All India Farmers Conference | SabrangIndia News Related to Human Rights Tue, 30 Apr 2024 10:30:37 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png All India Farmers Conference | SabrangIndia 32 32 From the farm to the poll booth, the BJP has lost farmer trust https://sabrangindia.in/from-the-farm-to-the-poll-booth-the-bjp-has-lost-farmer-trust/ Tue, 30 Apr 2024 10:30:37 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=35029 Rajasthan, UP, Punjab, Haryana and Maharashtra, simmer with farmers’ anger as polling dates for other states in the northern belt come closer.

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In April 2024, a crowd of men and women surrounded   Hans Raj Hans as he came to attend a BJP meeting in the small town of Araianwala in Punjab. The BJP candidate competing in upcoming elections from Faridkot, according to Times of India, claims he felt targeted by the presence of the protestors.  The protests, as per reports, say they were there to demand answers from the government.

This is not an isolated incident. Farmers have been expressing their dissatisfaction through demonstration, public meetings, and gheraos with the current government across states as polling dates arrive. Several organisations related to the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) have organised protests and expressions of resentment against BJP candidates during the campaign in Punjab. Haryana and Rajasthan have seen similar receptions.

“The poll outcome will this time show the impact of the farmers’ protest and the extent of disenchantment,” general secretary of the BKU told Sabrangindia. “So far there was cynicism in this regard, wait for the 2024 results,” he added.

Could this impact the BJP in the coming polls? Let’s have a look.

Ten farmers died in the ‘Delhi Chalo’ farmer’s protests of 2024. According to the Samyukt Kisan Morcha, over 700 farmers died in the 2020-2021 farmers protests against farm laws. Besides, in official data provided by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), one farmer or agricultural labourer dies by suicide every hour in India, with the deaths of labourers being higher than the cultivating farmers. All this points to the picture that clearly, all is not not well.

India is an agrarian state. According to data from the Press Information Bureau (PIB), rural areas in India accommodate a substantial 65% of the population, with 47% relying on agriculture for their livelihoods. Furthermore, a recent survey by the International Labour Organisation has revealed that over the past few years more people have been pushed into becoming agriculture labourers, indicating that there has been a reverse flow.

Understanding this, history has shown us that the government has been instrumental in shaping agriculture because India’s agricultural growth was propelled by public sector investments, particularly during the Green Revolution era, which significantly boosted production and productivity through state-led interventions in technology, pricing, credit, and marketing. However, since the 1990s, there has been a noticeable retreat of the State from these crucial areas as per research conducted by Foundation for Agrarian Studies. The study indicates that there has been a sharp decline in public expenditure on agriculture over the past two decades (2010-11 to 2019-20). According to FAS, economics Professor Ramakumar Rao has stated that India’s overall public spending in this sector has now become alarmingly low even when compared to developing nations and not just developed nations. Due to this he says there is an urgent need for increased investment to support agricultural sustainability and rural well-being.

Farmers’ discontent with the ruling government may not have made the news an electoral factor but if we look at the past trends and patterns we can see that it has emerged as a critical factor shaping the political landscape ahead of the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.  This discontent has resonated deeply in rural areas, where agriculture forms the backbone of livelihoods and communities. This has heightened the chance of potentially reshaping voter sentiment and posing a substantial challenge to the electoral prospects of the BJP.

As elections approach, we know that farmers in India have resumed protests along the borders of Punjab and Haryana since February 2024. They returned to protests with their old demand for a law guaranteeing Minimum Support Price (MSP). Essentially Minimum Support Prices (MSPs) are the prices set by the central government for buying food grains from farmers. These prices are established to ensure that farmers receive fair compensation for their produce. So even though the demand for a law on MSP was promised by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government during the Farmers’ Protest of 2020-2021, which led farmers to close down their year-long demonstrations. However, the promised legislation never materialised which led to the second round of protests two years later this year. Will this affect polling results? Many say yes.

Phases 1 and 2 of polling have already been concluded for India’s 18th Lok Sabha elections.  Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, amongst other states, have already begun with two rounds of polling. Haryana and Punjab will however both see voting on a a single round (the 6th and 7th rounds) of polling on May 25 and June 1 respectively.

First, let’s take a look at whether there was any impact on BJP votes after the 2020-2021 farmers protests which ended in December, 2021, before crucial state assembly elections were to take place in 2022. In 2022, Punjab saw BJP winning only 2 seats in total. The Aam Aadmi Party won about 92 seats and made Bhagwant Mann the chief minister. The people had declared their mandate.

However, according to an analysis in Mint, farmer disaffection did not reflect in reduced state assembly seats for the BJP all over Uttar Pradesh in 2022. The UP assembly elections saw districts, with a considerable population of Jats, elect BJP, leading the party to win four of the six seats in Muzaffarnagar.  However in the same state elections, the BJP had, in 2022, suffered a grand defeat by losing 13 of the 19 assembly seats in the four districts  of UP, including Muzaffarnagar, Meerut, Shamli and Baghpat. As analysed by Yogendra Yadav, it is on these seats that the farmers protests (from the Ghazipur morcha in the 2020-2021 farmers protests) made maximum impact.

Over the past two years now, consistent news reports have since reported the community’s dissatisfaction with the ruling party. Farmers issues, the attack on the constitution and the Modi government’s callous non-response to women wrestlers, a leader at a meeting in Ghaziabad called for support to the INDIA alliance just a few days ago.

Rajasthan is also seeing such similar anti-BJP sentiment within the Jat community. The Modi wave, according to this Indian Express article, has wavered in the Shekhawati region of the state where Jats are large in number, and instead local issues have taken precedence. The community is said to reportedly have an impact over four seats in this region.  Similarly, Ganganager in the state has also been witnessing the anger of the community. The result was evident in the 2023 assembly elections in the state, where the BJP performed quite poorly in Ganganagar which had seen thousands gathered for protests against the government for farmers’ issues.

Yashpal Malik, president of the Akhil Bhartiya Jat Aarakshan Sangharsh Samiti, spoke to The Print, saying this anger was across states and not just in Rajasthan, but also in Jat-concentrated areas of Punjab, Haryana, and UP, “The biggest reason for this is the way that party’s treatment of farmers during their protests (both in 2020-21 and earlier this year). The BJP had promised to implement the Swaminathan Commission report (in their manifesto) but when farmers launched an agitation to demand this, the BJP used brutal measures to suppress them.” In the 2019 elections, the Jat community had supported the BJP only with a small margin over its support for the Congress, which was where 39% of the community’s votes went, as opposed to the BJP who received 42% of the votes.

The agricultural crisis thus has created a substantial crisis for the BJP. In Maharashtra, according to The Hindu, Buldhana, Akola, Amravati, Wardha, Yavatmal-Washim, Hingoli, Nanded, and Parbhani in the Vidarbha and Marathwada regions have been facing extreme conditions of drought and unseasonal rains leading to a severe agrarian crisis. According to the newspaper, early reports from phases 1 and 2 of the polling have pointed toward the possibility that the BJP may face a tough battle in these regions, even though it had listed its big leaders, such as Devendra Fadnavis to campaign and reassure farmers in the region.

Discontent continues to persist in parts of India. It remains yet to be seen how much of it will translate into a resounding defeat for the BJP.

 

Related:

Farmers’ demand to ‘Quit’ WTO explained: Elections 2024

 GOI withholding arrears of paddy farmers in Kerala for narrow electoral gain: AIKS

Tyre cartel pays ruling BJP for govt’s connivance in ruining rubber farmers, plantation workers, small and medium traders & MSMEs alleges AIKS

RSS must stop demonising farmers’ movement: AIKS

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All India Farmers Conference Kicks Off to Impressive Start https://sabrangindia.in/all-india-farmers-conference-kicks-impressive-start/ Fri, 06 Oct 2017 10:27:11 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2017/10/06/all-india-farmers-conference-kicks-impressive-start/ THE All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) is gearing up for its 34th Conference, after a long, eventful four years of struggle and advances. It will be held in Hisar, Haryana, from October 3-6. A public meeting on the first day at Old College Ground will be addressed by Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar. A total of […]

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THE All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) is gearing up for its 34th Conference, after a long, eventful four years of struggle and advances. It will be held in Hisar, Haryana, from October 3-6. A public meeting on the first day at Old College Ground will be addressed by Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar. A total of 758 delegates from 25 states will attend the conference. Two delegates from UIS, the international farmers’ organisation, will also be present.

Kisan

The 27th conference of the AIKS was held in September 1992 at the same venue. Since then, many changes in the international and national situation having taken place. Two-and-a-half decades earlier, the Soviet Union collapsed and the rule of international finance capital began. AIKS made no mistake in identifying the new danger in the offing. The conference correctly identified the real character of the neoliberal economic policies just accepted by the government of India then. We looked at these new and unknown policies as a disastrous onslaught on all aspects of life, especially the agricultural and rural economy.

It is an important task of the 34th conference to analyse the impacts of neoliberal policy on our agriculture and peasantry during the two-and-a-half decades, and find ways to fight against the menace in the coming days. In general terms, we call it an unprecedented agricultural crisis. This became manifest through different events and expressions, such as agriculture becoming a loss-making venture, large numbers of peasantry wanting to give up agriculture, 3,50,000 farmers committing suicide during this period as they were in a grave debt trap and not getting remunerative prices for their crops. Though majority of our population still depends on agriculture and allied activities, its relevance to our GDP came down by 75 per cent since independence. And this happened solely due to the policies pursued by different governments. Those were seen in the withdrawal of government from agriculture, declining investment in agriculture in the budget, eliminating subsidies, curbing institutional loans to majority of peasants, removal of quantitative restrictions on agricultural imports and integrating our agriculture with the world market, privatisation and FDI in agriculture, signing many FTAs, and finally the attempt to replace peasant agriculture by corporate agriculture. The total surrender by our government and policy makers to the World Bank and the WTO destroyed our independent agricultural policy. Rural employment reached its lowest level, intensifying rural poverty and pauperisation. The peasantry lost land very fast and majority of them were reduced to agricultural labourers or rural manual workers. During this neoliberal period, landlessness increased from 25 per cent to 35 per cent and the top 10 per cent of landholders’ land occupation increased from 56 per cent to 73 per cent. This is the most disastrous impact of the neoliberal policies.

The All India Kisan Sabha continuously analysed these changes critically and exposed the danger before our agriculture. We also countered this policy with alternative agrarian policies which could save Indian agriculture from such deep crises.

Just after the 33rd conference, the biggest attack on the peasantry came from the Narendra Modi government – the Land Acquisition Ordinance, 2014. The AIKS took up the issue, contacted other kisan organisations, and gave a call for burning of the copies of the ordinance which was done in the entire country. It created an atmosphere against the ordinance and many more organisations, NGOs and political forces came out against it. This battle was victorious as Modi shelved it for the time being after his three attempts failed to pass it and the anger of the farmers was widely expressed in the country. This was the first defeat of a central government before the kisan movement. But Modi instructed his BJP state governments to make state laws in this regard. We too shifted our struggle to the state level and it is going on.

The second attack against farmers came in the form of banning cattle trade recently. Thirty per cent income of farmers comes from their cattle and animal husbandry. They sell their old cattle every year and use the money to purchase new young cattle for milk or ploughing. This was an age-old practice. But the BJP government stopped it absolutely as part of their communal agenda. Their Sangh Parivar criminals under the garb of ‘gau rakshaks’ attacking cattle trade was a glaring example. The AIKS took up the issue on the day Pehlu Khan was killed in Alwar, organised protest meetings before Parliament, collected funds and gave Rs 15 lakh to Khan’s family, while both the state governments of Rajasthan and Haryana failed to help the family. The government’s notification for banning cattle trade was also challenged by Kisan Sabha in the Supreme Court and it ordered a stay on the notification in the whole country.

Through these two battles, AIKS succeeded in building a united kisan movement in the country and a new Kisan Morcha emerged as the “Bhoomi Adhikar Andolan” (BAA), a new type of united platform. It is working at the national level very successfully and we have held three national conferences of BAA during the last three years and have formed state chapters in Odisha, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Jharkhand, MP and Maharashtra. This is a new experiment in the united struggle.

The AIKS took up the issue of remunerative price as per the Swaminathan Commission’s recommendation – i.e., cost + 50% – and complete one-time institutional and private loan waiver for all poor, landless, tenant, marginal, middle peasants and agricultural workers. Along with this, a 15-point charter of demands was taken up to the entire peasantry of the country. To propagate these issues, AIKS took out an 18,000 km “Kisan Sangharsh Jatha” all over the country for 21 culminating in a huge successful rally before Parliament. This was the biggest programme of the AIKS since the last conference to highlight kisan issues before the entire agricultural community and the country. Along with that, AIKS, during this period, took up the kisan suicide issue in a big way; visited the houses of suicide-victims in most of the affected states, and brought their family members before Parliament for a two-day dharna. These activities of AIKS helped to highlight the issue before the nation in a big way for the first time.

During the last few months, due to growing kisan unrest and some successful kisan struggles, many kisan organisations, big or small, came out to raise kisan issues and join the struggles. In these efforts, two broad kisan united platforms have emerged. They came together, met and formed two new morchas called Rashtriya Kisan Maha Sangh and All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee. The former claimed 60 organisations as their constituents and the latter claimed 170 organisations as their members. Both the Morchas were formed on two agreed demands, a) remunerative price for agricultural products as per the recommendations of the Swaminathan Commission, and b) complete loan waiver – government and private – for all farmers. We discussed this idea in “Bhoomi Adhikar Andolan” and decided to join this movement unitedly. The 34th conference will discuss these new developments and give the proper guidelines.

The AIKS initiated many crop-wise mobilisations during this period and organised conventions and built new struggles. The Jute Convention, Rubber Convention, the Sugarcane Convention, the Vegetable Growers Convention were held and sub-committees formed to build crop-wise broader movements. The conference has to plan to expand this movement for other crops and products. Besides the national and regional or state level struggle, the importance of struggle on local issues are most important for intensive movements which involve more kisans at the grassroots level. So, movements on “local realisable” demands also should be planned properly.

The conference will self-critically discuss the issue of worker-peasant unity which remained a weak area of our activities. Some token attempt was made but many more things are to be done. The Kisan Sabha, Agricultural Union and Trade Unions should join hands on more concrete issues, plan joint movements and build unity among these sections of the people. Besides them, our united action with women, youth and student organisations did not take any shape so far. How to remove this weakness in our activities should also be discussed and proper short- and long-term plans are to be formulated by the conference.

Many more issues, subjects and matters will be taken up by the 34th conference. The policy issues will be analysed in depth, so that political, ideological clarity emerges as a guiding force. The other important task before the conference will be to discuss organisational issues. The fate of all decisions will depend on their implementation and the organisation is the only instrument for that job. Since the last conference, the organisational activities increased manifold. All those experiences would be discussed in order to strengthen the organisation further.

Courtesy: People’s Democracy (http://peoplesdemocracy.in/2017/1001_pd/towards-34th-conference-aiks)

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