 22.

The withdrawal of the ban on rallies went against the Union home ministry’s letter sent to the state chief secretary, L.N.S. Mukundan, to impose a restriction on all rallies around Christmas week in the state, particularly in the Dangs, “to pre-empt unfortunate implications on any count.” The home ministry’s letter, signed by special secretary, M. B. Kaushal, also instructed the state government to take legal action against those implicated in last year’s attacks. Ignoring these instructions, the government yielded to the fanatic elements among its ranks, laying bare its malicious intent. Was it necessary to withdraw the circular banning rallies if the Sangh Parivar was serious about not going ahead with theirs? 

When questioned whether the VHP–HJM combine would actually cancel the proposed Christmas rally, VHP joint–secretary, Jaideep Patel, said, “We will disclose our position with regard to the rally only after the successful completion of the shilanyas programme.” This reply betrays the Sangh Parivar’s intentions.

While bargaining with the saffron forces, the home minister rushed to the Dangs in a vain attempt to assuage the fears of the Christian community. There were neither explanations about the government’s plans to curtail anti-Christian atrocities nor any indications of bringing the culprits to book. Pandya merely told the Christian delegation to be patient, promised them security and requested them not to make press statements for it would aggravate the situation. The government also sought to coerce the Christian community into agreeing to the ‘shilanyas’.

Christian leaders refused to sign any statement of agreement for they claimed that it was part of the VHP-HJM’s terror campaign. Furthermore, familiar with the back–bending of the government on various issues, the Christian community doubted the sincerity of the home minister. Many Christian leaders were sure that the government would finally allow the VHP–HJM to have its way. 

Apparently, the BJP government in Gujarat is unconcerned about the plight of the minorities. It only desires that the truth be concealed. 

Contrary to the claims of the VHP-HJM that over 10,000 tribals (‘vanvasis’ in Sangh Parivar terminology) would assemble at Halmodi for the ‘shilanyas’ ceremony on December 22, barely 500 people including government officials and school children were present. Swami Aseemananda of the Waghai–based ‘Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad’ — who devised the forcible ‘shuddikaran’ (ritual purificatory process) at the Unai hot–springs and launched a scathing attack on Christian missionaries before the ‘bhoomi pujan’ at Halmodi — explained that the aim of setting up temples all over the district was to enable ‘vanvasis’ to worship in peace. 

Although the Parivar members were upset by the low turnout at the ceremony, it served as intimidation to the minority community and symbolically demonstrated the power of the Hindutva forces. Admitting that the turnout was low, Rajnikant Rajwadi, BJP MLA from Bardoli, made a significant comment: “The message has been conveyed to the world that we have achieved our objective.” 

Haren Pandya was pleased that the ‘shilanyas’ passed off “peacefully” and S.K. Nanda, secretary in–charge of Dangs, mentioned that the Halmodi ceremony left tribal Christians “quite relaxed.” The fact is that tribal Christians were terrorised and remained indoors.

After the shilanyas, egged on by the weak resolve of the state government, the VHP–HJM publicised plans for the proposed ‘dharma sabha’ on December 25 to be addressed by Jagadguru Shankaracharya of Karvir Pith while the home minister, interviewed by Star TV repeated, “We will leave no stone unturned to maintain law and order.” Parrying questions, he could not explain the government’s compromises and failure to counter the VHP–HJM offensive. 
Meanwhile, the district authorities seemed clueless about the plans of the VHP–HJM and helpless about the government’s arbitrary decisions. 

Simultaneously, as the result of a criminal miscellaneous application filed by Samson C. Christian, secretary, United Christian Association, the Gujarat High Court directed the state government to appoint two observers in the Dangs from December 26 to 28 who would produce a report by December 29.

With tension mounting, on Christmas eve, nearly 750 villages, chapels and institutions of South Gujarat which were identified as sensitive spots, were cordoned off by a huge police force with 55 senior police officers, 15 companies of the SRP and 300 RAF jawans, making it impossible to celebrate Christmas.
Ironically, the YKJ jubilee, to be celebrated with ‘open doors’ passed off behind locked doors and under the shadow of the gun.

No traditional midnight prayer-services and no cultural programmes were possible. A veritable Christmas curfew. “The Hindutva forces have succeeded in instilling fear among us, tribals, who have lived peacefully for decades,” said Motilal Gaikwad, former co–ordinator of the ‘Adivasi Pragati Samiti’. 

He regretted that the Christian community had to call off its Christmas prayers and programmes. “The government wants us to be grateful for preventing violence. That we have lost all our freedom and basic rights is of no consequence to them,” lamented a Christian leader who was strictly warned not to meet the press.

On Christmas day itself, saffron flags adorned the roads at Ahwa. At the Dandkeshwar Mahadev Temple, the Shankaracharya convened a ‘sabha’ of about 500 people and attacked the Christian missionaries. Swami Aseemananda and other VHP–HJM leaders gave vituperative speeches with threats of a backlash if the missionaries continued their activities. The meeting concluded with a decision to hold similar ‘dharma sabhas’ every Christmas.

Two observers of the All India Christian Council, John Dayal, national convenor of the United Christians Forum for Human Rights and national secretary of the All India Catholic Union and Kamal Mitra Chenoy, professor at JNU (Delhi) and leading civil rights’activist, lambasted the government for its ineptitude and connivance. Asserting that the Parivar had violated prohibitory orders and taking exception to the fiery speeches, Chenoy and Dayal added that, “a systematic attempt was being made by the Sangh Parivar to enforce its will and political and social agenda, violating all norms of civil society.” 

The Dangs disappeared from media focus as soon as the Kandahar hijacking hit the headlines. Thus, voices against the Gujarat government’s handling of the situation were few and weak.

Gujarat’s leader of the Opposition, Amarsingh Chaudhary, pointed out that “Christians are being terrorised by militant Hindu organisations” and alleged that “organisations like the VHP, RSS, HJM and Bajrang Dal, supported by the ruling BJP in Gujarat, have been carrying on disruptive activities in a bid to create a rift between tribals and tribal Christians in the state.” 

The saffron brigade has reaped rich dividends through its terror tactics and brow–beating of minorities. The pernicious and persistent peddling of Parivar ideology is backed by a political power–base that surreptitiously supports and sustains it and vice versa. Hence, the phenomenal success of the BJP in Gujarat: three new, tribal–belt victories in last year’s Parliamentary elections (Chhota-udepur, Dahod and Mandvi) and 30 out of 48 municipalities this year.
The Parivar armament also contains an ostensibly innocuous, yet insidious, bill on religious conversion that was introduced in the Gujarat Assembly by BJP MLA Mangubhai Patel, arousing apprehension among minorities in Gujarat. When challenged about its anti–constitutional content, Haren Pandya was quick to remark, “This is not raised by the whole party but by one member.” When questioned whether he would revoke the bill, Pandya was non–committal saying, “We shall see when the bill comes up for discussion!” There is little doubt that the powerful BJP lobby will try its might and mane to pass the bill, thereby trampling upon the minorities’ constitutional, fundamental rights.

New Year 2000 has brought little cheer for Gujarat’s minorities. On January 3, the Keshubhai government lifted the ban on membership of state government employees in the RSS, one of the 30–odd communal organisations on the banned list, which includes the Indian Union Muslim League, the VHP, the Ananda Marg and others. 

The move will have deleterious repercussions, as not only will government officials be permitted to join the RSS, but also all will view RSS membership as sure qualification for getting promotions and prize postings.

Adding fuel to the fire, in the recently–concluded ‘sankalp shibir’ held in Ahmedabad, Keshubhai Patel donned the RSS khaki shorts and white shirt and played generous host to the 30,000 RSS ‘swayamsevaks’ who marched triumphantly through Ahmedabad’s streets, while the RSS leaders boasted of establishing RSS ‘shakhas’ in every village of Gujarat by the year 2005.

While the Union government has been drawing flak for its handling of the hijacking crisis, the RSS chief, Rajendra Singh, termed the compromise as an example of ‘Hindu cowardice’. Immediately, an ominous “Regulation of Public Religious Buildings and Places Bill” was passed in the UP Assembly on the grounds that ISI activities were escalating in masjids and madrassas along the Nepal border. Indeed, the Parivar has capitalised on anything and everything from Kargil to Kandahar. Political analysts predict that the same bill will be passed in Pakistan-bordered Gujarat, too, providing a battering–ram for demolishing Christian places of worship. 

Gujarat has always been a treasured launching pad and testing-ground for the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ programmes. The success is amazing and alarming. L.K. Advani’s ‘rath yatra’, launched from Dwarka, got the Hindutva juggernaut rolling in Gujarat, resulting in the Muslim massacre of 1992 in Surat, the Christian baiting of 1998 in South Gujarat, a debate on conversions, a ‘Christian census’ and a conversion bill in 1999 and the legitimisation of RSS activities at the very dawn of 2000. 

Rural Gujarat needs vidyalayas and bal mandirs rather ‘shilanyas’ and ‘Hanuman mandirs’. Much can be done if everyone seriously opens doors and sets about building bridges for a peaceful and prosperous third millennium. 

Archived from Communalism Combat, January 2000. Year 7  No, 55,  Special Report

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